POLITICS

Mr Clarke not only plans to prevent crime, but to prevent criminals too

SIMON HEFFER

Five or six years ago I was buttonholed in the Commons' Lobby by an irate Tory MP, neither a hanger nor a flogger, on the matter of law and order. 'Douglas has gone too far this time,' he said, castigating the then Home Secretary. 'It's all very well telling the courts not to send people to prison. But what does he imagine my con- stituents think of that? He doesn't have to live on one of my council estates.'

The occasion of his wrath was an obser- vation by Mr Hurd that, to try to reduce the prison population, some crimes that had hitherto merited custodial sentences would in future be dealt with 'in the community'.

The distinction would be drawn between crimes against the person (which would still provoke a prison term) and crimes against property (which would not). This, too, inflamed the Tory MP. 'Doesn't he under- stand that most of my old ladies would much rather have a bop on the head than have their photo frames pinched?'

The folly of this keep-them-out-at-all- costs policy was soon recognised, but is only now being reversed. Mr Kenneth Baker, the last Home Secretary, souped up the prison building programme precisely because of reactions such as those outlined above. Long before he became famous for preaching the doctrines of hellfire in the

columns of The Spectator, Mr John Patten,

then Mr Baker's deputy, was banging on in the House of Commons about the need to tackle human wickedness and protect the innocent from it. The civil servants, their instinctive liberalism offended by such min- isterial attitudes, tried to resist.

Even they, though, could not ignore the crime figures. Larceny, and in particular theft from and of motor vehicles, increased exponentially in the late 1980s. Lager loutism (another coinage of Mr Patten's) remained rampant. These days Mr Hurd is the nearest thing to a saint we have in Gov- ernment. It has become no more accept- able to pillory him in polite society than it would be to upbraid the Queen Mother. It is at his door, however, that many current crime and policing problems must be laid.

Mr Baker, with a less charmed career to try to salvage, tried to repair the damage.

He was aware that putting the main group of offenders — youths aged between 12 and 17 — into young offender institutions was an unsuitable way to reform them and set them on a life of rectitude. Such institu- tions are for serious criminals too young to go to prison. Because of their clientele, they are wrong for the mass of redeemable youngsters. Mr Baker realised nonetheless that the redeemable were not responding to treatment 'in the community'. They had to be taken off the streets too, to protect the public and make policing easier. What exactly to do with them, though, was a problem. Before long, Mr Baker hit on something that resembled a cross between the Outward Bound movement and the old-style approved school.

Why not invent such institutions, he asked his civil servants, where yobs can be detained, but not detained solely to meet other yobs from whom they can learn more refined techniques of criminality? Why not detain them in a disciplined regime that (rather like the traditional English public school) would have all the marks of a school, and only a few of those of a prison?

The civil servants swallowed hard. They could not tell the Home Secretary to chuck it, so they did the next best thing; they took ages looking into the possibilities Mr Baker had raised. This tided them over until that happy time when the proximity of the elec- tion made radical moves impossible.

Those same civil servants have just, how- ever, had a shock. Mr Clarke, the suppos- edly centre-left Tory whom they have just welcomed as their new master, wants to try approved schools too. In less than two months in his job he has already taken on the police, so his officials know he is not to be trifled with. He is making it clear that he shares Mr Baker's views about the poten- tial of these institutions for reform, and for the prevention not just of crime, but of criminals. As he and his officials are aware, he now has four years in which to achieve the result Mr Baker could not.

Mr Clarke is said to be unconvinced that so-called community punishments are working. He also remembers the failure of the 'short, sharp shock', which was certainly short, but not very sharp and certainly not a shock. The concept of the Reform School would be broader, and more constructive. The word is, too, that the civil service might not be united in hostility to this possible initiative. The Permanent Secretary, Sir Clive Whitmore, is a hard man, and behind his master. Sir Clive may, though, have to bang together the heads of his juniors before all hearts and minds are won. There would be no political problem.

The voters would cheer at the prospect of large-scale yob-removal operations, and it is hard to think of a Tory MP who would be against it. Mr Clarke is one of the Govern- ment's best salesmen. One can rest assured that his presentational skills would be more than equal to any scepticism. He will find this quality most entrenched (notwithstand- ing whatever Sir Clive can do) among his own civil servants. Even if he can override them on doctrine, they will still raise the spectre of practicability. There will certain- ly be funding difficulties. Much of the land and buildings of the old approved schools, phased out in the 1970s, has been sold.

However, the wind-down in our defence capability means that many well-equipped military bases are lying empty all over Britain. Moreover, there is no shortage of prematurely retired colour sergeants, instructors, military tradesmen and Educa- tion Corps staff, all of whom would no doubt relish the opportunity to make a new career in the public service. They would, as the Home Office is already well aware, be ideally equipped to do so.

Mr Clarke's desire to reform the police can only be discharged with the Force's co- operation. That will only happen if the Force is convinced the Government is doing all it can to help them. Mr Clarke accepts this. He knows that the attritional approach he adopted towards the teachers, doctors and ambulancemen in earlier incar- nations may not be wise here.

To help the police, he is committed to tightening up the granting of bail. The

police have told him that in many areas 15

per cent of crime is committed by people on bail. This creates a mountain of unnec- essary work for them. The Government agrees. Bringing in approved schools would further placate the police. It would help rid the streets of many in the social group that causes the police the most trouble. The goodwill this secures from the force ought to enable Mr Clarke to enlist the police constructively in his reform programme.

Mr Clarke knows the public wants crime not just to be soived, but prevented. He knows they, like the police, are cynical about 'community' treatments. He is cyni- cal too. Approved schools might just keep everybody happy. All that stands in the way of their return is not feasibility, but political will.