NEWS OF THE WEEK.
WHILE the Peers, as usual at "this early period of the session," have been "kicking their heels" for want of work, the Commons have been diligent in forwarding the temporary measures for Ire- land. With much talk, but little obstruction, two of the mea- sures the Labour Bill and the Destitute Persons Bill, passed the second reading on Tuesday.
The Irish Members made a great show in point of speaking ; but they have not fulfilled the expectations raised by their great Irish council of all parties in Old Palace Yard. Some of them, with Mr. Osborne at the head, raised many objections to the Ministerial plans ; others applauded ; but altogether there was a remarkable dearth of counsel from them. So little did they bring of positive and distinct advice, so little did they do in that way beyond uttering the repeated cries of "food, food," for the people, and "money, money,' for the landlords, as to betray that they are quite at the wit's-end for expedients. Ireland is at this mo- ment rescued from famine not only by the wealth of England, but also by the ingenuity' of England, such as it is. It is clear that a " Parliament in College Green" would have done no more than the baronial sessions—voted money which it Coulikoot raise, and whistled for supplies.
Mr. Roebuck threw a hand-grenade among them on Monday. He spoke of the chronic starvation of the people, the chronic ruin of the grasping landlords, and the helplessness which permitted both; and he called for some effectual measure to force Ireland out of that condition. In particular, he demanded a poor-law. His speech provoked angry and complaining retorts : it was un- just, cruel, and ungenerous, in the hearing of the rebuked Irish landlords; but it obtained the attention of the House ; and, we believe, a very general concurrence among the English Members, though others were not so outspoken. It is thought unhandsome to speak sternly to the Irish in their suffering, and so the moral discipline to prevent a renewal of such sufferings is withheld.
There was not, however, implicit concurrence. Mr. Hume, dismayed at the extent, boundlessness, and aimlessness of the threatened expenditure, asked for more distinct explanations. The Chancellor of the Exchequer rose—pencils, says the Aforn- ing Chronicle, were pulled out to note the expected particulars— words came from him for a whole hour ; but not a word of real answer to Mr. Hume's inquiry. Next night Mr. Labouchere spoke, and again the House listened for the unspoken explanation of objects and anticipated results ; but scarcely anything came forth. Mr. Labouchere thinks that the advances to landlords, and the drainage and the reclamation of waste lands, will absorb a good deal of labour; and be made the announcement which we deside- rated last week, that Government do expect the landlords to re- pay the loans : but that was all,—nothing definite, precise, or tangible; not even a general sketch of the estimated results. Of course Sir Robert Peel was watched with anxiety : what course would he take, was the general question. He sat silent until the close of the second evening, and then he spoke. He compliments all officials concerned in the provisional measures of the recess, and adopts the temporary measures now .proposed ; but as to the permanent measures—be withholds his Judgment, as Lord John advises, until he shall see the bills. Wednesday was a day for undiscussed matters of routine, and Thursday was the next night for resuming the Irish measures ; but Lord George Bentinck interposed his scheme, and Govern- ment could do no more than get a grant of money for carrying on the new temporary measures of relief. Lord George's scheme is, to promote the simultaneous com- pletion of all railways for which acts have been obtained, by Go- vernment grants to the extent of I6,000,000/., the remainder of the requisite sum, 8,000,000/., being supplied by private capital- ists. He promises that his scheme shall at once give employment to 110,000 labourers, representing 550,000 souls ; that it shall at once put into activity a mass of capital already locked up in stag- nant enterprises; that it shall impart a new value to lands throughout the country, and give a general stimulus to its traffic ; that it shall directly cause a yearly increase in the Imperial reve- nue representing a capital of 18,000,000!.; and that all this shall be done without loss to any one, and without even risk to the State ; so excellent is the security afforded by railway property. There was some disposition to anticipate this counter-scheme with contempt, on account of the quarter whence it emanated ; but it proves more troublesome for Ministers to deal with than they might have supposed. It is not only in the magnificent promises of the project that its strength lies, but also in the ela- borately lucid speech of the proposer ; in the pains which he had taken to support every part with exact evidence, or what looks like exactness ; in his figures ; in the specific nature of the objects at which he aimed, and the explicit ac- count of the way in which the plan was expected to work. In all these respects his proposition stood in formidable contrast to the Ministerial plans and statements : it almost looks like a reality opposed to shadows. Lord George Bentinck has laid down all his data—they may be deceptive, they may be false; but there they are, challenging scrutiny.
Lord John Russell allowed the bill to be read a first time, but with a threat of stoppage at a later stage ; "respect for his noble friend" inducing the Premier to take that devious course. He stated two reasons for opposing the bill : the purposed interven- tion of Government, be said, would be an undue interference with private enterprise,—a generality which applies with only partial force to Ireland, where there is so little private enterprise for novel undertakings on a great scale; and next, the plan would not provide the great want in Ireland, instant supplies of food for the starving. True ; but it might provide for a large portion of the destitute ; and there is no advantage in keeping all of that vast number in the condition of paupers.
The sources of distrust are deeper than Lord John chose to go. This.very_selaeme, it appears, has been long reserved ; Lord George Bentinck has been long in search of some cause or party whereof to be leader ; a party of "United Irishmen" have come front Dublin to sit in Old Palace Yard, over against Parliament, to enforce due charity for Ireland and Irish landlords ; railway projectors seldom fail to get up schemes as imposing as Lord George's—no classes have more ardent imaginations than traffic- takers, surveyors, and promoters—they are like Hood's "happiest man in England," the great auctioneer, to whom every object is a source of hopeful admiration. What with railway gambling, Irish landlord gambling in Government aid, political gambling. for position, and other gambling associations, England would really feel the jealousy to which Mr. Roebuck gave voice, at seeing 16,000,000/. granted to Irish railways from British taxa- tion on the promissory note of Lord George Bentinck.
Why are not all these projected railways already at work by favour of English capital, which is almost as searching and as universal as water ? Lord George seems to think that it is the dis- trust of ordinary commercial credit in Ireland, which he ascribes to English "ignorance." No, no; it is the distrust of that tran- quillity in Ireland which is the safety of propeity. The people who buy blunderbusses when starving, may, when their district lacks traffic, take to tearing up the railways. We all remember when the organ of "Young Ireland" speculated on the extra- commercial uses of railways; told the people how they might be torn up for purposes of ambush, and taught how rails may be forged into capital pikes.
