THE MAGAZINES.
THE shadow of the General Election is over the magazines,
and on all sides there are attempts to explain its meaning and emphasize its leading incidents. In the Nineteenth Century, Dr. Guinness Rogers tries to answer the question "What does it all mean F" It is not a very informing paper. He is specially angry with the Unionists in general for calling their opponents Separatists, and with Mr. Cliamberlain in particular for speaking of Glasgow joining Birmingham "in defence of the Empire." This is, he says, bunkum, and he asserts that the Home-rulers are "as loyal to the Empire as the most decided Unionist of them all." No doubt they are in theory, but should that prevent the Unionists describing their opponents not in the language which befits their theories, but in that which matches their actions ? If you see a man setting fire to a house you call him an incendiary. You do not hesitate to let the neighbours know the fact because you happen to be aware that he has a theory that the best way of keeping a house warm and in good repair, is to set it alight and let it burn slowly, content with the belief that the dames can always be smothered if they appear really dangerous. When we see the Gladstonians first drenching the wood- work with paraffin, and then just about to apply the torch, we are not going to be prevented calling "Fire," for fear of wounding the feelings of Dr. Guinness Rogers and his fellow theorists in the uses of conflagration as a repairing agent. The best thing in Dr. Guinness Rogers' paper is the following douche of cold comfort bestowed on the extreme wing of the Home-rule party :—
" The plain fact is that one consequence of the Unionist schism was to change the centre of gravity in the Liberal party. The withdrawal of men of influence and of statesmanlike qualities threw the balance on to the side of those of more extreme opinions. The old ship had to make a difficult and dangerous voyage without an adequate supply of ballast. Far be it from me to indulge in unjust or disparaging reflections upon men whose passionate zeal, even on behalf of views which I regard as ex- treme and unwise, is still an element of strength in the army of progress. There must be room in a truly Liberal party for great diversity of opinions. But it is one thing to exercise tolerance even in relation to extremists and faddists, and another and very different one to install them in the position of leaders, or allow them to dictate policy. But it is to this danger that Liberals have been exposed during the last two or three years, and, in my judgment, it has been the chief cause of the calamity by which they have now been overtaken. Resolutions have been eagerly adopted by gatherings of ardent enthusiasts, and, the more advanced they were, the stronger the excitement awakened on their behalf. Under the spell of oratory and the inspiration of genercus sentiment, men were led to regard no counsel as too extravagant and no hope as too sanguine. All that was necessary to do was to lay out a scheme of Reform, and to shout in its favour, regardless as to any question of expediency, even as to the time for the introduction of its separate measures. The wise counsel of Mr. Bright not to try and run half-a-dozen omnibuses through Temple Bar at the same time was cast to the winds. It was assumed that the country was Radical to the core, and that the one thing necessary to success was to present to it a pro- gramme sufficiently Radical."
The two articles on "New British Markets" are interest- ing. Mr. Holt S. Hallett describes how we may tap the trade of the great Chinese province of Yunan through Burmah. His project is to make a railway to Ssumao, which lies on the east of the Mekong, and through that portion of the Shan States which lies on the left bank of that river. It is needless to say that this project would have to be abandoned if we were to allow the French to take possession of the whole of the east bank of the Mekong, as they propose doing in their recent treaty with China. The other British market is Tibet. Mr. C. E. D. Black describes how the Indian Government has a great opportunity for encouraging trade if they will only insist on the carrying out of the Sikim-Tibet convention. The most important article in the National Review is Admiral Maxse's paper on "Fraternal France." The writer, as is well known, is a strong friend of France, and admirer of the French, but he does not hesitate to tell the French how great a mistake they are making in their attacks on England. Ten years ago it would have been extremely difficult to find any body of responsible Englishmen who would tolerate the notion of England joining the Triple Alliance. Now it would be as difficult to find Englishmen who do not regard the matter as a perfectly open question, and who do not indeed incline towards the Quadruple Alliance as the line of safety. Englishmen are not anxious for that alliance, because they are not yet actually hostile to France. If, however, those responsible for the conduct of our foreign affairs were to tell the country to-morrow that the step was a necessary