THE MAGAZINES.

MR. FAB/AN WARE, the editor of the Morning Post, recapitu- lates in a remarkable article in the Nineteenth Century entitled "Unionist Opportunism and Imperial Democracy" the

criticisms of Mr. Balfour's leadership, and the attacks on the Free-trade Unionists, which have appeared in that journal of late. Premising that six months ago the victory of Tariff Reform seemed assured, Mr. Ware proceeds to describe the "rot" which has set in on the Unionist side since Tariff Reform was side-tradked by the appeal to anti-Socialism.

The nadir of demoralisation was, however, reached when, "infected with the prevailing mania for artificial unity, the 'Stalwarts' [Mr. Ware generally uses the term in bitter irony] were led into direct negotiations with the Unionist Free Traders." Mr. Fabian Ware continues in a passage the beauty of which must not be marred by abridgment :—

" Lord Robert Cecil is opposed to the Food Duties; the Food Duties are essential to all the Imperial aspirations of Tariff Reform ; Tariff Reform has been formally accepted as the first con- structive policy of the Unionist party. The elementary deduction is that Lord Robert Cecil cannot claim membership of the Unionist party any more than Mr. Chamberlain could continue to be associated with the Liberal party when he differed from Mr. Glad- stone on the question of Home Rule. But Lord Robert Cecil allowed his principles to be stretched on the rack of compromise. The few Stalwarts '—and they could be numbered on the fingers of one hand—who refused to assist in turning the screw were called disloyal and un-English. They were even deserted by their own friends who, having entered upon the downward path of com- promise when they forsook their own plain statement of principles for the Birmingham formula, were now prepared to strike a bargain with the leader of the Free Trade Unionists. 'Unity' was nearly achieved, at the cost of the votes of thousands of working men who had been led to believe in the real unity offered by Imperial demo- cracy, and who have given their adherence to the full Tariff Reform creed, national and imperial. Viewed in the rush and turmoil of present events, that is in outline the history of the past three years as it concerns the fundamental political issue which is agitating England. The Unionist party, as represented by its leaders, has so far found the task which it inherited from Mr. Chamberlain too great for it. It has staggered under the burden into the present chaos and uncertainty. Tariff Reform victories at by-elections may do something to put new heart into the 'Stalwarts,' but unless strong action is now taken the same tendencies will in the future reign supreme within the party."

In conclusion, Mr. Ware asserts that at the forthcoming General Election Tariff Reformers, "if they are to remain in full association with the Unionist party and if now they insist on a full acceptance of their principles, have everything to gain from that election." But there must be no compromise. We have already a Fabian Society. This article apparently foreshadows the emergence of a Fabian Ware party.

Lord Avebnry exposes with his usual lucidity the vulnerable points in the Finance Bill. We have not space to follow in detail his criticisms, in which he very properly lays stress on the extra- ordinary consensus of expert opinion against the land clauses. We may note, however, his observation on the effect of the Budget on foreign capital. "Capital will go where income-tax and• death-duties are lowest or do not exist—to countries which have a wiser and more far-seeing Government." On the subject of graduation, Lord Avebury bolds with Lecky and J S. Mill that it is a penalty on saving and industry. The' best thing in an excellent article is the shrewd comment: "The Chancellor of the Exchequer seems to think that to diminish wealth is to diminish poverty." In this context we may draw attention to Mr. W. H. Mallock's elaborate statistical inquiry into the actual amount of the annual increment of land values. His conclusion, foreshadowed in the title of the article, "Phantom Millions," is that the revenue yielded by the Government's proposed tax will not exceed £39,000 "Here we have a sum which is not seldom exceeded by the State or by private collectors in the purchase of a single picture; and it was in order to secure a result of this ludicrous kind that the Government originally proposed to force on the landlords the enormous expense of a new valuation of the country. As a matter of business the Government would behave far more wisely, and as a matter of principle they would not behave more unjustly, if they forced the landlords to pay them .21,000,000, as kings once extorted ship-money, and then invested this sum in the Canadian Pacific Railway or acquired with it a preponderating interest in the Civil Service Stores or in Harrod's."

