SOCIALISM The History of the Fabian Society. By E. R.
Pease. (London. The Fabian Society and Allen and Unwin. New Edition. 6s. net.)
Tan study of Socialism by Mr. Hurd in the handy " West-
minster Library " is an outspoken criticism and record of expe- riments up to date. Besides dealing generally with- the encroachments of State action upon private enterprise, he
gives Chapters to particular spheres such as the land, banking, mines, shipping and railways. Except for the disastrous venture of the United States in shipping and the Australasian experiments in railways, mines and ships, it is a European stow,- culminating in Russia ; a forcible statement, honestly coved from facts, which should be useful for speakers or any whose ideas of what nationalization means are hazy. It is, however, a mistake to invite contradiction by one sweeping statement which needs qualification : " No Socialist can point to any State-trading enterprise in any country which has benefited producers or consumers " ; and it does not show very clear thinking to applaud measures of social reform and, for example, the State system of education from "the elementary school _to the University, and proudly claim that " the capi- talization system created it." Socialists must admit that capitalism has been able to pay the cost, but would claim that
the principle redounded to the credit of their theories. Perhaps we should have written more enthusiastically of Mr. Hurd's book if we had not also been reading Dr.-Shadwell's. His two small volumes are really admirable. He packs into them the history and philosophy of a century of Socialism,
judicially set out as only is master of his subject could, and we recommend them to all serious students- of European move- ments. His first volume deals with- the period, 1824-1914, and his second takes us through the War to the present day. He starts from the year 1824, because it-saw the foundation of
the-London Co-operative Society, a definite Socialist organize- tion- ,,the foundation of New Hannopy, in. America ; the pub-. licitikift*"' of Thompson's Inquiry into The Principles of the Distri- :of Wealth which founded the economic theory of
So lism (from Thompson-as well as from Sismondi Marx took many arguments) ; it incidentally saw the repeal of the Combination Acts, by no means an essentially Socialistic step. In the same year the Saint-Simonian school was founded in France. Dr. Shadwell gives us illuminating sketches of the early preachers, whose doctrine was " peaceful, non-compuh gory. ,benevolent and constructive." , This fairly describes the British and even the French idealists of the first phase. Their Socialism was based on voluntary co-operation and had
no taint of itatisme. Even a French Socialist of 1923, Des- linieres, compares the old Socialism fraternal, full of love and inspiring love, with the execrated and destructive doctrines
which Marxism based on hatred ! Of the-prophets of those days Owen was the most superficial in thought, as he was the most enthusiastic-in action. Yet his contribution to Socialist theories is one that obsesses the modern political Socialist. He believed that reform could be so imposed from above that human nature could be changed with a changed " system."
The second phase rose with the revolutionary period around 1848 and brings Marx to the fore. Its centre was in Germany, where it led up to the foundation of the Social Democratic Party-,in 1863. Internationalism was a new aim, but Germany dominated it and Jews had the chief influence It was anti- Christian, destructive and bitter, in each quality the antithesis of the first phase. It was based on materialism and force, Lassalle, Liebknecht, Revisionists and all gave way before the
fierce, unscrupulous Marx, whose pronouncements were read, though his books were too long and heavy for popular reading. No critical reader could for long keep patience with these books, hecause so much of the argument rests on premises or reaches deductions which have been demon- strated to be false. For instance, the iron lavini' progressiVely increasing misery is contrary to experience throughout Europe, where both population and wealth have increased, distribution of wealth is more general, and the results of one invention after another. have increased for the pool comforts and faCilities in innumerable directions. This progress was universal through Europe until Russia adopted other Marxian doctrines and misery there increased. The practical danger of the theory of increasing misery is that its holders are tempted to avoid any social reform that disproves their belief. The dilemma must have become clearer to many in England since the Scarborough and Liverpool congresses. No wonder the movement has been marked by acute internal differences. Another axiom was that the gulf between two classes, the exploiters and exploited, must widen. That has been proved false. With this goes the theory of the concentration of capital. It is true that manage- ment tends to concentrate in big businesses for economy and efficiency, but their capital is more and more diffused. Simi- laiiy the materialist Marxian interpretation of history is in confusion. Civilization has delivered humanity from a form of communism by painful struggles. Marx argued that private property was unknown to primitive man, but-class antagonism has led to each change in man's history ; the next change is to be towards communism and the abolition of " daises." But how did the first class antagonismI arise out of communism ? If the world throws over its centuries of progress and reverts to communism, will new class antagonisms arise ? Will the world merely go back to the starting point in a new and painful era in which communism will again be overthrown ? Again Marx vitiated the argument of surplus value and of labour being the sole source and measure of value by admitting that nothing can be " a value " without being an object of utility. Of course, utility is always a greater factor than labour in value, however often labour controls price.
. The War swept international Socialism aside, proving that distinctions of class have no weight against distinctions of nationality, lint Dr. Shadwell in his second volume gives a clear account of the " Internationals " that clung to some existence or have since arisen. He proceeds to give the story of Bolshevism and Moscow's grip on the Internationals. It is a deadly scrutiny of ruthless doctrinaire lust of tyranny, to attain which cruelty where physical power exists and cunning among dupes abroad are combined in a degree never known before. ' Dr. Shadwell does not deal with bloodshed, but with doctrines, and we know of no such clear account of the mental forces at work. We can only ask that it may be widely read. Yet it is not a gloomy book, 'for Dr. Shadwell, like others who know the wage-earners through really intimate study, sees that we are an aggregate of individuals, and he trusts-the indi- vidual Briton. The mass of ilheducated, always repressed Russians may be speechless under any ruler, Tsars or usurpers in. the people's name. Not so the British, who had a mild lesson of Governmental control of their lives under War-time militarism and will not invite it in peace time, though they may not realize the advance of real wealth and its distribution under freedom as described in' these books. Dr. Shadwell believes it futile to try to change human nature or the, world by changing mechanisms of government or political systems. He says, " Seek ye first the Kingdom of God- and all these things shall be added unto you."
To calm those who shrink from " red " threats the Fabian Society has published a new edition, with slight additions' , of Mr. Pease's standard history of itself which is already widely known.
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