THE MAGAZINES.

HALF-A.-DOZEN contributors to the Nineteenth Century pay due homage in the April number to the late editor and

founder, Sir James Knowles. Bishop Welldon dwells on his genius for friendship ; Mr. Birchenough on the stimulating influence he exerted on other minds ; Mr. Cross and Mr.

Wedmore on his interest in poetry and art. These tributes are rounded off by a short but striking paper from Mr. Frederic Harrison dealing mainly with Sir James's "brilliant success " as secretary and founder of the Metaphysical Society.

—Sit William White sends a critical commentary on '4 The Navy Estimates and Naval Debates." Sir William White

admits that the Parliamentary representatives of the Admiralty have shown frankness and sincerity in disclosing the actual condition of affairs; that the Royal Navy is in a satisfactory position for the moment; and he welcomes the explicit declarations of Mr. Asquith and Lord Tweedmouth as to the fixed intention of the Government to maintain our naval supremacy whatever the cost may be. At the same time, he makes it clear that to secure that end the outlay will be very great; that temporary economies must inevitably be succeeded by a rise in the scale of naval expendi- ture; and that in half-a-dozen different ways the present policy of the Admiralty amply justifies and vindicates the criticisms levelled of late years against the existing regime. Alleged savings have turned out to be no savings at all, and "never was there a greater incentive to a new spurt in competitive shipbuilding' than that given by our naval authorities three years ago." The mischief of the 'Dreadnought' policy— forcing on her construction in such a way as to attract universal attention and to provoke rival foreign building pro- grammes—and its effects on naval finance are fully dealt with in what is perhaps the most significant part of a most illuminative article.—The Ameer All (late Judge of H.M.'s High Court of Judicature in Bengal) treats at length, under the heading of "Anomalies of Civilisation : a Peril to India," of the Colonial attitude towards British Indians. It is impossible to overlook the significance of the moral which he draws from the case of Asiatics in the Transvaal :—

" The answer of the Imperial Government to the many appeals that were addressed to it during the late crisis conveys a lesson to the people of India which they are not likely to ignore. It supplies to the advocates of self-government on Colonial lines another powerful argument. At present they cannot make an effective retort to the insults and humiliations to which they are subjected by the Colonials ; nor can they obtain legitimate pro- tection from the Imperial Government. Self-government of tho kind enjoyed by the Colonials would enable them to demand and perhaps secure reciprocity of fair treatment. We must not be surprised if some such reasoning enters into the conceptions of thoughtful Indians in the future."

—Mr. Arthur Hawkes takes for the text of his paper on "The British Trader in Canada" the Report. of Mr. Grigg,

the Special Commissioner of the Board of Trade. Mr. Hawkes writes from the English-Canadian standpoint, and here are his conclusions :—

"There is something else for the Englishman to do than to perambulate Canada as if it were his backyard. That is true of

trade. It is true of politics Britain will retain all the loyalty she deserves—which is much. But, study of the science of loyalty is obligatory on both parties to the quality, which may be strained. As our progress towards the nobler aspects of British public life—and heaven knows we are badly enough in need of that kind of improvement—depends on our criticism of ourselves, so the strengthening of our tie with the old land depends on the old land's understanding of the slow, inevitable revision of our relations. The first readjustment of perspec- tive may well be in the commercial field. Nothing could be better calculated to induce this than this report, because, for- getting political expedients, it resolves itself into an unanswer- able plea for mastery of the elements of demand and supply. The first requisite is knowledge ; the second is more knowledge ; the third is adaptability."

The Kaiser-Tweedmouth episode looms large in the April National Review. It occupies two-thirds of the "Episodes of

the Month" ; it forms the text of an article by Mr. H. W. Wilson; and it reappears in a correspondence between the editor and Mr. Villiers, M.P. Vigilance is highly desirable in international relations, but we think that there should be a close time for Kaisers in the National Review. One is reminded of Mr. Dick and Charles I. What is much more serious is the chance of this incident proving a modern instance of the dangers of crying "Wolf !"— We have read with great amusement Mr. Garvin's onslaught on Free-fooders

in general, and the Spectator in particular, entitled "The Demagogics of Free Trade." "The truth is," says Mr.