Naquet, a French ex-Senator, contributes & most interesting article on Senor Ferrer, whom he knew intimately for many years, and held in fraternal affection. Of Ferrer's innocence of the Barcelona outrages M. Naquet is absolutely convinced, chiefly for the following reason. M. Naquet per- sonally believes that "force placed at the service of right can alone overcome force placed at the service of iniquity." Ferrer had abandoned this view, and become converted to a belief in the superior efficacy of education. But, as M. Naquet for a long time had been the confidant and depositary of his friend's thoughts, he is convinced that if Ferrer had prepared the revolutionary movement he would have apprised him of it. "He would have confided his plans to me all the more readily because I should have approved his intentions." As a matter of fact, he did nothing of the kind. M. Naquet also lays stress on Ferrer's long absence from Spain in the months preceding the outbreak—most unlikely if he was preparing the revolution—the resort of the prosecution to articles written twenty or thirty years ago, the weakness of the testimony of the handwriting experts, and the hampering of the defence in every possible way. The strongest point in an article which is charged with deep personal devotion is undoubtedly the contention that a man who appeals to violent revolution does not spend his time and money—as Ferrer undoubtedly did—on the founding of schools the results of which will not be reaped for a quarter of a century.—All schoolmasters, parents, and guardians should read Mr. Mayor's article on "The Fallacy of the Elder Brother," in which, while admitting its superficial amenities, he vigorously attacks the new attitude of younger masters to their pupils, on the ground that it makes for triviality, for vulgar and unintellectuol ideals, and for acquiescence in things as they are.

The National Review prints an article on "Peace Ideas and Disarmament" from Weltstaat 'and Priedensproblem, by Baron Karl von Stengel, one of the German delegates at the Hague Conference. The tone of the article is not calculated to encourage pacifists, as may be gathered from the following extracts :—" Only childish optimism imagines that these growing rivalries between white and yellow races can be abolished by pretty phrases or by decisions of the Hague Arbitration Court With Germany it is enemies all round.' For that reason, and despite the naturally peaceful disposition of the German people, the Empire can pursue no peaceful policy in the sense of the Friends of Peace and of the Peace movement.

Peoples nationally so firm and consolidated as the French and English may suffer no damage from the Peace movement. In Germany, however, the movement must be regarded with distrust and earnestly combated, because it contains factors inimical to the national idea."—Mr. Comyn- Platt, writing from Melilla, gives a vivid picture of the Spanish army and their antagonists in Morocco. He has a high opinion of the Spanish troops, but, in view of the peculiar difficulties by which they are faced, considers that the only way of bringing the war to a successful conclusion hi to repeat Lord Kitchener's tactics in South Africa and institute a huge "drive." At the same time he considers the discontent of Spain—due to heavy taxation, unpopular laws, doubtful justice, and a decreasing Exchequer—a far greater source of danger than the war in Morocco.—The author of a brief sketch of Mr. Ure, written before the recent old-age pensions controversy, while giving him credit for boundless energy and ubiquitous- ness, quotes some earlier instances of his ability to rise superior to correction.—We are glad to note that in his "Episodes of the Month" the editor disavows the hostility shown by the extreme Tariff Reformers to Lord Robert Cecil. "For the present difficulty," he writes, "no fair-mindea Unionist can blame Lord Robert Cecil, who has done all that could be reasonably asked when he waived the original compact —which we always condemned—and agreed in the event of his finding himself unable to support the Unionist Tariff Reform Bill to place himself in the hands of the Party Whip. A man of his character and exceptional Parliamentary powers could hardly be asked to do more than this, which satisfied every responsible Tariff Reformer from Mr. Chamberlain downwards."

