THE OLD DUTCHESS OF MARLBOROUGH'S CORRESPONDENCE.

THESE two volumes are divided into three parts. The first con- sists of letters written by or to the celebrated SARAH JENNINGS, Dutchess of Marlborough, from 1705* to 1710; during which time, her influence and favour with Queen ANNE were waning before the obsequious arts of her own relation and creature, Mrs. MASH AM, till at last there was nothing left for SARAH and her husband but to withdraw from court. The second portion contains a selection from some of her already published writings; and consists of characters of her contemporaries, or thoughts upon affairs. Some letters between MARLBOROUGH and GODOLPHIN the Lord Treasurer, during the campaigns in Flanders, with a few complimentary epistles, form the third part. Such portions of the volumes as appear for the first time, are derived from the papers of Archdeacon COXE and are in fact the leavings of his Life of MARLBOROUGH. Except to the minute historical or courtly inquirer, they have little interest ; and, partly from their own nature, partly from the incapacity of the editor, many of the letters will be almost unintelligible to persons unac- quainted with the age. Whether the collection of COXE consisted of originals, or of copies, does not appear; but we should ra- ther think the latter. And some of the epistles are imperfect, some abstracts in the whole or in part, a good many undated, and many more isolated or unconnected—an address without a reply, or an answer without the letter which produced it. In addition to these drawbacks, the proper names were written in cipher, ac- cording to the custom of the age in delicate correspondence, when the post could not always be depended upon; so that the personal allusions are sometimes doubtful.

These faults of form would have been of sine 1 consequence, Lad the letters communicated new information upon any important points, or been distinguished for any characteristic qualities. But they have neither the one merit nor the other. Their pith, and in a political or biographical sense their more striking parts, have been already drawn forth by Coxil•' so that as raw material their value is pretty well exhausted. And even as raw material, they were never more than fragments; valuable as aids to know- ledge and sagacity, when furnished with other data, but as useless by themselves as a few stands of arms towards forming an army.

In the first part of the work, containing what is more imme- diately the correspondence of the Dutchess of MARLBOROUGH, the chief writers are herself, the Duke, MAYNWARING, and Dr. HARE, (a man of sense and ability, with less subserviency than might have been looked for in a clergyman of the time, and whose style is scholarly, though somewhat long-winded). To these names may be added PETERBOROUGH, writing with a viva- city characteristic of the man; HALIFAX, at that time a states- man, and celebrated poet, as well as patron of poets—" pufl"d by every quill," but preserved to posterity by POPE'S picture under the title of Bufo; Queen ANNE, who writes sillily ; and several other lords and ladies, whose letters though utterly devoid of grace, vivacity, or matter, are better in their orthography and grammar than is always the case with noble writers of the period.

Of course it is impossible to read so large a collection of real letters, written by persons of eminence engaged in courts and great affairs, without various points presenting themselves And one of the first is the character of MARLBOROUGH ; who, unless he carried the artful politeness of which CHESTER- FIELD ac cused him into his most private communications, must be allow en to come out well. His avarice is sunk, and only appears a close attention to his private affairs; he pays the most implicit obedience to the humours of his imperious wife ; and one might think his compliments and protestations came from the heart, if he did not mostly couple them with a wish for privacy and retirement. He discovers too, or at least professes, in these letters, what herces rarely display, a sympathy with the mass. He notes the distress of the people occasioned by the long con- tinu ance of the war, and bewails the hardships and sickness of his soldiers. "It grieves my heart to see the sad condition the poor country-people are in for want of bread ; they have not the same countenance they had in other years," is his remark when he had invaded French Flanders. And he notes to his wife how hard it was for the soldiers to stand up to their knees in water in the trenches.

