" SUPPORT THE AMERICANS." T HE Conference at Washington may prove
to be one of the most important meetings in the history of mankind. Some day, if 'hopes are fulfilled, the names of places where questions which seemed to men at the time the most important with which humanity could concern itself—Nierea, Trent, Rome, Runnymede, Vienna, Paris— will seem insignificant compared with Washington. The nation has learned with much disappointment that the Prime Minister will be unable to go to Washington • at present. Let us hope that he will be able to go later, for nobody could state better, than he could the sincere and passionate desire of Englishmen for a means of perpetual peace. We publish elsewhere an article about the thoughts and actions of Mr. Page, the late American Ambassador, at the beginning of the war, but we shall not apologize for giving our readers two articles dealing with America this week, because it is impossible to exaggerate the im- portance of the subject which fills the minds of all of us. It is inconceivable that the Washington Conference should leave matters where it finds them. It may succeed or it may fail ; but when it is over the world will be different. Either we shall know that sanity, good will, and the human ability to conquer terrible difficulties have triumphed, or we shall know that these qualities have 'failed, that no solution has been found •for the world's ills, that, indeed, there is no immediate hope of a solution and that civilization remains in dreadful danger. On the whole the omens are good. The statesmen of all countries seem to understand that not to try to rid our- selves of the necessity of a policy which must inevitably lead to ruin and unimaginable slaughter is to -accept for the noble beast called man a very much lower place than he is entitled to. But among all the nations which, in varying degrees, desire that the great goal should be reached, and believe in the possibility .of making the journey, there are no two which see by instinct and training more nearly eye to eye than Britain and America. We have often said that if a perfect understanding could be brought about between these two nations every other good thing would follow as a matter of course. In no tyrannical sense, but by the great force of character, orderliness, decency, and justice, the code of the English-speaking world would run everywhere.
Much more than that is, of course, to be attempted at Washington, but even if the best is unattainable let us remember to act, if necessary, upon the admirable French precept that " the best is the enemy of the good." An Anglo-American understanding ought to be attainable in any case, and the rest would follow, though the process would be slower than we now hope it will be. It is certain that the majority of the best men in American public life have their hearts in this great cause. The growing enthu- siasm and definiteness of President Harding himself have been very noticeable. If a single and all-embracing in- struction had to be given to our representatives at the Conference, we think it ought to be " Support the Ameri- cans." That comprises everything that is necessary, and it is much more likely than any other principle to see us safely through the hazardous negotiations. The Americans want peace and nothing else. They covet no territory ; they do not want to make their neighbours the unhappy possessors of grievances ; they dislike statecraft ; they want a " square deal," and if our delegates are not found on their side throughout the Conference, little or nothing will be accomplished. But that is too bad to contemplate. Let us rather examine the good omens.
Chief of these was the speech which Mr. Harvey, the American Ambassador in London, made at the Pilgrims' Dinner on Monday. He told his audience of the heartiness of the welcome which was given to President Harding's invitation to the Conference when it was received at Chequers. When the telegram came the Prime Minister jumped to his feet and almost shouted " We accept—we accept gladly, and we accept gratefully. It is all right. We will do everything in our power to make the Conference a great success." " Behind King, and :President, and Governments," said Mr. Harvey, " stand in wistful hope the entire peoples of our common race." He then referred to the reassuring attitude of France and Japan. He did not speak without warrant. M. Briand has said that though France will not make any constructive proposals she has nothing but a sincere desire to help. The French have made it plain enough that they would prefer to have a definite guarantee of the security of France by Britain and America as the= starting-point of all discussion, but we are not without hope that even with- out this something will emerge from the Conference which will seem to France to be a satisfactory- substitute. As for Japan, Baron Hayashi, the Japanese 'Ambassador in London, said last Saturday .at a luncheon given by the Foreign Press Association, that it was ,the -duty not only of statesmen and diplomats, but of everybody, to pray for the success of the Conference. " II we go there in that spirit, I have no doubt that we shall achieve success." It is well known that there is a militaristic party in Japan, but the peace party is not merely strong but is probably becoming stronger. In this respect Japan .is quite unlike pre-war Germany. The great.Japanese industrialists know very well that industry thrives on peace and languishes, if it does not die, in war.
