JOLTS AT SAN FRANCISCO

WITH Germany dissolving in cataclysm and chaos, the San Francisco Conference (about whose fortunes the new Ger- man Foreign Minister, Cdunt Schwerin von Krosigk, shows him- self so strangely solicitous) has been getting into its stride amid the minor crises and dissensions which all familiar with the habits of international conferences will assess at their true value. Having listened to the broadcast speech of President Truman, the conference began last Friday to scale down to its work, which will be transacted partly by , the steering committee, partly in plenary session, partly in commissions, and partly in private talks between the statesmen behind the scenes. Mr. Stettinius, Mr. Eden and Mr. Molotov stated in broad terms the policies of their respective countries, which lead to the common determination to create a strong international organisation for security, Mr. Eden stressing the point that the Conference should not attempt at one stroke to establish a complete new order, but should devote itself to the single task of agreeing upon the machinery for security which should be set up. Even under this limitation it was soon discovered that there was room enough for differences of opinion, and even differences about the procedure which should be

adopted at the Conference itself. At early meeting Mr. Molotov objected to the proposal that Mr. Stettinius should preside at the public sessions and in the main committees, and wanted the chair- manship to be taken in rotation ; and it had to be left to a second meeting before this question was settled by a compromise. That was the first, though a minor, setback to the Russian delegation. Far more important was the question of the offer of a seat at the conference to the Lublin Provisional Government, recognised only by the Soviet Government—an offer which it had been obvious beforehand could not be allowed by Britain and the United States, who take their stand on the Yalta agreement and the broadening of the basis of the Polish Government. Everyone knows that there is more in this question than the admission of Polish delegates to San Francisco. Poland presents a disturbing test case as to whether the Great Powers, appointed to work together on the Security Council, are capable of acting jointly within the proper sphere of mint action ; if already one of them goes off at a tangent insisting an unilateral action, what are the prospects of that future accord between the Great Powers which is the presupposition of collective security?

The refusal of the Conference to admit the Lublin Government constituted a second rebuff to the Russian view, and a third occurred when Mr. Molotov resisted the claims of Argentina to representation, and a majority of the Conference decided against him. This has

been the one occasion up to now when the Russians probably had more sympathy than votes, for there is a great deal to be said for the view that Argentina's record in the war is scarcely one which qualifies her for a vote at San Francisco. Happily there was one Russian claim which could be and was readily accepted—that the Ukraine and White Russia should have separate seats, so that Russia will now be in a position of having three votes. Up to the present in the various meetings of the Conference it has fallen to Russia to raise points which became bones of contention, and it must earnestly be hoped that Mr. Molotov (or his successor, for he departs next week) will not always be found in the opposing minority camp. But perhaps it is not so astonishing that he should be supporting Sir Walter Citrine's demand that the World Trade Union Federation should have a place in the Conference as that Sir Walter Citrine himself should have lent his countenance to so strange a suggestion. In a meeting which consists of representatives of governments only, why on earth should trade unionists be singled out for representation as if they were a separate Power, as if they were not already repre- sented by their Governments? Of Sir Walter Citrine it can only be said that one would have thought he would have known better. Labour cannot have it both ways, either at home or abroad. It is organised for political purposes as the Labour Party, and the leader of that party is actually one of the two principal British dele- gates at San Francisco. It is organised industrially as the Traci* Union Congress, and in that capacity it has direct representation on the International Labour Organisation. To admit trade unions as such to the United Nations Conference would be to double Labour representation quite illegitimately. The resolution of the Conference on Wednesday into four separate commissions marks the beginning of its detailed work. The first commission, it may be noted, sits under General Smuts' chairmanship to deal with the purposes and principles of the new organisation, and will no doubt produce in the end that general " charter " on which the South African statesman has for some days been working.

Russia and Her Friends

Russian procedure in approving the establishment of a so-called Provisional Government in Austria is another example of the Soviet Government's embarrassing practice of settling matters of common concern without consultation with its Allies. The objection in this case is not to the thing clone—as.. in the creation of an unrepre- sentative Government in Polandbut to the fact that action was unilateral. Indeed, in one respect it might be thought that the Russians had been careful to consider Allied wishes, for the Pro- visional Government, headed by Dr. Karl Renner, was formed after a meeting of the democratic political parties in Austria, and is repre- sentative of all of them. In its actual composition it might be supposed to be as satisfactory to the Allies generally as any govern- ment that could be got together. But the western Powers were not consulted. The Soviet Government's statement that it was not disposed to hinder Dr. Renner's action was a polite way of saying that it has already recognised his Government, to which America's prompt reply has been that she does not recognise it. The first step undoubtedly should have been to set up in Vienna an inter-allied commission of control. That was the procedure agreed on. At this moment, when Russia, Britain, America and France are about to -start their occupation of Germany, it is of the greatest possible importance that measures should be taken jointly, and decisions reached by the Allies as a whole. In the military and the political sphere liaison between the United States and Britain has worked admirably both at the top and at lower levels. Efforts must be made to establish the same sort of liaison with Russia. If this cannot be done successfully in the early stages of military occupation and reconstruction, how much more difficult will it be to,achieve satisfactory co-operation in the post-war world?

Russia, not entirely through her own fault, has not had contact with the Western Allies on the same terms as they have had contact with one another, and indications of some desire for self-assertion on her part are not judged harshly. But the ordinary courtesies of inter- change between friendly Powers must be observed, as they plainly are not when the House of Commons has to be told that repeated requests to Moscow for some information about the missing delega- tion of Poles from Poland have produced no response whatever. These tendencies cannot be allowed to go too far.