Lord Courtney continues in the Contemporary his interest- ing discussion on "Peace or War ? " with special reference to our relations with Germany. While regretting that since Sir Henry Camp bell-Bannerman's death the Liberal Ministry has inclined to the Imperialist side, "though its younger members of promise give promise of a return to a more inter- national conception of foreign relations," Lord Courtney frankly admits that since 1870 "united Germany has increased to a degree which may be described with something more than etymological exactness as overbearing." Elsewhere he speaks of her "overweening sufficiency," and hails the fall of Prince Billow as a most hopeful sign. On the other hand, he regards the absorption of Holland as a fixed idea of many Germans, and adds :—

" I have never accepted the pure Manchester doctrine of non- intervention. A great nation has its duties, and often a special inheritance of duty. Any attempt to seize Holland against the will of the Dutch could not be regarded with indifference; but I must add that such an attempt is harboured by a very insignifi- cant number, who could not become powerful unless we played into their hands."

This paragraph is curiously characteristic of the balancing attitude of the writer, cold fits of pessimistic candour being always followed by a returning wave of optimism. Lord Courtney's final conclusion is that "there is no danger which a frank, honest, good-natured diplomacy, based on a ready acceptance of inevitable facts, could not remove." But if we are ever to establish a firm friendship with Germany, we must get rid of our "obscure jealousy which makes us anxious, nervous, fearful." We may escape from our gloomy outlook "if we are content to advance abreast of others on the march of civilisation without straining to maintain an overtopping superiority in physical resources which Nature and Time must deny us."—Mr. Harold Spender discusses the prospects of the Budget, taking for his text the statement of Mr. Asquith that its rejection meant financial and administrative chaos.

His article is thus a counterblast to those on the "dead- lock" in the Times, in which the dislocation of the national finances was minimised. Mr. Spender, on the other hand, draws a horrifying picture of the administrative anarchy to which we should be reduced. But in his view, while this is bad, the loss of public liberty is worse.—Mr. Alexander Grant, K.C., follows with a paper on "The Lords and Money Bills," but his argument is largely made up of assertion. "It is now too late in the day," he declares, "to attempt to inter- fere with the established usage of the Constitution, and to revive the obsolete and abandoned privilege of the Lords." Equally vague is his attempt to meet the argument that the Finance Bill is an instance of "tacking." Mr. Grant goes the length of asserting, in proof of the insincerity of the opposition to the Bill, that "before the Budget was ever introduced the word had gone forth that it was to be destroyed so as to force an election." He winds up on a note of menace by suggesting to the Lords that in attempting to assert an obsolete privilege they may not only bring down their own house in ruin, "but also shake the foundations of an institution older even than the House of Lords itself."-- Professor Edward Dowden in a most suggestive article main- tains with Canon Beeching, Mr. Bradley, and Professor Raleigh, as against Mr. Sidney Lee, that Shakespeare's per- sonality is revealed in his works. We cannot resist quoting one amusing passage about dramatists and dogs :—

" It is a grief to me to learn from Dr. Bradley that the creator of Launce's immortal Crab did not love a dog. Neither did Goethe ; his son threw ammonites, brought with toil from the Hainberg, at the Hamburg mongrels ; a poodle took revenge at a later time and drove Goethe out of his theatrical managership. Bacon cannot have been the meanest of mankind, for when Secre- tary Winwood did beat his dog from lying on a stool,' Bacon quarrelled with Mr. Secretary, and declared that 'every gentleman did love his dog."

—Sir Andrew Fraser writes seriously, though in no alarmist ,spirit, about the situation in India. The Reform scheme has Ailed to conciliate the extreme Nationalists, but Sir Andrew

Fraser believes that the Government will receive not only the.

approval, but the active co-operation, of the great mass of thee community in suppressing the boycott movement.—Dr.

