THE REPORT OF THE NATIONAL LIBERAL FEDERATION.
THE real interest of the great political picnic which began at Newcastle on Friday, centres in Mr. Glad- stone's speech. Till he has spoken, no one can tell in what particular channel the main stream of Gladstonianism will be directed. Since, however, we shall not be able to com- ment on his utterances till next week, it may be worth while to say something about the Report issued by the National Liberal Federation,—a document which, though bearing traces of having been concocted in the offices of a clique of political wire-pullers, is nevertheless the official pro- nouncement of the attitude of the party in regard to the various items of the Liberal programme. The astute managers who compiled this " foxy " document, while definitely committing themselves as little as possible, evidently proceeded on the plan of following the line of least resistance wherever it might lead them. They have watched, no doubt, with the utmost care the expressions of floating opinion, and they have caught and placed in their programme those items which created least internal friction and opposition. Far be it from us to blame them for doing this. In all probability, this " skimming " from the political pond of anything that rises easily to the surface, is a function which it is necessary that some one in a party should perform, and, at any rate, the " product " is ex- tremely interesting, and well worth investigation. The opinions expressed in the Report are, in fact, what the party wire-pullers believe will and ought to prove the fashionable opinions among Gla.dstonians during the coming political year. Without question, then, they are worth considering. Like enterprising tradesmen, how- ever, the National Liberal Federation not only try to find out what sort of changes their public desire, but also aspire, when once they have fixed on a particular policy, to give a "lead" in regard to it to the party as a whole. They try, in fact, first to find out what is likely to prove a popular fashion, and then to set it.
In no instance is this more marked than in that portion of the Report which deals with the Labour candidates. The Report here has to please both the working men who want Labour Members, and the rich middle and upper-class politicians who supply the organi- sation with money, and who want to keep as many seats as possible free to the possessors of long purses. Under these circumstances, the " lead " on Labour representation was a very difficult one to give ; but it must be pronounced to have been given with a wonderful amount of what the Scotch would call pawkiness. After mentioning how glad the Federation always is to support Labour candidates, and enumerating the new Labour candidates who are coming forward at the General Election in the Gladstonian interest, the Report gives the following backhander to the Labour party :—" The Committee regrets to observe that in one or two constituencies, so-called Labour candidates have been adopted in opposition to well-known and tried Liberal Members. Such a policy if persisted in can result in nothing but disaster. It will alienate loyal members of the Liberal Party, and will greatly retard the return of genuine representatives of Labour. Nor can it be over- looked that in all these cases opposition is directed against Liberal Members, and in no single case against a Tory." This passage is made, indeed, the excuse for a sort of general disquisition upon how unreasonable it is to suppose that there can be a flood of Labour Members let loose upon Parliament. That may be very right and proper in theory, but there is a reason in practice against it. What that reason is, few of our readers will, we should think, be able to guess. Strange to say, it is the existence of the House of Lords and of an Established Church which forbids the Federation to .encourage Labour representation in the way it would like. The process by which this remarkable conclusion is reached is worth examining in detail. "The return of a large number of Labour representatives to the Legislature of New South Wales has," says the Report, "afforded encouragement to the advocates of a Labour party inde- pendent of all political combinations. It is forgotten that the circumstances of the Colonies and of the United King- dom are widely different. In the former, many of the great questions which divide parties at home have no existence. There is no hereditary House of Lords, no privileged Church ; there is an unrestricted franchise. In the United Kingdom, however, these and other burning questions have yet to be solved ; they create dividing-lines in the whole community, from the Peer to the peasant ; and so long as they remain unsettled, a Labour party independent of party considerations cannot assume any real magnitude." We must really congratulate the National Liberal Federation upon the way in which they get out of the difficulty caused by their not running more Labour candi- dates. That they cannot, is due to the existence of the Lords and the Church. But the existence of the Lords and the Church is the fault of the Tories. Ergo, that the National Liberal Federation does not support more Labour candidates is the fault of the Tories. Who can help admiring the logic of the Federation ? They have evidently taken to heart Lord Westbury's maxim :—" Never make a mistake in logic. That is sure to be found out. The facts remain at your disposal." Facts must be very much at the disposal of those who represent the