The reader will also feel how little external greatness occupies the minds of those accustomed to it, and how their thoughts and feelings are occupied with domestic and personal matters of an intrinsic kind. The general needlessness of the slave in the Roman triumphs, to bid the victor remember he was a man, is also brought out. MARLBOROUGH Was reminded of his mortality after every victory, by some bodily derangement— violent headaches, or great heat in the blood. "I have" he writes to GODOLPHIN, two days after the battle of Malplaquet, "such an inward heat, that I have noskin upon my lips ; which is * There are some lialtdt nu of an earlier date, but they arc unimportant. very troublesome." Three days later he says—" Ever since the battle, I have had so continual a headache, that I am extremely uneasy ; so that I write as little as possibi." And shortly after- wards, we find him sending for "some Spa: waters, in order to drink them this next week, if I can get time." And the hero's want of literature brings out all his troubles and little objects, • more simply and plainly than if his critical taste had prevented burn from blending together, as he does, in the same paragraph, the greatest and most trivial things. Here is an instance, in a letter to his wife, of many of the points we have alluded to. He had just opened the campaign which was finally to prostrate the power of Louis he Grand—

"Abbey of Looz, lune 24.1709.

me by an officer. I think Lord Feversharn owed three years last Christmas ; but if you send for the Steward, he will show ytu the last acquittance. As for his estate, when I was about it two years ago, everybody thought him unreason- able in his demand ; but if you can have it for a pennyworth, you will do well to buy it. I remember one objection was, that he had ploughed up the meadow ground, so that some years hence it would not yield the same rent. I do by this post send to Lord Treasurer, a copy of the King of France's letter, in which he gives reasons to his people for having refused the agreeing to the prelimina- ries ; so that we may now he sure that we must make this campaign. So that you need not be hasty in sending over the buffet of plate, nor the canopy of state. When you are most at leisure let me know some particular of what you directed when you were last at Woodstock. We have now our army together, and I thank so strongly entrenched that we must turn our thoughts to some operation that God the weather is much better ; the French army is also altogether, and are may oblige them to decamp. The two suites of hangings which were made at Bruxelles by Vanburgh's• measure cost me above eight hundred pounds ; that if possible, they should serve for the rooms they were intended for ; being sure in England there can be none had so good or fine. If Lord Treasurer and Vanhurgh approve of it, you may keep one of the marble blocks, so that the

'Since my last I have had none of yours but one of the 231.1 of May, given

room where you intend your buffet may be well done. I remember on were desirous of having one ; but if you have taken other measures, or altered your mind, you will say nothing, but take it as I mean it, kindly, as I shall do in the whole course of my life, everytLing that I think may he a satisfaction to yon. You nave but to let me know e. hat you wish for, and if it be in my power it will be done ; for as I would be glad to have nothing to do with polities, I would centre all my happiness in your kindness."

The letter announcing the battle of Ramifies, though common- place enough in character, is very amiable, and shows MARLBO- ROUGH in a simple straightforward view. Fully to appreciate his gallantry, it is necessary to remember that he was fifty-six. "Stoollay, May 24th. Ii o'Cloek. 1706, Ramilies.

"I did not tell my dearest soul the design I hail of engaging the enemy, if possible, to a battle, fearing the concern she has for me might make her un- easy ; but I can now give her the satisfaction of letting her know that on Sunday last we fought, and that God Almighty has been pleased to give us a victory. I must leave the particulars to this bearer, Colonel Richards, for having been on horseback all Sunday, and after the battle marching all night, my head aches to that degree, that it is very uneasy to me to write. Poor Bingfield, holding my stirrup for me, and helping me on horseback, was killed. I am told be leaves his wife and mother in a poor condition. I can't write to any of my children, so you will let them know I arn well, and that I desire they will thank God for preserving me ; and pray give my duty to the Queen, and let her know the truth of my heart, that the greatest pleasure I have in this success is, that it may be a great service to her affairs; for I am sincerely sen- sible of all her goodness to me and mine. Pray believe me when I assure you that I love you more than I can express."

