SYDNEY SMITH'S FRAGMENT.

IN addition to all that is passing on the question of religious tempo- ralities, the present week has been enriched by a Fragment on the Irish Roman Catholic Church, from the dying hand of Sydney Smith ; which his executors have properly given to the world. From a prefixed list of "private memoranda of subjects intended to have been Introduced in the pamphlet," we catch a glimpse of the manner in which. the author prepared his matter, and the fulness with which he would have treated his subject had life been spared to him : one significant jotting of " a head," as yet untouched—" England should cast off its connexion with the Irish Church "—shows the length to which he himself was pre- pared to go. Looking at the plan so far as rough-sketched by its author, it may not critically be pronounced so complete and orderly a view as many productions. It is not so complete as a college theme, or a prize essay, or an article for a cyclop.sedia. It throws overboard all appeals to history, and even all arguments deduced from abstract prin- ciples, as if they were done with; and comes at once to the practical view. But how thoroughly the pith of the broad, common sense, working views is presented Here and there, perhaps, may be found a rather weak sen- tence or a flat joke, which even a revision of the Fragment might have re- moved; but what a masterly comprehension of the present and immediate ! how thorough an appretiation of what practically bears upon the case though seeming as a mere topic to look remote—what a quiet rejection of all that is really remote though looking near! Then, too, what flashes of wit !— not merely that cold or studious conceit which consists " in bringing remote images happily together," but an urging of the aptest argu- ments in the most cogent way, with illustrations that not only strengthen the reasoning, but present living pictures to the mind. Age did not deaden his sympathies nor blunt his wit; nor, 0 rare Sydney, cause a single change * his principles or political views. So just was his foresight, so keen his appretiation of national requirements, and so slowly does the world wag onward, that, while all around were changing, he and the Duke of Newcastle, political antipodes, alone stood on their old spot. " Sum quod fur might have been his motto on his dying-day. Or if advancing years, and a political revolution that has made other men turn round like whipping-tops, modified any thing, it was his party-spirit. The cant and cowardice of mere Whiggery lie never had ; but of late years there was perhaps less of an Opposition hatred than in the days when Canning was the object of his sarcasm as a " diner-out." Yet his Spirit might say, and truly, " I was always a Conservative ; always for maintaining the institutions of the country, but reforming all proved abuses. More than forty years ago, I began to lay down the principles of true Conserva- tism : men have come to me, I have not gone to them." There is gall and wormwood to fustian Liberals in many parts of this last legacy. Here is one especially, in an estimate of the " Monster Trial."

" Sir Robert did well in, fighting it out with O'Connell. He was too late; but when he began he did it boldly and sensibly; and I, for one, am heartily glad O'Connell has been found guilty and imprisoned. He was either in earnest about Repeal or he was not. If he was in earnest, I entirely agree with Lord Grey and Lord Spencer, that Civil war is preferable to Repeal. Much as I hate wounds, dangers, privations, and explosions—much as I love regular hours of dinner— foolish as I think men covered with the feathers of the male pull= domesticus, and covered with lace in the course of the ischiatic nerve—much as I detest all these' follies and fenacities, I would rather turn soldier myself than acquiesce quietly in-such a separation of the Empire."

REPEAL.

It is such a piece of nonsense, that no man can have any reverence for himself Who would stop to discuss such a question. It is such a piece of Anti-British villany, that none but the bitterest enemy of our blood and people could entertain arch a project! It is to be met only with round and grape—to be answered by Shrapnel and Congreve; to be discussed in hollow squares' and refuted by batta- lions four deep; to be put down by the ultimo ratio of that armed Aristotle the Duke of Welhngton.

THE MORAL OF THE REVERSAL.

O'Connell is released; and released, I have no doubt, by the conscientious deci- sion of the Law Lords. If he was unjustly (even from some technical defect) imprisoned, I rejoice in his liberation. England is I believe, the only country in the world where such an event could have happened; and a wise Irishman (if there be a wise Irishman) should be slow in separating from a country whose spirit can produce and whose institutions can a&iit of such a result. Of his guilt no one doubts; but guilty men must be hung technically and according to established rules—upon a statutable gibbet, with Parliament rope, and a legal hangman, sheriff, and chaplain on the scaffold, and the mob in the foreground.

THE FIRST THING FOR IRELAND.

• The first thing to be done is to pay the priests; and after a little time they will take the money. One man wants to repair his cottage; another wants a buggy; a third cannot shut his eves to the dilapidations of a cassock. The draught is payable at sight in Dublin, orhy agents in the next market-town dependeutupon the Commission in Dublin. The housekeeper of the:holy man is importunate for money; and if it is not procured by drawing for the salary, it must be extorted by Curses and comminations from the ragged worshipers, slowly, sorrowfully, and sadly. There will be some opposition at first; but the facility of getting the salary without the violence they are now forced to use, and the difficulties to which they are exposed in procuring the payment of those emoluments to which they are fairly entitled, will in the end overcome all obstacles. And if it does not suc- ceed wh,st harm is done by the attempt? •*

The Roman Catholic priest could not refuse to draw his salary from the State without incurring the indignation of his flock. " Why are you to come upon us for all this money, when you can ride over to Sligo or Belfast, and draw a draught upon Government for the amount ?" It is not easy to give a satisfactory answer to this, to a shrewd man who is starving to death.

PEEL AND THE ULTRAS.