one, public opinion would, we believe, accept the decision without protest. Admiral Maxse points out that French statesmen do not really want to quarrel with England, though they have been foolish enough to play at the game of Briton-baiting:— " Now, I am convinced that neither Monsieur Ribot nor Mon- sieur Hanotaux has the smallest desire to embark on a war with England; but something more than a theoretical amiability is necessary on their part to preserve the peace. We have perhaps given way so often that it may be difficult for the French Govern- ment to imagine we can resent anything. The only question upon which we have made any stand at all has been in regard to Egypt. We have so far declined the French notice to quit, but we have been much too tolerant of the conspiracy against our authority there which French officials have encouraged. They have even gone so far as to set the youthful Viceroy against us. It is certain that if the English or the Italians had conspired in a similar manner against French authority in Tunis, they would have been treated in a very summary manner, and properly so. Monsieurs Ribot and Hanotaux are in a position to prove their desire for peace. Let them adopt a friendly tone towards England upon the questions which divide us, and they will find prompt recipro- city, while at the same time an immense anxiety will be removed from the minds of all of us. There is after all a limit to British patience under affront. A new Government has come into power which is strong and popular. It is a National Government and has no Little England' party to prey upon its vitals. The 'scuttle' policy will certainly be abandoned. The present Government will make every possible concession in order to preserve peace, for there is no War party in this country. It may gratify Little Englanders to stigmatise Patriotism as Jingoism, and the sense of a Great Power's responsibilities and the determination to maintain them as "aggression": there is nothing like spite in politics to derange the meaning of language ; such verbal jugglery will not impair the quality of noble senti- ments. Patriotism and British Dominion will continue to be factors in human progress. An Empire in India which secures peace and prosperity to 120 autonomous states is no bad tribute
to the value of the British Dominion in one part of the world. We intend to maintain it there, as elsewhere, while at the same time we recognise that other great nations have their mission to fulfil. Our policy with France is peace, but not peace upon the terms of inflicted defeat such as a conqueror may impose."
Admiral Mane adds in a note a personal experience which is well worth quoting :— " Monsieur Ribot does not realise, neither do his countrymen, that a number of English people, who are not in the least aggressive, have become convinced that war is almost unavoidable between France and England. A French gentleman who has been in London on a visit during the last month—one of those Frenchmen whom we delight in—an informed Frenchman— expressed his astonishment to a friend of mine that he found so many Englishmen convinced that a war with his country was inevitable. But why F' be said. We are not thinking of any such thing in France.' 'We can only judge by your conduct to us regarding Egypt and upon other questions, and by your abuse of us in the Press." The Press ! ' he exclaimed, 'why no serious person in Paris heeds it.' That is probably so, but Paris is not chiefly inhabited by 'serious' persons. They have generally had to stand aside during catastrophes. Our friend forgets also that French Ministers are afraid of the Press. I shall say something farther on of the terrible Paris press."
Admiral Masse finishes his article by quotations from the French Press, to show the sort of things which are said about as by our neighbours. As he truly says of the French people, "they are no longer priest-ridden, but they are Press-ridden."—Captain Lugard's article on "Routes in Africa" is sound and informing, like all his writing. He shows that Mr. Scott-Elliott's plan for reaching Uganda by a mixed river, lake, and rail route, through Nyassaland, is a dream, and that the only practical thing is to go ahead with the Mombassa railway. Clearly this is so, if only because it will enable us to have a big flotilla on the great lakes and the Upper Nile. It is not mach of a steamer that can be carried in sections on men's heads.—The " Episodes of the Month" contain an interesting experiment in Cabinet-making. As an answer to the charge that the House of Lords is nothing but a gathering of plutocratic incapablea, the editor shows how two Unionist Administrations, each respectable in talent, and composed of trustworthy and experienced men, could be formed exclusively from the Peers, even without the Peers who are in the present Government. The lists are decidedly interesting, and we doubt if as good Cabinets could have been formed exclusively of Gladstonian Commoners if the Members of the late Government were barred. No; whatever else it is, the House of Lords is not a body devoid of men of :ight and leading.