Garvin, "that all the opponents of Tariff Reform are Socialists without knowing it,"—including Mr. Harold Cox, because he looks forward to the total abolition of indirect taxation. The Free-fooders remind Mr. Garvin by turns of Aristides—in an aggravated form—and of "the pobble who had no toes." But he is kind enough to say that the Spectator has still a reputation to lose, and that he does not dispute the Free-fooders' "sincerity of self-deception," and he observes that "the Centre Party of the future is commended to our desire [by the British Constitution Association and the Spectator] as something that would combine the morals of the middle class with the manners of the peerage and the minds of the permanent officials." This is really not such a bad combination after all, and may possibly survive the continued bombardment of Mr. Garvin's highly coloured obloquy.

Dr. Soderberg discusses British and Swedish interests as involved in the question of the Aland Islands. The proposed fortification by Russia would, in his view, not only be a standing menace to Sweden, but run counter to British trade interests. On these grounds alone, to say nothing of the upsetting of the political equilibrium in the Baltic, Dr. Soderberg strongly opposes any attempt to release Russia from the obligations incurred by her in the Aland Convention of 1856.—" One of My Days at Osborne College: By a Cadet," if it can be accepted as a faithful picture, does not represent our budding Nelsons in an altogether edifying light. Their life would seem to be one long and almost

unintermittent "rag." But.the article is so well written and racily expressed that indirectly it forms a tribute to the system under which such a product of high spirits and intellectuality is possible.

Mr. W. H. Beveridge in the new Contemporary pleads for the organisation of the labour market, to bring about the " de-casualisation of employment" and deal drastically with

vagrancy, by the establishment of a national system of Labour Exchanges in direct connexion with the elementary schools. Admitting that his solution may be decried as merely a palliative, he contends that at least it affords a common ground of agreement for various schools of thought :— " If the principle of the living wage means anything, it means not simply a minimum rate of pay per hour, but also a minimum average number of hours in the week and year. If the attack upon unorganised charity and casual relief is not to be wasted, it must be repeated in the industrial sphere ; the process by which indiscriminate giving produces a race of beggars has an exact parallel in the manufacture of casual labourers by the offer of casual employment. If there is economic advantage in having known market-places for corn or wool or stocks, there must be the same sort of advantage in having such market-places for labour. Labour is the only commodity in the world which still finds a buyer only, or as a rule, by being hawked from door to door.

The wastefulness of this antiquated method is obvious where, as is the case in skilled trades, an employer has sometimes to wait for a suitable workman. The waste is even greater, though un- fortunately less obvious to the employer, in those occupations in which as many men as are wanted can be got at once wherever they are wanted, i.e., in which all the waiting is done by an immense unorganised reserve of men."

Professor Allen Johnson writes an interesting paper on "The American Senate as a Second Chamber." Premising that Lord Salisbury's eulogy was exaggerated, and that Mr. Bryce's estimate requires drastic revision in the light of present conditions, Professor Johnson maintains that think- ing people in the States are profoundly dissatisfied with the Federal Senate, and draws significant conclusions from the success of the citizens in Oregon in carrying the election to the

Senate of the candidate who had been endorsed by the popular vote. That a single-Chamber system will ever be introduced

into the States he regards as most unlikely. But he holds that the efficiency of the Senate will be measured by its success in convincing the people that it is amenable to popular control.

---M. Edouard Rod's paper on "The Present Tendenciea of French Literature" is summed up in the conclusion : "We

are Classicists to the marrow ; we had ceased to be so ; we are trying to become Classicists again." We may also note the

uncompromising way in which the writer pronounces himself on the question of the treatment of passion by French writers. "So far as I am concerned," writes M. Rod, "I have always maintained that a writer, so long as he is sincere, and does not seek scandals for unnecessary reasons, has an absolute