As for America herself, Mr. Harvey made it plain that she wanted peace, not because she is afraid of war, but because she " simply hates it." A nation which can put twenty-four million men of military age into the field has no need to be afraid. With America it is a moral issue.
So far from wanting to be aggressive, she would not accept additional territory as a gift. As Mr. Harvey said, the Conference is to be " an ordeal not of battle but of faith."
He was able to point to an earnest of American sincerity. The programme of the American Navy was adopted in 1916, and was in process of execution early this year. Suddenly there was a striking change. Almost simul- taneously with the decision to call the Conference, Congress halved the normal appropriation. Two battleships are nearly finished, and it would be extravagant to stop their construction, but building orr the other ships has been suspended. No new ship can be begun, except in the event of war, before the summer of next year. Finally, Mr. Harvey expressed the opinion that the proposals for lightening the great burden of armaments offered a line of less resistance than there had ever been before. After all, the reasonable, the humane, the Christian policy is not impracticable, so far as we can see, between any nations, but it is emphatically possible between Britain and America. For more than a hundred years there have been no ships of war on the Great Lakes; and the long frontier between the United States and Canada has been virtually un- defended. We have only to build upon what we have already accomplished. The soldiers and the sailors may always be trusted to do and say the right thing in the way of geniality. There was quite a sailors' " jolly " in New York on Thursday, October 27th, when the Pilgrims of America gave a dinner in honour of Lord Beatty. The cheering was a tempest when Lord Beatty declared that he ruled out utterly the possibility of serious differences between our two countries, " whose every interest and every instinct binds them to- gether." Admiral Hugh Rodman, who commanded the American Squadron in the Grand Fleet, said that he and his brother-officers were always conscious of the " blood brotherhood " between the two nations.
Although the Government have decided not to denounce the Anglo-Japanese Affiance, we still hope that they will recognise the unwisdom of their decision. Proofs that this Alliance more than any other single fact stands in the way of America and Britain coming completely together accumulate every week. When a few months ago we advocated the immediate denunciation of the Treaty we received little encouragement. But now there is a great change. We notice that Lord Northcliffe has urged that the Treaty should be ended, and the Morning Post of Wednesday published a very candid article from its Washington correspondent, Mr. Maurice Low, pointing out that the Alliance does, as a matter of fact, create much suspicion in America. It is useless for us to say that when the Treaty was renewed last time a clause was inserted emphasizing the fact that Great Britain would never interpret the Treaty in such a way as to range herself on the side of Japan against America. Americans cannot forget that the political conditions in the Far East—threats from Russia and Germany—which called the Treaty into existence have absolutely passed away. Why, then, they ask, should the Treaty be continued if it is not aimed at America ? We have, of course, nothing whatever to complain of as regards the loyalty of Japan. If the Treaty were denounced it would not be because we want to do anything at all displeasing to Japan or in any way to weaken her—on the contrary, we hold most strongly that she must be satisfied in her need for new openings for the expansion of her trade and her population—but because we want to start afresh. We are sure that a fresh start would be in the interests of Japan as much as in that of everybody else. Japan has nothing to gain and everything to lose by keeping America on tenterhooks. We heartily agree with Mr. Low when he says :— "Only by Great Britain terminating the Alliance with Japan can the United States be made to feel comfortable. The American Government, so far as it is possible to ascertain, has never formally proposed to the British Government that it should denounce the Treaty, but the attitude of the Washington Government is as well known as that of the American people. They, the Government no less than the people, resent the Alliance between Great Britain and Japan, and look upon it as inimical to their interests."
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