Squire Sprigge, the editor of the .Lancet, discusses the

of the legalised interference of the medical man in respect of marriage designs in a judicious spirit. The final paragraph, which we quote, gives sound reasons for the conclusion that such interference would do more harm than, good

"A married couple may look upon their marriage as an affair for two people only (which is myopic of them), as an affair for society, or as an affair for the race to come, and in no one of thes& aspects would medical inspection, in the present state of our knowledge, ward off disappointments in a sufficiently large number of eases to warrant the proceeding with its attendant incon- veniences. The most physically suited for union can be made. acutely unhappy by a thousand things having nothing to do with., their healths—in real life it is not Cinderella's lungs but her accent and her ignorance which spoil domestic life, and lead to differences of opinion about the management and future of the children which must have an unfortunate effect upon the next generation. In the absence of more precise knowledge, medical inspection yielding an unfavourable report might prevent mar- riages that would have brought content and healthy children in their train—how many perfectly healthy people of quite advanced age do we not know who can tell a story of a consumptive grand. mother? Conversely, a favourable medical verdict might lead to a union the resulting offspring of which presented some wretched dyscrasia."

In reviewing passing events in the Fortnightly Mr. Garvin,

urges people to clear their minds on the subject of our relations with America in regard to Germany. He points out

how mischievous it is to try to induce American opinion to take definite sides with us. By so doing we only alienate those in the United States, now a minority, who have a real desire for good relations with this country. Thus we are playing the game of the large element of German and Irish descent. These are the people who, as "Professor Schiemann reminds us every week in the Ifreuz-Zeitung, claim to be a majority." What we should do is to place our Navy in an

impregnable position, and let American opinion come to its own conclusions. Already there are signs that the significance of what the Hohenzollern and Hapsburg Alliance means is being understood on the other side of the Atlantic. "Americans realise that if Germany ever won the mastery of the sea, it might not be so easy for either English-speaking Power to get it back. The Monroe Doctrine and the security of the Panama Canal might prove to be worth just nothing if the immense military resources of the German Empire once secured full maritime mobility." Mr.

Garvin does not examine the views of those Americans who still desire the isolation of their country from all external politics, and who rejoice in the growth of the German Fleet, feeling that it will neutralise our Navy, and thus keep the two strongest nations of Europe engaged at home.—Mr. Ellis Barker deals with the question of "How the Unionists might Win the General Election." He brings the charge against his party that "by allowing wealth and social standing to preponderate over political ability, the Unionist Party has dulled the fighting edge of its

political organisations." Mr. Barker thinks that the Trade- Unions have been alienated by the fact that the party tries to reserve Parliamentary and political honours for those with wealth and social standing, making use of democracy without giving it a share in the management of affairs. Certainly the Liberals have shown their wisdom, and gained strength, by the acknowledgment of such men as Mr. Burns. The writer's panacea for all the ills of his party finally comes out, as we suspected it would, by the advocating of Tariff Reform. Whether this will secure the support of the best elements among the working classes remains to be seen. —Mr. W. S. Lilly shows in a thoughtful paper the terrible disparity between wealth and poverty as seen both here and in America, making use of a work coming from the latter country entitled Our Irrational Distribution of Wealth. Mr. Lilly says truly that "the only way to maintain the rights of property is to redress the wrongs of poverty." The difficulty is how to do this, and here we get no clear indication of workable methods.

The writer has little to suggest beyond vague proposals to prohibit "usury," as defined by a Lateran Council.—Mr.

Stead gives an account of his latest excursion into spiritualism. Anything more unconvincing than the statement of his case could not be imagined. His methods have nothing in common with the careful and scientific procedure of the Society Los

Psychical Research. It is to be hoped that these sensational "interviews" with dead statesmen, for the purpose of bolster- ing up the Budget, will not prejudice people against a real scientific inquiry which, if it does nothing else, greatly enlarges - our knowledge of the processes of the mind. It is needless to say that the messages conveyed to Mr. Stead are all favour- able to the political views he already holds.