The Contemporary contains a most important article from the pen of Dr. Dillon, who has examined "The Condition of Armenia" on the spot. He pleads ably and earnestly that England should take a more decided line. England, he says, must treat the Armenian question on the basis "either of pure politics or of pure benevolence. We cannot do both." In the following passage Dr. Dillon summarises the drift of Turkish policy in Armenia :— "Turkey's real sway in Armenia dates from the year 1847, when Osman Pasha gave the final coup de grike to the secular power of the Koordish Derebeks in the five south-eastern provinces (Van, Bitlis, Moush, Bayazed, and Diarbekir). During that long spell of nearly fifty years, we can clearly distinguish two periods : one of shameful misgovernment (1847-1891), and the other (1892-1894) of frank extermination. Suasion or remonstrance may do much to remedy the abuses that flow from the former system ; force alone can achieve anything against the latter. And in this sense Lord Salisbury's recently expressed view of the matter is abso- lutely correct. In the year 1891 the Sublime Porte fearing serious dangers from the promised introduction of reforms into Armenia, and from the anticipated hostility in war-time of the Christians living in provinces bordering upon Russia, resolved to kill two birds with one stone, and created the so-called Hamidieh cavalry, composed exclusively of Koords. It was an application of the principle, on which rebels and rioters throw open the prison doors and invite convicts to rob and kill the members of the upper classes. The plan as propounded by some of the highest officials of the Empire was that the Armenians were to be driven out of the border lands, such as Alashkerd, their places to be taken by Mohammedans, that their numbers in all the five provinces were to be so considerably reduced that the need of special reforms for them should pass away, and that in case of war the Koords should act as a counterweight to the Cossacks. This plain policy of extermination has been faithfully carried out and considerably extended from that day to this, and unless speedily arrested, will undoubtedly lead to a final solution of the Armenian problem. But a solution which will disgrace Christianity and laugh civilisation to scorn. The enlisted Koords were left in their native places, exempted from service, supplied with arms, invested with the inviolability of Ambassadors, and paid with the regularity characteristic of the Sublime Porte. And they fulfilled their mission with scrupulous exactness : robbing rich Armenians,
looting houses, burning corn and hay, raiding villages, lifting cattle, raping young girls of tender age, dishonouring married women, driving away entire populations, and killing all who were manly or mad enough to attempt to resist. Armenians are now among the poorest and most wretched people, on the globe. Perhaps the Turkish authorities did not foresee, nor Turkish justice approve, these results ? The authorities not only expected them, but aided and abetted, incited and rewarded those who actually committed them; and whenever an Armenian dared to complain, not only was he not listened to by the officials whom he paid to protect him, but he was thrown into a fetid prison and tortured and outraged in strange and horrible ways for his pre- sumption and insolence. The massacre of Sassoun itself is now proved to have been the deliberate deed of the representatives of the Sublime Porte, carefully planned and unflinchingly exe- cuted in spite of the squeamishness of Koordish brigands and the fitful gleams of human nature that occasionally made themselves felt in the hearts even of Turkish soldiers."
Dr. Dillon goes on to show in detail, by a series of well- attested oases, what is the meaning of the policy of extermina- tion. We will not attempt to quote any of these oases, because to do so might prevent some of our readers going to the article itself. We sincerely trust that they will not omit to do so. It is horrible reading, but it is right that men should know what is going on in Armenia,—going on, that is, at this very moment, for the atrocities are by no means over. But though we will not quote special instances, we will extract the fol- lowing summary as to the outrages on women :— " Rape, violation, outrages that have no name, and whose authors should have no mercy, are become the commonplaces of daily life in Armenia. And the Turkish ' gentleman ' smiles approval. I have myself collected over three hundred of these cases, and I have heard of countless others. In 1893 the Harnidieh soldiers entered the house of Khoomar (village of Torten), ordered couches to be prepared for them, and then had the young women of the house brought, and delivered up to their foul lusts. In Baiboord, between Erzeroum and Trebizond, the Imperial soldiers ravished Penedo, daughter of Heyerape, and then forced her to become a Mohammedan. In Dooman (Sandjak of Khnooss) Khalo and his comrades seized the young daughter of the Armenian priest, raped her in turn, and forced her to profess the Moham- medan faith. In the same village Mootafee raped Vero, daughter of Shebo, and compelled her to become a Mohammedan. In Torten a young girl, Dilbar, daughter of Asso, was raped by two Koords. Complaint was made to the Turkish authorities, but in vain. A few days later the Turks themselves, five in number, raped tire other young girls, Toolerand and Yaghood. Mardiross Yengoyan, of the village of Badivegan, was compelled to give up his twelve horses, then to entertain three Koords, and lastly, to deliver up his wife for them to dishonour. Last year a young girl named Mariam, daughter of Solomon, of the village of Kortaz, was raped by Khalo, who carried her off, and forced her to embrace Islam."
And so on, and so on,—page after page. There is only one bright spot in the article. It is the last paragraph :— "Such are the things for which we are morally responsible; and in spite of the circumstance that the late Liberal Government was in possession of these and analogous facts, Lord Kimberley found it impossible to have them remedied and nnadvisable to have them published. There is fortunately good reason to believe that Lord Salisbury, who alone among English statesmen seems accurately to gauge all the difficulties of this thorny question, will find efficacious means of putting a sudden and a speedy end to the Armenian Pandemonium."
This seems to show that Dr. Dillon has reason to believe that Lord Salisbury is going to take firm action on the Armenian question.
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