4 MAY 1878, Page 5

On the one hand, Russia and England alike con- tinue

their preparations, and the relations between endorse that charge ; I know that they will repudiate it, and Russia and Turkey at Constantinople are growing strained I am bound to say that I feel indignant at such a charge to the last degree. The Russian Government has so been made, and by one who ought to have known far succeeded in Roumania, that the Premier at Bucharest better.' It s inconceivable that a man like Mr. Cross should has warned the people that the Convention still en-

before Constantinople, and is reinforcing his army as rapidly as it can ; and has, it seems clear, intimated to Servia that the war may be renewed, using such terms that the Government of Belgrade has once more summoned all its forces into the field. It has, moreover, sent in some kind of an ultimatum to the Porte, as the Turkish Ministers refuse to surrender Shumla and Varna, alleging, according to one account, that the Treaty of San Stefano has not been kept,

and according to another, declaring that no such Treaty exists avoid one, a path out of the imbroglio must exist. If Mr. at all. The Treaty has not been ratified by the protecting Cross is right, and is also well informed—for we cannot forget Powers, and has therefore, in Turkish judgment, no exist- that two important Ministers have quitted the Cabinet because ence, and until such ratification is obtained cannot its acts tended to war—the only imminent danger is the action be carried out. It is in accordance with this state- of the Turks. It may suit the Porte to try war once more, ment that the Commandants of the two fortresses de-land see if Great Britain cannot be forced into an alliance with dine to evacuate them, and have even used threaten- them—and some, at least, of their recent acts indicate that lug language to the Russian Generals who forwarded the summons. Of course, such a refusal, if persisted in, would Lion, but i mean a renewal of the war, the departure of the Sultan for ;where opinion s becoming violently prepossessed against the Broussa, and an appeal to this country to afford the Turks the present Sultan, who obviously has not the energy to quell o and soldiery together. A revolution military aid which in the beginning of the war we assured populace, d

them would not be forthcoming. In this country, again, the in Constantinople at this moment would mean war, preparations advance ; the First Army Corps is shortly to be would. compel Russia to take extreme steps to obtain reviewed as an Army Corps, the Second Army Corps is

out, at a period which seems historical—and would absolve the being completed, and orders have been issued in India to hold further regiments in readiness for an expedition. The 7,000 men at first ordered have already started, Sir Richard Temple, the Governor of Bombay, and a born War Minister, having made all preparations with characteristic energy ; and the Government have forwarded with the soldiers five months' supplies, and sent two war steamers to the Red Sea to act as convoy. None of these things look peaceful, any more than the Chau- vinist brag in which Mr. Hardy has indulged himself at Brad- ford, or the extraordinary language in which her Majesty's Attorney-General attacked the Russian Government at Preston. Sir John Holker, though underrated by the public, is a very able man. He is, if not a Cabinet Minister, a most important Minister of the Crown, and it is nearly incredible that unless he knew war to be certain, he should have permitted himself has sent its best soldier, General Todleben, to command against war will probably deepen in volume, and as the Russian Government is believed to have resolved on some final effort for the preservation of peace. That effort, unless war has been determined on, ought to produce a Congress ; and a Congress once assembled, we do not believe that every plan leading to peace—and three or four will be propounded—can be rejected. The resources of diplomacy are not many when the diploma- tists are not rulers, but Russia at the end of a great campaign cannot want a great war, and if we are equally anxious to and according to another, declaring that no such Treaty exists avoid one, a path out of the imbroglio must exist. If Mr. at all. The Treaty has not been ratified by the protecting Cross is right, and is also well informed—for we cannot forget Powers, and has therefore, in Turkish judgment, no exist- that two important Ministers have quitted the Cabinet because ence, and until such ratification is obtained cannot its acts tended to war—the only imminent danger is the action policy. Its adoption would have to be preceded by a revolu- the means of revolution exist in Constantinople, Austrian aid—quite a possibility, as Midhat Pasha pointed