Here is the first account of Malplaquet, fought three years

after. He is writing to GODOLPHIN. " September 11th, N. S.1709. " The English post of the 26th is come, but I have not strength to do any thing but of letting you know we have had this day a very murdering battle. God hale blest us with a victory : we lowing first beaten their foot and then their horse. If Holland pleases, it is now in our power to have what peace we please, and I have the happiness of being pretty well assured that this the last battle I shall be in, so that I may end my days in some quietness, and have the satisfaction of your company. "Mr. Graham, this beater, is a very brave man, and one of my aide— . camps : he will give you an account of the action; and I thiak you should give him five hundred pounds."

If it were possible to credit MARLBOROUGH under his own hand, he was very anxious to terminate the war, which every body believes him to have prolonged for his profit. The placa- bility of his temper, and soundness of his judgment, are strongly shown in his advice to his wife upon prosecuting a libeller, and her behaviour to one of her daughters, and other persons with whom she had quarrels. Though at a distance too, and relying upon former observations, he had a much clearer idea of the pre- carious nature of his wife's court favour, and his own positi ,n in the political and Queenly world, than those at home. And if he did not bear his fall with equanimity, he foresaw and predicted its probability from the pinnacle of his glory. The Dutchess of MARLBOROUGH dues not come out equal to her reputation, or to her other works. There is little of her ill- natured shrewdness and vinegar sharpness ; nothing of' her tart vivacity. In her somewhat measured manner, people will scarcely recognize the Atossa of the satirical moralist- " Who with herself, or others, from her birth

Finds all her life one warfare upon earth;

• VANHUncii the architect. Ile built Blenheim, and was employed by MAn L. BOROI.C/I in other places. Both the Duke and Dutchess seem to have had a well grounded notion that lie would exceed his estimate, aud run to large ex- penses: on one occasion the Duke bids her double it. His style OAS picturesque: and, according to Rev notms, he had in his forms " originality of invention, uuderstood light and shadow, and had great skill in composition." His details, however, were in but taste; his style none of the purest ; and the general effect of his buildings, considered by themselves, cumbrous. Hence the sarcastic epitaph, " Lie heavy on him. earth, for he Laid many heavy loads en thee."

He was also a comic writer, often in conjunction with CIIIBLR. Porz ha' characterized him in a line, tlow Van wants grace, who Dever wanted wit."

Oaa111...2.1.12■Or

Shines in exposing itt.AVVII anil pairiting fools, Yet is whate'er she hates and I Mimics ; No thought advisset,, but her giddy brain

Whisks it abont, and down it goes attain.

Full sixty years the world has been her trade, The wiliest fool much time ha4 ever noel:.

From loveless youth to unreeeected a-te, No passion gratified, except her rage So much tlw fury still ()titian tile wit, The Pleasure miss'il her, amel the scandal bit.

Who breaks with her provoke.: revenge from hells

But he's a bolder man who dares be well Her every turn with violeure pursued. Nor more a storm her hate thm To that each passion turn. in soon or 11%,.

Love, if it makes her nvt'., her hate. Superiors? death ! awl euti ds.? wv.at a curse ! But an inferior not dependent ? w ni se. Offend her, and she knows not „.gi" ; Oblige her, and she'll hate yo.,, while von live , But die, and she'll adorg. vs.,a__the„ the hunt' And temple rise—then t sli neain to divt. Last night her lord wart all good and great; A knave this morni'aT, ami his will a cheat. Strange! hy the 'means defeated if the coils, By spirit robb't', of power, by warmth of friends, By wrath of iollowers ! without one distress, Sick of herself through very s_ hiiit Atossa, cursed with envy, granted prAyer. Childless, with all her chiAlen wants UP, heir; To larks unknown deseomls ti' store, Or wanders, Heavenolireeted, to the .1) ,or."

There are other topics we had ti)ted, e specially some in MAYN- WARING'S numerous le,ters to Om llutoliess : but we must pro- ceed to Dr. HARE. This worthy divine aimed at a bishopric through the means of M Ammon() (7GFI and his friends ; but, in spite of this reason for servility, be was on the whole very inde- pendent, bearing in mind the fin-m in which grenness was ad- dressed in that age. On the fidl of the MARLBOROUGHS—that is, the fall at court—he addressed the lluteliess in a long conso- latory letter. The object of it was to act as a sudorific ; and he takes a calm, philosophical view of the Whigs and Tories. Though professing to be only a studious looker-on, lie had looked to some purpose, aud penetrated to the very core of parties. The following passages are substantially as true of the fictions of 1837 as they 'were of the factions of 1710.