right to represent life just as he sees, observes or conceives it. He does not compel anyone to read his novels, or to listen to his plays. But if the public, who are responsible for the choice of their reading, or of the plays they see, have full liberty to avoid them when they consider them unwhole- some, it is important that the writer should preserve his liberty to treat every subject as he understands it, with such reservations only as he thinks he ought to main- tain, and of which he must be the judge."—Mr. Kenneth Mozley contributes a thoughtful paper on "Modern Attacks on Christian Ethics" as illustrated in the works of Nietzsche, Mr. Bernard Shaw, Mr. John Davidson, and Mr. G. Lowes Dickinson. Mr. Mozley writes with a courtesy and moderation which do not in the least impair the efficiency of his destructive criticism.—Mr. J. E. G. de Montmorency writes eloquently and with enthusiasm on open- air education, for which special provision is now made by the Education (Administrative Provisions) Act of 1907. He admits that it will mean more work for the teachers. But on the other hand he contends that they will be the gainers in other ways. "The hardest-worked teachers whom I know in London use every method of open-air education in their power, with the result that they renaus well and vigorous where other teachers break down."—We deal elsewhere with Colonel Maude's article, "Can Science Abolish War ?" and may content ourselves with noting that Mr. W. T. Stead follows up his articles in the Daily Chronicle by a further paper entitled "Lord Cromer and Government by Journalism," in which he " unhesitatingly " asserts that "the only redeeming feature in the whole dreary narrative of the ruin of the Soudan, was supplied by the action of the British Press" —led by the Pall Mall Gazette, then directed by Mr. Stead- " in sending out General Gordon."

The Fortnightly has some piquant paragraphs about the Kaiser's Admiralty letter. Whether or not it was an indiscretion to print them, it would certainly be such to quote them. What- ever we may think of other actors in the affair, the letter itself

can hardly fail to rank with the Kruger telegram.—On the "Licensing Bill" we have a sufficiently temperate declaration by Mr. John Gretton, M.P. He makes the point that licenses are "assessed and rated as permanent property by every local

authority in the kingdom." That is quite true, and it logically involves an equitable redemption of them. But it does not preclude such a redemption. We may compare the hereditary pensions which the nation bought up at a fair valuation.— Mr. J. Ramsay Macdonald urges the "Secular Solution" of the education controversy. It is a solution to which we strongly object, and which revolts, we are sure, the national conscience.

But it is only too manifest that every day which prolongs this unhappy difference brings it nearer, at least as a counsel of despair. Would that the extremists could realise this!--Mr.

W. S: Lilly discourses much as we might expect from him about - "The Will of the People." A Parliamentary election is "won by the votes of a very small number of the least stable and • most impressionable voters," he tells us. Without doubt there are difficulties, and even absurdities, without end in govern- • meal by popular vote ; but what are you going to put-in its place ? The despot ? the aristocrat P the priest ? The voice

• of history does not favour any one of the substitutes.- . " Calchas " is as interesting as usual in his political forecast. One thing we may quote re old-age pensions : "If Mr. Asquith - were big enough to admit the rashness of his earlier - utterances, to cast a pernicious consistency to the winds, and - to make what would be both a brilliant and a moderate move, he would bring in a contributory scheme."—We - cannot discuss Mr. J. A. Spender's able paper entitled "From - the Old Rural System to the New," from the "common field," i.e., to the farm. The old. bad grown to be intolerably - troublesome and wasteful. Look at an old " terrier " of a --common field, with half-a-dozen slips of land all over the parish cultivated by the same person. The multitude of -paths and rights-of-way were in themselves a cruel waste of good land.—Mr. P. Snowden's "Social Justice and Evoln- -tion " and Dr. J. Leon Williams's "Experiment in Socialism -and -What Came of It" maybe profitably set off against each -other.

The leading article in Blackwood this month may be said to be "Lord Cromer and Egypt." It is not exactly pleasant

• to read what the writer says about General Gordon, but it is -impossible to deny its truth. Nor are there wanting words of generous appreciation which show that it is Gordon as the . administrator in a singularly complicated position, not Gordon the single-minded and heroic soldier, whose action is criticised. His mission to rhartaira was, in fact, the sinister triumph of hot-headed journalism.—Mr. Charles Whibley writes the -"Epilogue " to his papers on "America." There is something paradoxical in the form of his reflections What the -departing traveller feels, he tells us, most vividly is that "he - is saying good-bye to the oldest land upon earth." It calla itself, we call it, the "New World "; but it never was young. America "sprang ready made from the head of a Pilgrim - Father, the oldest of God's creatures." The reader will - find not a little good sense and keen observation in this fantastic guise.—The "Unmethodical Muser" returns -this month to home politics, and cries aloud with that shrillness which contrasts so ludicrously with the -title which he chooses to give to his utterances. It is popular government that rouses his wrath. "The mind of the people, naturally ignorant and disorderly, is easily Inflamed." There is a certain archaic flavour about the -sentence. It might have been uttered by one of those vener- able prelates who were wont to approach the "Sacred Majesty" of James I. on their knees. "The welfare of the -nation instantly kicks the beam when it is weighed in the scales against what the electors erroneously believe to be their --own advantage." That is a little too gross. Folly may - often be rightly imputed to the impulses of the multitude ; but government by the few is always fatally corrupted by the thought of selfish advantage. It is distinctly a relief when we pass on to what the writer has to say about Coleridge. If he would only keep to literature! There he shows wide reading, -intelligence, and taste.—" The Licensing Bill" is the subject -of a vigorous diatribe. The strongest point is made at the beginning. "Fewer public-houses : more drinking clubs," is no imaginary danger. A. system which does provide - for some control is to give place to another in which control would be well-nigh impossible without an intolerable interference with liberty. The situation is, indeed, as --complicated a one as can be imagined. The State allowed a