drive her armies back to their deserts. What influence is to ; such a sentence as the following :—" If we took up arms, it steady their minds, to make them reconsider, to reduce their would be to prevent the shores of the Dardanelles, the tempers to the judicial mood which befits a Christian nation , Bosphorus, and the city of Constantinople being practically about to light up a vast war ? First, let us hope, their sense ; placed at the disposal of a Power whose ambition was of justice ; but secondly, their sense of the enormous expendi- I boundless, and whose plighted faith we could no longer trust ; ture of men which will be required,—men whom they cannot ; we should take up arms to prevent the Black Sea becoming spare, and whom they value individually as part of themselves., a Russian lake, and the mouths of the Danube Russian Can it be well that at this moment, when temper and reason ; territory ; we should take up arms to put it out of the power are still struggling, that the second restraining force should be , of the most aggressive despotism of the world, at any moment be removed, that they should be reminded that they can dis- ' she should think proper, seriously to impede our commerce pose of other races than their own, that they have a recruiting- I with India and the East ; and lastly, we should take up ground in Asia which costs them nothing but money, and arms to demonstrate to the world that Great Britain would which cannot be exhausted ? We say nothing of what appears not permit treaties which had been solemnly agreed to to be to us the wickedness of ruling India because Europe is nobler ; wantonly rent asunder, and the public law of Europe to be than Asia, and then calling in Asia to beat down Europe, utterly disregarded and set at naught." Under any Govern- nothing of the fierce jealousy which all Europe will henceforth ment in the world but our own or the American, a sentence feel of our possession of the mighty Empire at last brought like that would mean war within forty-eight hours, and even home to its doors—an Empire which, if its people will fight on under our own it possesses a most sinister significance. our side, becomes a seventh Great Power, stronger for invasion On the other hand, it can hardly be doubted that the war- than any of the six, except, perhaps, Germany—and confine fever is abating. The election at Tamworth gave courage to ourselves to the single and, as we believe, unanswerable ques- thousands, and the immense meeting at Manchester, where tion,—Is it well, for the sake of success in a single quarrel, to 1,500 delegates from great organisations applauded to the deteriorate the nation, to make universal military training echo one of Mr. Bright's most fiery outbursts, a speech which, impossible, to rely on Asiatic swords instead of our own, to in its lava-like flow, recalls his highest days, and the eloquence sink from the Roman position, of which we were so proud, to like that of a Hebrew Prophet with which he used to denounce the Carthaginian ? The nation seems for the moment intoxi- the enemies of his cause, and which has roused the North cated with its new strength, but when the statesmen meet to enthusiasm. From the great manufacturing cities, from again, we trust that among them, at least, we shall find a few Scotland, from Wales comes back a cry of pleasure at the who can think of the future as well as the present, and plead speech which must have affected the Government, and that national strength can never be found in a measure which, which has roused Mr. Cross, first, into passionate denun- so far as it succeeds, must emasculate the national character. Iciations of the language employed, and next, into declara-

tions which are almost like oaths that the Government

seeks only peace :—" One word before I sit down. I am THE SITUATION. bound to say, a more reckless and more unfounded accusation

THE situation this week has become a little more "mixed." than that we are bent on war never was made before against any Government. I know the people of this country will not tinue their preparations, and the relations between endorse that charge ; I know that they will repudiate it, and Russia and Turkey at Constantinople are growing strained I am bound to say that I feel indignant at such a charge to the last degree. The Russian Government has so , having, i been made, and by one who ought to have known far succeeded in Roumania, that the Premier at Bucharest better.' It s inconceivable that a man like Mr. Cross should has warned the people that the Convention still en- utter such a sentence as that, if he knew that war had been dures, that the Russians are entitled to free passage, and that they must be received by all officials in a friendly spirit. The Government of St. Petersburg, moreover, has sent its best soldier, General Todleben, to command against war will probably deepen in volume, and as the Russian Government is believed to have resolved on some final effort for the preservation of peace. That effort, unless war has been determined on, ought to produce a Congress ; and a Congress once assembled, we do not believe that every plan leading to peace—and three or four will be propounded—can be rejected. The resources of diplomacy are not many when the diploma- tists are not rulers, but Russia at the end of a great campaign cannot want a great war, and if we are equally anxious to British Ministry from all their promises of peace. And many signs make it probable to our minds that a revolution may be immediately at hand,—a revolution which, by possibility, may substitute a new dynasty for that which, in the estimation of many Mussulmans, has worn out. determined on, or was instantly imminent, and we are bound, therefore, to believe that there is still room for negotiation. If there is, there is still room for hope more especially as the protest