THEORETICAL PRINCIPLES 01 WHIGS AND TORIES.

" The Tories espouse such notions of kingly government as, carried to their full height, are utterly destructive of the liberties and properties of the people. Such is the divine and indefeasible tight of princes ; the first of which, when it means a right different from that of the supreme power in other governments, Ins no sense in it; and your other is in the full meaning of the word so fatal in its consequences, that no civilized people have ever thought it reasonable to abide by it, particularly not Englaud ; where, if that principle of indefeasible sight were to take place, we should be all Jacobites, or rather, should all of us long time since have been slaves.

" In point of principles, therefore, the Whip I think have the advantage of the Tories, as much as the good of a whole nation is more valuable than the separate good of the person that governs them, when they shall happen to in- terfere, which, in mixed governments, will sometimea be the case. But then, on the other band, the principle the Whigs espouse is either too general, or they run too much to that set of principles that is peculiar to Governments that are wholly popular. Your liberties and properties of the people are the rule they pretend to govern themselves by, without those limitations and reserves that the mixture of {singly government makes necessary ; and this nukes it the interest of a wise and good prince to encourage those who profess the Tory principles; feeds certain that a man that would be a good subject in a Republic, would not, by virtue of the SallIe principles, be so in a monarchy. Now, that the Whig principles have this fault in them seems evident, from the known opinions of their principal leaders in the late troubles. Ludlow and Ireton, and others of the ablest men, 'tis plain, from Ludlow's memoirs, were downright republicans, and were not so ingty with the persons governing as the form of government ; and if they coull not get rhl of the last, they did not think the other worth contending about.

PRACTICES OF PARTIES....WHIHS OCT AND TORIES IN.

" Now, in virtue of these different principles, the Tories have been always jealous of the increasing of the power of the people, and their entrenching too much upon the prerogative; and, on the other side, the Whigs have set up for patriots, and are always fencing against the encroachments of the Crown, and instead of suffering the power of the prince to get ground upon the people, they Lave been perpetually gaining from the prince. The balance between prince and people is hardly two years together the same, at least since triennial Par. Laments; and the change, that have been made in it are all in favour of the people, to which the alteration of property, which is now in a very great mea- sum devolved to the Commons, has very much contributed. For I believe there is na truer principle in politics than that famous one, that dominion follows prverty, and that those who share most in the real strength of a nation, w;li have the greatest share also in the government; and whatever deviation may be accidentally made from this rule, 'us unnatural, and can't last, and that therefore, whatever party. names prevail in England, the power will alter as the property does; arid Tories, in spite of principles, will be Whigs, and will from time to time be breaking in upon the Crown to get fresh advan- Sages-A° the people.

"I shall not, for a further proof of this, insist that your Habeas Corpus, Treason, and Triennial Acts, are owing to the Tories: chiefly because, it may be said, they did not press their point as 'I' ()lies, but as malecontente. But this I may say, that the good things the Whigs have done, they did likewise out of play, and either not used or laid mile; which brings TUC to consider the next distinction I mentioned, that of old and modern Whigs; or, as before and since the Revolution. Now, to judge how well they acted up to their principles, 'till not enough to consider their principles in themselves, but what things they are opposed to, which I think are these. To the introducing Popery and French power from abroad, and the setting up arbitrary ;novel and persecution at home. Low, before the Revolution, the Whir who acre shut out of the Court, and wete generally Whigs upon principle. and by inheritance did always, so far as I can see, act steadily to these principles; amid 'tis to their immortal honour they struggled so hard for the Exclusion Bill, to the ini,carriage of which we owe all the mischiefs we have felt for more that' went). yeais. But how far thie virtue of theirs was the eff,et of a 'wile tenip,r, that loves alwnrs to thwart a Court, or was owing to the want of temptation, we may guess by what fol- Ilowe''s after the Revolution; which, I think, shows that their rigid and inflex- Om eelfalenying virtue could not bear the sunshine of the Court, but melted away before the warm beams like the manna of the Israelites. As long as men are men, self.interest will have a mighty influence; and if the Wings have escaped the faults the Tories are blemished with, I suspect 'us their good for- tune more than their superior virtue or the power of better principles. 'Twas their happiness to be out of play in thost reigns when the Princes had such corrupt practices to serve: for, as soon as they came into play, they were as errant courtiers as their predecessors. 'Twas their good fortune to serve a Prince who put them under no temptation to favour France, Popery, or perse- cution. In these points, therefore, they were of a piece with their principles;