• system full of evils to be developed, and it cannot sweep it away without paying for its want of foresight; on the other band, private individuals have exploited this state of things -- to their own advantage--as notably in the case of "tied- - houses "—and they cannot expect to carry off all their gains. Here is a case given in the Law Report of April 1st. "Ten - public-houses had been purchased at a price of 2506,000, the greater part of this sum being found by a firm of brewers." Who is to hold the balance evenly P—The late Professor llasson'a "Memories of London in the 'Forties" grow more -interesting. This time the figure of Thomas Carlyle stands • 'out in very marked outline. Mrs. Katherine Thurston's novel, "The Fly on the Wheel," is brought to an end. It was reviewed at length in the Spectator of March 28th.

Mr. Edward Carpenter in the Albany makes souse not unreasonable suggestions for the reform of the House of Lords. He is scarcely fair to the aristocracy when he says that it "does nothing, nothing that can be accounted of public utility." The whole tone of his article is banal in the extreme; still, it is something that he is not of the "Single Chamber" persuasion.—The two principal measures of the Government are discussed by Professor J. J. Findlay in "On Behalf of the Education Bill," and by " A Licensing Administrator" in "The Government and Temperance Reform." In both articles there is much to which we cannot assent, but both give some promise of a reasonable compromise.—From Mr. E. D. Burns's "Theology, Old and New," we can but quote a single sentence: "The truth is, if Mr. Campbell is too much given to creation out of nothing, the Bishop of Birmingham is equally prone to building with the hay and stubble of dead theology."—One sentence also from "Current Events" must suffice : "If we are to inaugurate Socialism, in heaven's name let us give it the best possible chance by applying it to well-organised industries, and not discredit the whole cause by building on the rotten foundation of casual labour." What is the Spectator to say to that ? Perhaps emphasise to the utter- most the "if."

The United Service Magazine opens with an article on "St. George for England," which contains matter of considerable interest, and shows that the Arabs as well as the Christians in the Holy Land still regard St. George with veneration, and believe that he is not dead, but "the one who never dies!' Though the belief in the ever-living St. George is, of course, confined to the ignorant, the Saint is revered by all classes. Gibbon confused St. George with the Arian opponent of Athanasius, George of Cappadocia, but the true St. George suffered his martyrdom during the persecutions by Diocletian. His fearless protest so angered the Emperor that be had his former favourite beheaded.---" Invasion from a Naval Point of View," by Lieutenant A. C. Dewar, R.N., is interesting. He classifies the principal invasiouary areas as follows :— England, Wash to Portland.

(a) Wash to Dover.

(b) Dover to Portland.

II. Wash to Forth.

III. Scotland North, from Forth to Clyde approaches.

IV. Ireland North and West.

V. England, West, via :— (a) Scotland about, and North Channel.

(b) Ireland about, and St. George's Channel.

(c) yid English Channel. The Forth to Portland is the most probable invasionary area, and it may be still further delimited to the coast-line Forth to ' Goodwins, as the danger of passing Dover Straits in calm weather would be great."

—Another article dealing with the problem of invasion is "Invasion Exemplified by History," by Major Holmes Wilson. One of Major Wilson's chief points is that an erroneous idea- exists to the effect that the old conditions have changed.— Sir Edward Collen writes an article in reply to Lord Esher's

"Problem in Military Education."

eq.