ANGLO-GERMAN RELATIONS.
LTO VIE EDITOR OF TUE " SPECTATOR:1
Sin.,—One cannot move long in German circles without the question of Anglo-German relations being raised. After reading Prince Billow's first speech and the comments of the Berliner Tageblatt, I tried to explain my standpoint to a German acquaintance. "What good could such a speech possibly do ? It reveals an essential ignorance of the British character, and is merely calculated to embarrass the new Liberal Government, and to close the mouths, of us Germanophils, who, bent as we are upon stopping this wretched Press campaign, are equally resolved not to earn the reputation of Little Englanders or preachers of peace at any price." Two days later I showed him your article on "A Better Under-
standing with Germany." His comment was roughly as follows : "If the writer had aimed at prolonging the Verstinz-
mung which exists between the two nations, he could not have gone better to work than by dictating terms on which England would accept our friendship, and by favouring the Socialist party,—the Vac noire of William II. and his Government." The same day I read a leading article in the Neues Wiener Tagblatt, which maintained that English journals have been preaching for months past Germaniam esse delendam,—the very phrase which the Spectator employed (mutatis mutandis) 'to describe the German attitude towards Britain.
What better example could be adduced of the vicious circle in which such national misunderstandings move ? And what pro- gress can we expect towards better relations so long as each country extols its own purity at the expense of its neighbour's Satanic designs? We are at one in desiring better relations between Germany and Great Britain. The question remains whether this cause is likely to be furthered by strictures on the present German Government. It may or it may uot be desirable that the ideals advocated by Herr Betel should gain in political influence ; but if we make advances to a politically barren party like Social Democracy, we need not expect much sympathy or cordiality from Prince Billow or the powers that be. They might indeed reflect upon the inconsistency of those who repelled the advances of Berlin in order to preach alliance with a still autocratic Petersburg. The real remedy is very simple. When we advertise the integrity of British aims we may sin against good taste, but at least do no further harm. But unless we are to exclude from matters of foreign policy the rules of conduct binding in polite society, we must surely credit the German Government with a similar honesty of purpose. And yet one of our leading reviews calmly repeats charges against Prince Billow in the face of explicit denials, and seriously asserts that President Roosevelt's message to William II. was a practical joke ! Almost fifty years ago Bismarck wrote as follows :—" So far as foreign countries are concerned, England and its inhabitants alone have won ray sympathy, and I am not yet free from it ; but the people will not let themselves be loved. England grudges us every chance of maritime development, whether mercantile or naval, and is jealous of our industries." These words of his great forerunner might with perfect truth be put in the mouth of the present German Chancellor.
As ever, there have been mistakes on both sides. So far as Morocco is concerned, Germany's fault lies in her silence at tho time of the Anglo-French Agreement and in her "afterthought policy" of last spring, when the Russian defeat at Mukden tempted her to exercise pressure, on lines which Prince Billow had repudiated a year before. But that Germany's intervention in Morocco was in all circumstances unjustifiable and aggres- sive is surely an untenable position. As one of the signatories of the Madrid Conference, Germany has as much right to be consulted as any other Power ; and to treat Abd-ul-Aziz as an independent Sovereign is no more than his duo. A statistical comparison of Germany's interests in Morocco with those of other Powers is quite irrelevant. The question is whether she has or has not interests there. No one can deny that she has, and it is for her, not for us, to decide what stops are worth taking to defend them. If we had as large and rapidly growing a population as Germany, and as striking a lack of Colonial outlets for it, we too should watch with jealous alarm any process by which "the territories still open to free competition (die noch freien Gebiele in der Welt) were further reduced in extent." In short, German methods of procedure show a sad lack of perception for the fine sensibilities of our French neigh- bours, and for the somewhat haughty British " common- sense." But, on the other hand, the endless talk of the past two months has had one good effect. Prince Billow has officially declared in the Reichstag that Germany desires "no territorial acquisition" in Morocco. In demanding "consideration for our political relations to Morocco as an independent State, considera- tion for our equal economic rights in Morocco," he merely asks what France has virtually conceded by consenting to the Algeciras Conference, and what is not incompatible with her paramount interests onthe Algerian frontier. Germany, then, stands committed to a policy of peace, for war would be more folly so long as she refrains from territorial ambitions.
As to the German Government's alleged hostility towards Great Britain, we cannot ignore the words used by Prince Billow in the Reichstag on December 14th. "It is untrue," he said. "that we ever had aggressive designs against England; it is untrue that the German naval armaments have the slightest aggressive character against England," &c. Nothing could be more em- phatic than this, and if we refuse to meet him half-way, we place ourselves hopelessly in the wrong. Surely we can be friendly without being gulled ; surely being watchful and efficient does not involve being offensive.
Our foreign policy, to be successful, must be continuous ; but it must also be progressive ; when it ceases to advance, it is already beginning to lose ground. The Japanese Alliance and the entente cordiale, brilliant achievements as they are, are not enough; they must be supplemented by an understanding with Germany. Last September I ventured to urge that this was a necessary sequel to the entente with France ; and the Media revelations a month later only served to show the dangers to European peace which Anglo-German rivalry involves. Now that Russia is weakened by internal troubles, Anglo-German relations form the pivot of the European situation. Morocco alone presents dangers enough ; but at a time when the whole Turkish question may be raised at any moment in an acute form, and when the political outlook in Austria-Hungary is still so uncertain, it is more essential than ever that Great Britain and Germany should go hand-in-hand.
To those who doubt the Kaiser's love of peace, I would merely point to his action during the Boer War. Never was there a more favourable moment for a hostile coalition led by Germany ; yet so far from yielding to Pan-German suggestions, William II. braved intense unpopularity at home by refusing to receive the Boer leaders. Nor have we a shadow of proof that he intends to take advantage of Russia's weakness for aggressive action against France. If he shows any sign of this intention, we shall know how to act, and we are, it is to be hoped, ready for action. Till then, common decency forbids us to credit him with unworthy motives, which are rendered improbable by the whole history of his reign.
Vienna.
[We have every desire to live on good terms with Germany, but our able correspondent does not seem to us to throw any light upon how we are to obtain a guarantee that Germany will not once more endanger the peace of the whole world by menaces such as she employed against France last summer. The obtaining of such a guarantee is the crux of the whole ques- tion. Again, we canfint assent to the view that we must not sympathise with Liberal ideas and statesmen of Liberal prin- ciples in Germany because the German Government dislike them. Surely the Social Democrats do not cease to be Germans because they follow Herr Bebel. It seems to us, also, that the fact that the German Government at the last moment refrained from attacking France was due to our maintaining a watchful attitude towards Germany. Had the German Government felt sure that we were their friends in any case, and that there was no risk of incurring our enmity, is it not highly probable that they would have seized so favourable an opportunity for ridding themselves of all further anxiety on their Western borders ? The pressing danger of Europe at this moment is an irresponsible and uncontrolled Germany. But Germany will be less, not more, amenable to control if we fling ourselves at her head and vow eternal friendship. While Russia is politically a negligible quantity Britain must supply the weight required to keep Europe in equilibrium, and therefore at peace.—En. Spectator.]
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