Sir Hugh Clifford's description of Saigon in Blackwood is depressing reading. Indeed, the writer shows little regard for French methods in this particular colony. Round about the town splendid roads lead nowhere, and the business hours for a hot climate are late and also short. Courteous and inefficient officials abound, obviously the least desirable members of French families at home, whose eyes are always turned away from China and fixed on France. As a solace the exile has built the Rue Catinat, with its squalid cafés chantants and shops which stock the unsaleable last year's rubbish of Paris. Such things as quinine and water- proof clothing seem to be .unprocurable.—" Riza Bey" is a study of an Albanian kavass who accompanied the writer —well known to readers of the Spectator—who signs himself "Ben Kendim," to all sorts of out-of-the-way places. The man seems to have been a strange mixture of civilisa- tion and barbarism, but of uncorruptible faithfulness and honesty.—Mr. Whibley's historical studies are always interesting, and his account of John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, is no exception. As an escape from the Wars of the Roses Tiptoft journeyed to Palestine, and from there went to Venice. He came completely under the spell of Italy, and was eager for everything that scholarship could give him. He spent great sums in acquiring rare manu- scripts, and had copies made for him of works of interest. These he sent to Duke Humphrey's library at Oxford. So large were his purchases that Carbo said: "He despoiled the libraries of Italy that he might make England a treasure- house of beautiful books." Only one of these now remains ; it is a commentary on Juvenal. In Rome Tiptoft secured a notable triumph, for we are told that Pope Pius IL burst into tears of joy while listening to the Englishman's Latin oration. Indeed, he seems to have become a notable humanist. After the battle of Towton had placed Edward IV. securely on the throne the traveller returned. In a very short time offices were showered upon him, and he became the trusted adviser of the King. Tiptoft had brought home with him something more than learning. He had, it would appear, also drunk deeply of the dark side of the early Renaissance, and had been infected by the tyranny and cruelty of Italian statecraft. In carrying out the sentences of treason on the King's enemies he displayed such ferocity and arbitrariness that he was popularly called the "Butcher of England." Here we have presented to us a curious problem of the time. How are we to account for such men as Tiptoft or Sigismondo Malatesta P—Mr. Weigall gives an account of a papyrus found in Egypt in 1891, which as a "tale of adven- tures," he says, "must be regarded as one of the jewels of the ancient Egyptian language." Some three thousand years ago, in the reign of Rameses XII., the high priest of Amon-Ra was in want of cedar-wood to build a barge for the image of the god. Accordingly he sent a priest to get the timber from the ruler of the Lebanon. Before he set out this priest, called Wenamon, was furnished with money, letters of introduction, and a portable image of Amon-Ra. After he had set sail for Spia he discovered that he had left his letters of introduction behind, and on touching at a port his money was stolen, as he believed, by Sicilians. The envoy's primitive method of obtaining redress was to rob some other Sicilians. At last he arrived at his destination, and managed to get his timber, though not till he had sent his secretary back to Egypt for more money. Everything seemed going well, when the robbed Sicilians appeared on the scene, and Wenamon was held in pawn. The description of his lying on the sands sobbing while the King of those parts tries to distract his attention is most realistic. First he was given two large jars of wine and a ram, but without effect ; then an Egyptian dancing-girl was found, and she was ordered to the seashore, there to sing to her wretched compatriot. But even this was of no avail, and not until the King sent messages to say that all would be well would Wenamon be comforted. The King was in a difficult position. He did not want to annoy the Sicilians who with their ship blockaded the harbour ; neither did he wish to offend Pharaoh by giving up the priest. An ingenious middle course was hit upon. The Sicilians were induced to withdraw on the understanding that they might pursue Wenamon when he had put to sea. However, a storm intervened, and the luckless emissary of Amon-Ra was driven on to the shores of Cyprus, where he fell into the hands of the inhabitants, and just as he is appealing to their Queen the manuscript breaks off. But Wenamon must have reached home safely to have written this Report. We have here given but the barest outline of the story, and as told by Mr. Weigall it is full of delightful touches of character, irony, and humour.

