Disarmament
DisAinfAmENT negotiations often seem little more than special episodes in the game of propaganda: proposals are made that could never be implemented, debating points instead of arguments are used in discussions, and both Ea.st and West display blatant cynicism in shrilly Condeinning the resumption of tests by the other, while preparing to follow suit. But there are par- ticular reasons why this week's proposals from the United States and Britain should be wel- comed. The Geneva talks have struggled un- successfully for five months, and there might OtherWise seem precious little reason for resuming diem in November if neither side seemed to
Moreover, the Western proposals show a distinct reasonableness: though the major and preferable proposal insists on inspection, which ItUssia continually dismisses as 'espionage,' the second draft presented at Geneva—banning abOve-ground and underwater testing—does not carry this qualification. It does not even include the recent Italian proposal for an international nibisitOring system. The Russian delegate at Geneva, Mr. Kuznetsov, has rejected this second treatY as legalising underground tests: this is clearly not so, for there is no question of any tests being legal or illegal. The problem is, as President Kennedy and Mr. Macmillan said in their joint statement, one of 'freeing mankind from the dangers and fear of radioactive fall- out.' The Western proposals are welcome most of all because they force Russia to show her sin- cerity Or lack of it in the Geneva talks, and for thTh reason some such plea should have been tabled long ago, and not one week before the recess. As complete a ban as the West would like is impossible, while Russia rejects inspec- tion: but this week Russia was given a very wide choice. Mr. Kuznetsov hastily dismissed both alternatives. Unless he produces something more constructive than his reported suggestion of a ban on testing after November 1, the USSR will deserve the world disapproval it may get.
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