Marshal Petain's Fate

The aged Marshal Petain, now awaiting his trial and under- going interrogation at Fort Mont-Rouge, presents a peculiarly pitiable and tragic figure in these tragic times. In the last days he has retained some degree of dignity which was wholly lacking to his associates in collaboration. He unwillingly left his country when the Allied armies swept into it, and now he has volunteered to re-enter France and submit himself for trial. He will have to answer to many charges and account for a collaboration which sent scores of thousands of Frenchmen into virtual slavery in Germany, which put scoundrels like Laval in power, and aided the Germans in their war against the Allies. Few doubt that this old, failing and prejudiced man meant well within his narrow lights, and that he believed he was saving what remained of France from a worse fate. But his ill-doing was not diminished by his good intentions. His very garb of virtue made his acts the more harmful. With every step he took in guarded collaboration he sank further, till he reached the point when he could not fail to be held responsible for the misdeeds of Laval himself. Yet the fact remains that most of France believed in him at first, and a considerable section of it to the end sympathised with him and shared his 'prejudices. To acquit him would be to acquit hundreds of criminals who can shelter under his authority ; to condemn him is, virtually, to con- demn a large number of Frenchmen who shared his views. The trial of this eighty-nine-years old man, wandering in his memory, will be a painful spectacle, and one that the majority of Frenchmen would probably wish to have been spared. But they cannot be.

French Municipal Elections

France has now reached the first of the prescribed stages for post- war democracy in the holding of municipal elections. At the moment of going to press results were not fully known, but it is evident that in Paris and the towns in the provinces there has been a general swing to the left. Members of the Resistance movement did not exercise their influence collectively as a political body, and it is a sign of political health that they did not, though their weight, naturally, seems to have been thrown on the side of the more or less left-wing parties.' Thus the moderate centre party, that of the Mouvement Republicain Populaire, appears to have made

gains at the expense of Conservatives, while the Socialists made a few gains at the expense of parties more to the right, and the Communists scored heavily as against Socialists and Radicals alike. In Paris the Communists have polled nearly 3o per cent. of the votes. Communism, of the distinctly French brand, is manifestly a force to be reckoned with. The elections are undoubtedly a strong popular pronouncement against Vichy and all its :ways, including all that savoured of class privilege and Fascism, and they indicate the desire for a very active Governmental policy in the sphere of industry and social legislation. If General de Gaulle is looking for indications of the state of public opinion he may find it in this very marked movement to the Left ; for though municipal elections are not a general election, in this case it is probable that national issues counted. for more than on normal occasions.

The Chelmsford By-election

Undoubtedly there is uneasiness in the Conservative ranks arising from the sweeping victory of the Commonwealth candidate at Chelmsford in a seat that had been a stronghold of Conservatism, in the first by-election to be held on the new register. True, the character of the constituency has been changed much by a flood of newcomers introduced for war-time industries. Moreover, Flight Lieutenant Cook, deprecating party politics while the war is still on, came to be regarded as a defender of the status quo, while Wing Commander Millington, with all the prestige of a bomber squadron leader, stood for an adventurous policy of progress in a brave new world, which made its appeal to all who have discontents and look to new brooms to sweep cleaner. No experienced poli- tician imagines that the victory indicates some special virtue in Common Wealth 'which attracts or is likely to attract the British electorate. The successful candidate undoubtedly won thousands of votes which would have been given to a Labour candidate, had Labour not observed the truce, and it is the Labour Party rather than Common Wealth which derives encouragement from this conflict. The Conservatives may console themselves with the reflection that by-elections are notoriously deceptive ; yet the particular nature of this conflict, and the dimensions of the turn-over, do indicate that the public, which has been promised that the battle for democracy shall be won not only on the battle-field, but at home, will give its support to candidates who wholeheartedly embrace active policies of social reconstruction.

Conservatives on the Colonies

In a memorandum issued by Mr. P. W. Donner and six other Conservative Members of Parliament on "Colonial Development," the writers are unwilling to adopt an apologetic attitude about our treatment of colonies in the past, but insist on the need of accelerat- ing the pace of progress in the future. They accept the need for pursuing the policy implicifw in the Colonial Development and Wel- fare Act, and while fully admitting the importance of welfare work, they lay a little more stress than is sometimes done on programmes for development. Granted that it is our aim to raise the standard of living and productivity, then it remains to be insisted that in the long run that standard will depend on the energy of the colonial peoples themselves—it is for us to " stimulate their capacity and their will to work." To this end more education is indispensable, in the elementary stage, in technical schools and in University Colleges established in the Colonies themselves. To reach a reason- able stage of prosperity it will not be enough to promote successful land cultivation, though that will doubtless remain the basis of Colonial activity, but it will be necessary also to encourage local and regional industries ; wherefore the writers demand that a pro- gramme of industrialisation should be planned, both by the Colonial Office and the Colonial Governments, and that means should be found to attract long-term investment capital. Not enough attention has been given to this aspect of Colonial development. There are vast resources remaining to be used, but they cannot be exploited without surveys and without a generous supply of capital. Most Colonies are poor, but they are rich in possibilities. In the future they must be developed with the help of the Colonial Power in the interests of the peoples of the Colonies themselves.