To give a summary of the contents of the first half of the English Review is difficult. Short stories must be left to speak for themselves, particularly so when their merits consist more in their manner than in their. matter. This is the case with Mr. Galsworthy's tragedy

of two remote country cottages.—The latter part of the magazine has a good deal to say, as usual, about a group of writers which the editors have taken under their special protection. Indeed, the monthly dissertations on the merits of Messrs. Galsworthy, Bernard Shaw, Granville Barker, H. G. Wells, and others have become monotonous.--Mr. J. A. Hobson writes of "The Extension of Liberalism." He apparently hopes that the State, by acquiring the possession of many things, will enable the citizen to be really free. For instance, we are told that there is an insidious poison in all education which is endowed by private individuals.

Students of biology "taught in these privately bounty-fed institutions will carry in various subtle but certain ways the badge of servitude to the special business interests that are their paymasters." Our shores are to be guarded, not against invaders, but from those who might monopolise the force of the tide ; and the Crown is to be endowed with all land rich in pitchblende for fear of there being a "corner" in radium.

Mr. Nevinson, writing of the militant section of the female suffragists, declares that to them will be due the feminine victory if the franchise is gained, and that theirs is the only part of the movement that counts. The following words are typical of the reasoning which Mr. Nevinson brings to bear on the subject :—

" What increase of happiness women themselves gain from the growing rights of personality falls outside my present subject. But how great that increase will be may to some extent be seen from the extraordinary happiness of the women who are now engaged in fighting for the vote, which, as I said, is their symbol of personality. They are transformed; they are raised above themselves ; in the midst of shame, mockery, violence, and Government torture they remain tranquil and full of joy."

The United Service Magazine for November has a very suggestive article entitled "Strategy in a New Light," by Major C. 0. Head. The chief part of the article deals with the strategy of Napoleon's middle and later period. Its main principles are described in the following passage :—

"The army was disposed thus: there was a strong advanced guard, equal to a quarter of the whole force, under one of the most able of the marshals ; on each flank and about forty miles apart were two flank guards, about equal in strength to the advanced guard, and each again commanded by a trusted marshal ; and between them was Napoleon himself with the remainder of the force acting as a reserve. This was the Bataillon °erre,' forty miles square. Pushed in the direction of the enemy some part of it was bound to come into collision with him. Whether it was the advanced guard or one of the flank guards, each was strong enough to attack and hold the enemy while the others hurried to its assistance. The advantages and disadvantages of this system

are clear. This huge body pressing rapidly through the country with its claws flung widely out was bound to grapple somewhere with the enemy. Each detachment was strong enough to ensure its own safety and compel the enemy to stand without being so overwhelming as to frighten him into retirement. No recon- naissance being required, time was saved, and the blow coming suddenly, the enemy, surprised and bewildered, was probably caught unprepared and was generally defeated."

The writer goes on to criticise the dangers of this system, and to point out that it was adopted on political rather than military grounds. The subject is a very fascinating one, and is ably treated by Major Head, who gives a striking example of how well the modern British officer writes. We doubt whether the rank-and-file of any profession is now better equipped in the matter of exposition than the military.— Another very interesting article is "French and German Manceuvres," by Mr. Howard Housman. The writer attended

both autumn maneeuvres, and is thus able to compare the two:— "Dealing with the manceuvres of these two armies in these pages last year, I expressed the opinion that the French army was better trained and led than was the German. To that opinion I adhere, and my conviction is strengthened by the events of this

year's manonivres in the two countries There was a quickness of perception and a decisiveness of action displayed by the rival leaders that contrasts very favourably with the slow, ponderous manner in which the German military commanders handle their troops. The great drawback—one had almost written the curse—of the German Army as it exists to-day is its automatic character. There is neither quickness of thought nor action in the movements of its generals, and they would fare badly against an able and alert foe."

Here is another very striking passage from the same article :- "If the ideal army is the one in which the men have been drilled and drilled until they are men no longer, but mere portions of a machine, then, without doubt, Germany possesses it. It is conceivable, too, that an army so trained would stand their ground better than one trained in more intelligent fashion, and whose imagination had been cultivated rather than repressed. This dull stolidness however, compares badly with the dash and fire of the French Army. No two forces could be more widely opposed either in temperament or training, and one cannot hesitate long before coming to a decision as to which would prove itself the superior force on the battlefield."