but as to other matters, which regarded the balance of power between Prince and People, such as the"bills before mentioned, to which I may add the Irish grants, and the management of the revenue, and the partialities of the Dutch, they always, when in, took the side of the Court, aud every bill gained in the last reign was owing, as it commonly is, to the side that at that time was out. I must not forget their usage of the India Company, and the changes of the Lieutenancies and Justices all over the kingdom, which created an odium against them they could not stand; to say nothing of their voluntary associations and other contrivances, made Ilse of for no other eud but to ensnare honest men, and secure a faction for themselves."

After some remarks on standing armies, he proceeds- " lint, to return from this digression, if one takes a view of the two parties. in the last reign, I think there is great reason to suspect that the good laws. that were obtained, were not so much owing to men's being Whigs or Tories. as to their being in or out. When men are out, they have nothing to do but to act the patriot, to spy faults in them that are in, to make themselves popular by iovectives against the Ministry, or by selfalenying motions, in order tube taken off by the prince, or to ingratiate themselves with the people, in order, by a nmajority in Parliament, ro force themselves upon the prince, and to get into the Administration. Those who are out mean, in the first place, to serve them- selves, though by different ways ; some by violent opposition to the Court, the

most common, by way ; others, by saving it, in which they act oftener the honester, though not the more popular part. But even these honest men, 1 believe those who know the matter bust can tell that there are very few, for these eight years past, have served their prince and country well in Parliament, who have not, in one way or other, desired to be paid for it, and have been ready to be malecontents, if they were not. From whence I infer, that principles of palitics have very little influence on men's practice, who are generally determined bv something more weighty than their refined maxima, and pure disinterested notions. This might be shown by innumerable in- stances; but here I must own there is reason to distinguish between old and modern Whigs. There are some few of the first who adhere to their prin- ciples ; but much fewer, I dare say, than they are commonly thought ; but a sinall handful of these who vote for eelf.denying bills. But when one hasgiven theta this praise, what is any government the better for them? What Ministry can deal with such intractable creatures, who are so possessed with notions that are either not practicable, or are not suited to our government? They pique themselves in opposing every thing a Court would have, and all their conversa- tion is one continued libel on their superiors; and they are always affecting popularity, which their estates bear them out by self-denying bills, which I think so far from a commendation to those that in earnest mean them, that, in my poor judg,ment, they may demonstrably be shown to be a reflection on their understanding.

But let these pass, who'bear so small proportion to the body of Whigs. / think the modern Whigs, those grown up since the Revolution, have, in the main, shown themselves as good courtiers as their neighbours, and are for their principles no longer than their principles are for them ; and I believe one may with truth affirm of both sides, that very few of either are so out of prin- ciple ; and were they tube asked what the names mean, could answer very little that had any sense in it, more than siding with such and such partisans, listing under such or such chief leaders.

It is singular, bat significant, that the theoretical Dr. HARE IS the only writer who mentions the people. The practical politicians are too busy about place and party intrigues, and the inclinations of the Queen, to think of such a vulgar interest : a pretty phrase about the honour of the country is their highest flight. We sup- pose it is much the same nowadays. But in one point we have advanced : G000LPHIN tells MARLBOROUGH that it will take two month.: to send the order for a national thanksgiving all over the country.