I have some belief in Sir Robert. He is a man of great understanding, and must see that this eternal O'Connelling will never do—that it is impossible it can last. We are in a transition state, and the Tories may be assured that the Ba- ronet will not go too fast. If Peel tells them that the thing must be done, they may be sure it is high time to do it: they may retreat mournfully and sullenly before common justice and common sense, but retreat they must when Tamworth gives the word,--and in quick-step too, and without loss of time. And let me beg of my dear Ultras not to imagine that they survive for a single instant without Sir Robert—that they could form an Ultra- fory Administration. Is there a Chartist in Great Britain who would not, upon the first intimation of such an attempt) order a new suit of clothes, and call upon the baker and milk- nian for an extended credit? Is there apolitical reasoner who world not come out of his hole with a new constitution? Is there one ravenous rogue who would not be looking for his prey? Is there one honest man of common sense who does not see that universal disaffection and civil war would follow from the blind fury, the childish prejudices, and the deep ignorance of such a sect? I have a high opi- nion of Sir Robert Peel; but he must summon up all his, political courage, and do something next session for the payment of the Roman Catholic priests. He must run some risk of shocking public opinion; no greater risk, however, than he did

in Catholic Emancipation. • •

FEELINGS OF THE CABINET.

There is only one man in the Cabinet [probably Mr. Gladstone, who is no longer there] who objects from reasons purely fanatical, because the Pope is the Scarlet Lady, or the Seventh Vial, or the Little Horn. All the rest are entirely of opinion that it ought to be done—that it is the one thing needful: but they are afraid of Bishops, and County Meetings, newspapers, and pamphlets, and reviews; all fair enough objects of apprehension, but they must be met, and encountered, and put down. It is impossible that the subject can be much longer avoided, and that every year is to produce a deadly struggle with the people, and a long trial in time of peace with O'somebody, the patriot for the time being, or the general, perhaps, in time of a foreign war.

THE RAGA AVIS.

Providence gives us Generals, and Admirals, and Chancellors of the Exchequer; but I never remember in my time a real Bishop,—a grave elderly man, full of kind to his poor clergy, of powerful and commanding eloquence; in Parliament Greek, with sound views of the middle voice and 4erprfect tense, gentle and never to be put down when the great interests of mankind were concerned; 'railing to the Government when it was right, leaning to the People when they were right; feeling that if the Spirit of God had called him to that high office, he was called for no mean purpose, but rather that, seeing clearly, and acting boldly, and intend- ing purely, he might confer lasting benefits upon mankind.

THE POLICY OF PAY.

Give the clergy a maintenance separate from the will of the people, and you will then enable them to oppose the folly and madness of the people. The ob- jection to the State provision does not really come from the clergy, but. from' the Agitators and Repealers: these men see the immense advantage of carrying the clergy with them in their agitation, and of giving the sanction of religion topo- litical hatred; they know that the clergy, moving in the same direction with the people, have an immense influence over them; and they are very wisely afraid, not only of losing this cooperating power, but of seeing it, by a State provision, arrayed against them. I am fully convinced that a State payment to the Catholic clergy, by leaving to that laborious and useful body of men the exercise of their free judgment, would be the severest blow that Irish agitation could receive.

• •

It is commonly said, if the Roman Catholic priests are paid by the State, they will lose their influence over their flocks. Not their fair influence—not that in- fluence which any wise and good man would wish to see in all religions—not the dependence of humble ignorance upon prudence and piety; only fellowship in faction _„: and fraternity in rebellion—all that will be lost. A Peep-of-day clergyman Will no longer preach to a Peep-of-day congregation—a Whiteboy vicar will no longer lead the psalm. to Whiteboy vocalists; but every thing that is good and whole- some will remain. This, however, is not what the Anti-British faction want; they want all the animation which piety can breathe into sedition, and all the fury which the priesthood can preach to diversity of faith: and this is what they mean by a clergy losing their influence over the people!

The cost of his policy Sydney Smith rates at 400,0001. a year. It has been remarked by a writer, who had not read the pamphlet, or wiLfully shut his eyes to its contents, that this was easy for a wit to say, who had not, like a Chancellor of the Exchequer, to find the money. But the wit had forestalled his critic, not only about the, money, but something more.

" This is English legislation for Ireland! There is no abuse like it in all Europe, in all Asia, in all the discovered parts of Africa, and in all we have heard of Thnbuctoo! It is an error that requires twenty thousand armed men for its protection in time of peace; which costs more than a million a year; and which, in the first French war, in spite of the puffing and panting of fighting steamers, will and must break out into desperate rebellion.".

THE LAST CONFESSION.

For advancing these opinions, I have no doubt I shall be assailed by Sacerdos, Vindex, Latimer, Votes, Clencns, Arnspex and be called Atheist, Deist, Demo- crat, smuggler, poacher, highwayman, Unitarian, and Edinburgh Reviewer! Still, I am in the right; and ;vhat I say requires excuse for being trite and obvious not for being mischievous and paradoxicaL I write for three reasons,—first, because I really wish to do good; secondly, because if I don't write, I know nobody else will; and thirdly, because it is the nature of the animal to write, and I cannot help it. Still, in looking back I see no reason to repent. What I have said ought to be done, generally has been done, but always twenty or thirty years too late; done' not of course because I have said it, but because it was no longer possible to avoid doing it. Human beings cling to their delicious tyrannies, and to their exquisite nonsense, like a drunkard to his bottle, and go on till death stares them in the face.