4 DECEMBER 1936, Page 14

COLONIES AND TRUSTEESHIP

Commonwealth and Foreign

By G. ST. J.

ORDE BROWNE

THE strictures passed by the Rev. A. G. Fraser in last week's Spectator on Great Britain's attitude to her colonial possessions represent at best one side of a ease. That there is force in much of what he says is undeniable ; but that the other side of the case exists and needs to be put is no less undeniable. Without making any attempt to reply to last week's article in detail I contend it can be shown that this country is conferring considerable benefits on the inhabitants of its colonies and considering their welfare at least as much as its own interests, if not more.

. The events of the past few years have unfortunately gone far to disappoint the hopes and intentions of the earlier post-War period. The idealism which saw in international co-operation a remedy for . many of the world's ills, has been sadly discredited. An important • feature of this was the new . attitude towards colonial possessions, and there is in consequence a tendency to cynical disparagement of the standards then set up. The conception of a national trust on behalf of weaker peoples begins to yield before a return to the older materialism which regarded . colonial " possessions 7' as pawns to be sacrificed if necessary as .a gambit in the • shady political game. The desire to act upon this view is perhaps responsible for the anxiety to belittle the achievements of the new system which can be observed in various quarters.

Nevertheless, an impartial survey of the record will show substantial ground for satisfaction. Errors and shortcomings will be discovered, but there has been, not- withstanding, a genuine endeavour to act upon the new theory. of working for the benefit of the subject peoples. A conspicuous case is . that of Iraq.. Torn, or rescued, from the former Turkish Empire, the country came tinder British rule, and in view of the blood and money expended there, might plausibly have been exploited for the benefit of the conqueror. Instead, an honest endeavour was made to educate the inhabitants to manage their own affairs, with such success that in 1927 a promise of independence could be given. In 1932, this promise was kept, and Iraq became a separate State, and member of the League a Nations. Surely such an.achievement deserves recognition. In a similar spirit Egypt, though not a mandated territory, was given her independence. France in her turn has taken analo- gous steps in the Near East.

The more backward countries can hardly be expected to admit of any such marked progress ; they must obviously remain in a state of tutelage for a considerable period to come. Yet here again it is possible to point to actions which scarcely suggest hypocrisy. In Tan- ganyika, the British taxpayer for a number of years contributed to the rehabilitation of the country with very little prospect of any appreciable return. For instance, when certain tribes were found to be unduly cramped in their land, owing to German alienation to Europeans, a considerable sum was expended on the repurchase and return of such land to the original native owners.

The discovery and development of mineral wealth have in a few cases led to spectacular profits, which have been criticised as an unfair appropriation of what should be the African's property. This view overlooks the disastrous loss of capital which occurred • in numerous other instances, to a degree which must have broken the back of ariy Administration which had attempted to . exploit these propositions, instead of leaving them to private enterprise. Again, such development cannot take place without some considerable benefit to the native ; it is the lack of any such resources that has led to the exodus from Nyasaland which has recently excited so much concern. About the division of profits there is always likely to be discussion; the fact remains that the African enjoys numerous advantages- quite unobtainable without the wealth produced by extraneous enterprise. - The oppressive effect of European legislation and organ- isation upon the unsophisticated native is frequently a target for hostile but very largely uninstructed criticism. Quarantine rules, veterinary regulations, forestry demar- . cation, and so forth, will be admitted as necessary by most people. To the primitive African, they are attacks on his rights and liberty, and he prefers a govern- ment which will leave him to squander his heritage un- checked, or die of preventible disease. It is one of the advantages of a bureaucracy that it can carry out re- quisite measures without the regard for popularity which is so apt to be the weakness of democracy. The steady progress made in the fight against hookworm, yaws, venereal disease, and other such curses, and the immense increase in native wealth derived from exportable crops, may be cited as instances of the benevolent use of such powers. • .

A limited intelligentsia will at times demand wider political powers on the English model. Modern British colonial theory prefers rather to cater for the abilities and aspirations of the bulk of the people by providing for the development of local self-government through the adaptation of traditional procedure.

The recognition • of the native's right to a fixed pro- portion of 'the general revenue, and the education in the spending of this, may well be advanced as a more genuine benefit than the spectacular gift of some tinsel political concession ; and the absence of the English electoral machine does not mean that the native is unable to express himself in his councils and courts, where these have been established. Evolution on these lines will be found to be a notable feature of modern British methods.

The exercise of a mandate by one particular country is sometimes represented as an opportunity for unjustifiable profits, but • any alternative SyStem is non-existent in practice and elusive in conception.

The enthusiastic internationalist frequently advocates a mixed regime, with a staff recruited from a variety of races, preferably those free from the taint of Imperialism. A measure of collaboration might no doubt be feasible, and possibly useful, especially in scientific research. In the actual work of government, however, the experienced will remember the difficulties of ensuring smooth running, • even with well-matched teams. Imagination falters at the vision of the Chinese Provincial Commissioner endeavouring, with oriental tact, to soothe the Nicaraguan schoolmaster's indignation at the inability of the Latvian engineer to instal the sanitation recommended by the Greek doctor.

An honest comparison with the position . as it was a quarter of a century- ago, should serve as a reply to the cynic and the pessimist. The recognition of the African's rights, and the education in self-government, which are the characteristics of the Mandate system, present features unknown before the War. Much remains to be done, and lapses from the highest standard are un- fortunately easily found ; as a whole, however, the past fifteen years will prove on examination to. have gone far to justify the hopes on which the new doc-trines were based.