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THE EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE.
2 Crown Terrace, Scarborough, 2d ,Tune 1867. Sue—It is, perhaps, too much for the most sanguine educationists to hope for any immediate practical results on a grand scale of the Conference which is advertised in your columns for the 22{1 of June. Nevertheless, the high character of the noblemen and gentlemen whose names appear on the pro. gramme gives grounds for anticipating that the subject of National Education will be thoroughly investigated by men the most competent to draw conclusions from the mass of evidence which will, doubtless, be laid before them. If they can succeed in disentangling this gordian knot of social economy, which seems to baffle the wisdom or daunt the courage of our leading politicians—if from their deliberations any scheme results which can at once meet the present exigency and secure the popular approbation—they will earn for themselves the highest praise. At all events, it is a noticeable fact, that a. number of the most sagacious of our legislators, under the presidency of the first gentleman in the empire, have fairly set to work to solve the problem which has hitherto been deemed insoluble. It remains to be seen whether they are equal to the task of squaring this mysterious circle, whose outline is circumscribed by intractable prejudice and intolerable
• ofiy.
It Is to be sincerely hoped that earnest attention will be paid to the industrial element in the curriculum of training. This element I have alvine considered as essential to any sound system of education. And I do so not only on the grounds which you notice in your paper of last Saturday— namely, that the children so instructed would be more likely to gain employment., thing is done to coax the former and to soothe the latter, (and no expedient ought to be omitted which can fairly he tried,) we must not omit to consider the feelings of the children themselves. If we do, we lose sight of an element of wet importance in the construction of any educational scheme. And here we must be careful not to attach too great weight to the working of any Foreign systems of education. The idiosyncrasy of English boys and girls must be studied. There is danger, I fear, of grievous mistakes being made if the Conference should conclude, because a particular "regiment' (to use a Baconian term) has succeeded in France, or Prussia, or Holland, that the same will necessarily succeed in our country. This would be a fatal error. It is notorious that foreigners cannot understand how the discipline of our public schools succeeds, as it does, in forming good and useful citizens—it is so totally contrary to all their notions of propriety. But if that discipline were altered to the standard of Prussia or France, who is there that would not anticipate most disastrous consequences? National peculiar-S ities must be respected. The discipline of English boys must be totally unlike the military despotism of Continental schools. And this is true not only of the "upper ten thousand," and of the "middle classes," but also of the labourers and artisans. There is not a finer race in the world than the Anglo-Saxon—no race more amenable to moral discipline—no race more capable of appreciating the good, the beautiful, and the true—no race more alive to the varied responsabilites of man. But there is a fierce spirit of independence innate in this noble stock. It is often said of Englishmen, "You may lead but cannot drive them." English boys are the raw materials out of which these English men are made. If properly treated—if disciplined with a judicious hand in pursuits which are congenial to the natural bent of the national disposition—that is, in pursuits of industry and skill, combined with well-selected intellectual studies—there is no point short of absolute perfectibility which may not often be reached. Nor need there be any apprehensioa lest industrial occupation should clash or be incompatible with book learning. The twelve hours of the day are amply sufficient to allow scope for three necessary divisions of time—a time for labour of body1 a time for labour of mind, and a time for relaxation. For the grand secret of instruction is, not to make any task too long or wearisome. Doubtless there will always be some who would prefer to sit all the hours at a desk—others who would spend more willingly all day in the workshop : but these will be exceptional cases ; and if the industrial system be adopted, it will be found that generally the boy or girl who is most forward with his or her book will be the one most .rdistmguished for energy and perseverance in the shop or in the field. It is a common mistake made by the opponents of industrial education, that its promoters intend to teach every possible trade or manual employment. No such absurdity could ever enter a reasonable mind. What it is proposed to attempt is simply this : to take up five or six of the most ordinary and most useful mechanical employments—such as those of the carpenter, the blacksmith, the gardener, the shoemaker, &c.—in short, such a " trivium et quadrivium " as may seem most likely to render a man as much as possible aierl.pees in the battle of life. Whatever may be the future destination of the pupil, he can never be worse for knowing something of those simple arts of life which are required to meet the daily exigencies of his terrestrial existence. How often, for example, do men fail of success in the Colonies for want of this kind of training ! Nor need the same cycle be laid down for every school. The requirements of town and country are different, and therefore town and country schools should be modelled on a different system. No definite plan can be framed. Great latitude must be allowed in the management, otherwise the best-laid scheme would fail. But I must conclude with apologizing for thus 'venturing to trespass on your space. JOHN OATES.
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