OPINIONS OF THE PRESS.
THE NEW CIVIL LIST.
MORNING POST—The Civil List proposed by the late Ministers. amounted to 970,000/. ; that proposed by the present Ministers amounts to 510,000/. But how is this reduction effected ? Simply by transferring the difference to other funds,—an expedient by which not a shilling will be saved to the country As regards the details, the most extraordinary feature in the present plan is that of the Pension List. The Pension Lists of England, Ireland, and Scotland, amount respectively to 7-1,200/., 53,9241., and 31,252/. They are now to be united and the whole is to amount to only 75,000/. How is this to be effected ? By little better than a juggle. The senior Pensions to the amount of 75,0001., are to remain a part of the Civil List ; while the difference, or the later Pensions, to the amount of 69,0001., are to be chargeable on the Consolidated Fund. The Pensions in the former class are thus renew- able by his Majesty as they fall in ; those belonging to the latter will in process of time become wholly extinct. By this dexterous apportion- ment it is evident that the ability of his present Majesty to grant Pen- sions will be little if at all restricted, since the great majority of those that fall in for many years to come will in the course of nature belong to the former class ; and it is equally evident that the present Ministers tvill suffer little or no diminution of patronage.
Monynso CHRONICLE—Mr. Goulburn charged Lord Althorp with
the guilt (which must sit heavy on his soul) " of a departure from the principle upon which every Government has hitherto acte1 in the settle- ment of the Civil List." As might be expected also the Right Hon. Gentleman objects to the reduction of pensions to 75,000/. a year, his opinion being that the prerogative of the Crown will thus be unduly and unfairly restricted. Considering the many claims of the Right Hon. Gentleman to popularity, his more than Roman virtue in renouncing them last night is not a little wonderful—" I never have been, and never will be the slave of popularity." It would have been a long time, we suspect, before popularity would have made the Right Hon. Gentle- man Chancellor of the Exchequer, and quartered him on the public for a handsome retiring pension. Lord Bathurst and his colleague, Lord Melville, were also determined not to be slaves of popularity when they endeavoured to obtain such handsome superannuations for their sons. I hate being the slave of inebriety, says the drunkard, who reels home in the morning from his orgies. As long as the higher ranks can quarter their needy relatives on the public, as pensioners, they will all show the same noble disdain of popularity.
THE MINISTERIAL PLAN OF REFORM.
STANDARD—If we may draw any inference from external circum- stances to supply the absence of authentic information, the Ministerial plan will not be a violent one. First, it has been stated plainly, with a designed emphasis, that all the members of the Government are agreed in it. Now there are some members of the Government whom we can scarcely suppose to acquiesce in any scheme of reform hostile to the in- terests of the Aristocracy, or otherwise approaching to Radicalism. Again, the selection of Lord John Russell looks like a pledge to mode- ration. The plan of that nobleman, introduced in 1821, was certainly the least alarming ever offered to Parliament ; it was, in fact, only a motion that the House should engage itself by resolutions to do that in the way of disfranchisement, which it has since been doing uncompelled by any promise ; and that the spoils of these disfranchisements should be anticipated for the benefit of Manchester, Birmingham, &c. If we are to have any reform, Lord John Russell cannot be regarded as a dangerous reformer.
Go.—..When a man like Lord Althorp asserts that the intended
measure is full and efficient, his declaration will inspire just confidence throughout the country that the reform is not timidly or dishonestly undertaken—that we may expect a measure which honest Reformers may conscientiously sit/Tort but, while individuals differ widely among themselves as to the details and extension which they think desirable in a plan of reform, it cannot be expected that the measure proposed by the Government should be that which each person would have represented to himself as the best. The measure to be proposed by the Government will, we have no doubt (for every plan of reform which has a chance of being successful must), fail to meet the wishes of many persons who call themselves Reformers ; but reform, even by these men, should not be treated on different principles from any other measure in politics. We should certainly consider what would be most desirable if we had the power to effect it,—for towards that perfection all our efforts must be directed to reach ; but with this caution, that in attiring to attain objects which we have not strength to grasp or pre- serve, we lose those benefits which we might readily accomplish. Parties
as well as indtviduals frequently break down through the ambition of accomplishing too much,—and through the same process,—by rousing into opposition those who would have yielded to or favoured more temperate pretensions. It appears to us of immense consequence (when we con- sider the unexpected as well as happy change which has taken place ia this country in a few years) to realize the benefits of any reform which the men who now compose the Cabinet can "one and all" cordially concur in. If it be even less complete and effectual than we hope to find it, the re- sponsibility will be great on any reformers who, through spite or di sal rpoi nt- meat or vanity, or even through some more worthy motives, lend their endeavours to frustrate it. On the other hand, less enviable, we believe, would be the condition of any men really , to preserve whAt is valuable in our institutions, who should succeed in defeating for the present all reform by a confederacy in Parliament opposed to the almost unanimous wishes of the country.
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