Lords and the Church preventing the Federation encouraging Labour candidates. Before leaving Labour representa- tion, however, the Committee evidently thought it neces- sary to add a little " soft-sawder." This they did in the following highly judicious manner. The way in which a half-promise of paid Members is slipped in is a model piece of non-committal manifestoing. "The obstacles to increased Labour representation in the House of Commons are very great. The Federation has long been pledged to do what it can to reduce those obstacles by placing the returning officers' charges on the rates, thus cheapening elections, and by recog- nising the principle of payment of Members. The Committee is more than ever convinced that the true policy of the Labour Association is that of alliance with the party to which the overwhelming majority of their members has always belonged, and whose motto is now, as it has ever been, The greatest good of the greatest number.'" The " lead " given on the Education question is not a, little amusing. We are told that "it is a satis- factory reflection that, as the result of the Liberal Party's determination to take the best Education Bill they could get from the reluctant givers, there is now in operation a scheme which could at least be made the basis of a system of national education." "Re- luctant givers" is good. The Unionists apparently proved their reluctance by passing a Bill which they were under no sort of pledge to introduce. More important, however, than this is the " lead " given in regard to "the condition of the rural population." Here the Federation feel on safe ground. Do not all the signs, including the silly-season correspondence in the Daily News, show that "the soil" is "booming," and is sure to create interest ? Besides, the land is a safe subject for reform proposals. You may "resolute till the cows come home" on land. reform without any fear of making ill-blood, for too few people understand the subject to make it a cause of friction. Accordingly, the Federation have "spread themselves" at great length on this subject, and aided by a special band of "well-known Members of Parliament representing county constituencies," "they have drawn up a regular detailed programme of rural reform.
The items of this programme may be given in short. There are, according to the Daily News' account of the scheme, to be District Councils, and also Parish Councils, elected by ballot on the "One man, one vote" principle, with control of allotments, powers of initiative in providing land for allotments, or other public purposes, control of parish charities, supervision of commons and rights-of-way, sanitary powers, and management of parish schools or full representation on Boards of Managers. The compulsory registration of titles and cheap transfer of land by change in the register are to be introduced, as well as the prohibi- tion of the system of life estates and the abolition of the custom of primogeniture in 'cases of intestacy. Complete security for the tenant-farmer's improvements, the amend- ment of the Allotment Act, and the bestowal on County Councils of compulsory powers to purchase laud for public purposes, are also demanded. The division of rates between the owner and occupier is another feature of the programme, and so is "the completion of the work of Free Education, and the development of practical instruction in relation to the various employments of those who live in the rural districts." Lastly, the Federation Committee propose the reform of the Magistracy, and the abolition of property qualification. These suggestions, the Committee add, "are not to be considered in any sense as final, but are to be subjected to further review and probably extension." Most of these proposals are well enough, and would be accepted by the majority of Unionists with but slight varia- tions. It is, however, impossible to prevent oneself smiling when this revolution not only in our land-tenure, but in our whole rural administrative system, is set forth as a mere side-dish to Home-rule. Whatever else is doubtful, no one Parliament will both repeal the Union and adopt the Federation's rural programme. It is a pretty play- thing, and may serve to amuse the labourers ; but it is nothing more, and no one, therefore, will feel inclined to discuss it in detail, outside a school debating society.
Before leaving the Federation Report, we must note the passage in which the question of a reform of our electoral laws is dealt with, for, if we mistake not, it will be found to commit the Gladstonian leaders to more than they will care for. "If, after the General Election," says the Report, "there should be an attempt to force a Liberal Government to make an early appeal to the country, let it be accepted as the settled determination of the Liberal Party that that appeal shall be made to an electorate which fully represents the entire people." Nothing could suit the Unionists better than this, and we gladly take note of the admission. If an appeal is made "to an electorate which fully represents the entire people," there is au end to all talk of Home-rule, for to adopt that principle means a Redistribution Bill under which Ireland will lose, and London and the Home Counties gain, some thirty seats. Unionists will wish for nothing better, and if the situation looked forward to by the Federation ever arises, they may feel quite satisfied that they will be reminded of their pledge.
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