THE PERSONALITIES IN THE LORDS. conflict,—the mistake was not particularly
monstrous or to details, but as to policy. It was important, he had discreditable. We must judge a man not by an ideal standard, said, " that the noble Marquis should have an opportunity but by what is in him. Lord Cranbrook has never shone in of giving their Lordships' House and the country an assurance impartiality of mind ; and it is not very likely he would begin that he did not contemplate any serious change in the policy to display it at a late age and in a new sphere. But if Lord heretofore pursued towards Afghanistan," to which Lord Salis- Cranbrook has honestly blundered once, that is no reason bury had replied in a speech concerning Afghanistan, ending why he should not apologise for his blunder when thus :—" We have maintained our relations with Khelat, and he sees it staring him in the face in plain daylight, the papers we have laid on the table will explain what has such as that in which Lord Northbrook places it for occurred. But there is no reason for any apprehension him. But certainly no such apology has been made. He of any change of policy, or of disturbance of our Indian has been shown in the plainest way that Lord Salisbury him- Empire." So that the reply to the Duke of Argyll's self, in an official despatch, gave a totally different account of inquiry about Afghan policy, though couched in terms Lord Northbrook's promise to the Ameer, from that which Lord which made it seem an assurance of the security of Cranbrook gave,—that Lord Lytton, in an official docu- our " Indian Empire," was intended by Lord Salisbury to ment, also gave a totally different account from that which apply only to the little Khanate of Khelat, mentioned in his Lord Cranbrook gave, and one entirely identical with Lord immediately preceding sentence, and not to refer to the Salisbury's ; that so far from Lord Northbrook's having Duke of Argyll's most serious question at all. Nay, that was hampered his promise of support to the Ameer against unpro- not all. Lord Northbrook, knowing all he did, and feeling voiced aggressions with conditions which virtually reduced it serious anxiety on the matter, at once told the Indian Secre- te nothing, he hampered it with conditions less elaborate than tart' in what sense he took his reply, and in what sense he those dictated in 1877 by Lord Lytton,—and that Lord Cran- regarded it as satisfactory ; and these were his words :—" The brook had before him the fullest proof of all these facts, though policy we have pursued with regard to the Ameer has been to show he had not time or patience to take them in. Further,Lord North- him that we desired to assist him with our advice whenever he brook showed that Lord Cranbrook had an easier way at his dis- requires it, and not to press upon him British officers, unless posal for the verification of this historical section of the despatch he really desires that they should go there, and will give them than a minute acquaintance with the official documents. He a welcome. It is with great satisfaction, therefore, that I have might have shown this section to three members of his(Lord Cran- heard the assurance of the noble Marquis that the policy I have brook's) own Council, who had been members of Lord North- referred to, her Majesty's Government will continue to pursue. brook's Government at the time referred to, and who I am satisfied that he has given us that assurance in perfect were intimately acquainted with the circumstances. But good-faith ;" and to this Lord Salisbury listened, certainly this very natural and easy precaution he neglected, and without a sign of dissent. Yet now he avows that the assurance these gentlemen saw the utterly unhistorical accusation he gave us, so far as it was an assurance of continuity of policy for the first time, when they read the despatch in the at all, applied only to Khelat, and not at all to the main sub- newspapers. In short, what the facts of the case come to ject in discussion, Afghanistan. And he justifies this great fib by a is this,—that Lord Cranbrook, with a grossly insufficient know- similar fib of the Ameer's,—told for a purpose,—and also by the ledge of the documents in which his predecessor and the present danger of irritating Russia by needless disclosures. How was Viceroy had described the very policy he was recounting, mis- it irritating to Russia to be told that our policy to Afghanistan described it honestly enough, through ignorance and political was not what it had been, and that a change had bias, that in his impatience he neglected very obvious and very become necessary ? And if it were, how would that justify easy means of avoiding the great mistake into which he fell ; a deliberate misleading of the House of Lords on a moment- and that now he has not candour enough to express his regret ous question of Indian policy ? Lord Salisbury's " explanations" and plainly confess his blunder. are absolutely worse than we expected,—more Jesuitical,— The case against Lord Salisbury is, unfortunately, very more destructive of all confidence well the future. If it is much stronger. Lord Northbrook, indeed, tore his very honest to say that the Ameer is as well affected to us as ever, Jesuitical explanations to shreds. The case was this,—that the when you have just been telling him that every promise we Duke of Argyll, inquiring, on the 15th June, 1877, as to the had given him since 1855 is cancelled, and warning him tical principle. The personalities were, indeed, most necessary, rumour of changes in the Afghan policy of the Government, but it would have been well if they could have been deferred till was answered by Lord Salisbury that no attempt had after the main conflict instead of being paraded before it. Never- been made to enforce on the Ameer the reception of an theless, we do not see how Lord Granville could have helped Envoy at Cabul ; that no effort had been made to enforce himself. With a spare night at his disposal, no possibility of upon him Sir Lewis Pelly in that capacity ; that there was no entering advantageously on the larger field, and an urgent material change in the relations between the British Govern- need for one or two personal explanations, it was inevitable ment and the Ameer of Cabul since last year ; and that there that he should use the 'debate on the Queen's Speech was " no reason for any apprehension as to change of policy." for the pettier purpose, and reserve the larger issue for more This explanation was made after the rupture between the formal treatment. And yet, in one sense, it is not the larger British Government and the Ameer; when diplomatic relations issue. Hardly any issue can be larger than the trustworthiness were broken off ; when every assurance of support tendered by of our public men. And that was the real subject of Thurs- Lord Lawrence, Lord Mayo, and Lord Northbrook had day night's debate. Lord Cranbrook and Lord Salisbury been explicitly withdrawn ; and when the Ameer bad been were on their trial, for putting forth statements that had assured that the old treaty of 1855 was the sole remaining in fact, whatever were their intentions, gravely misled both the contract between the Ameer and the British Government. country and the House of Lords. We will give our impression Well, what was Lord Salisbury's " explanation,"—if explanation in the frankest way of the manner in which they met that charge. it can be called ? It was, first, that he had told the Duke of Argyll Lord Cranbrook admitted at once that be did not intend in that under the circumstances of the tirue,he could not afford him any way to dispute Lord Northbrook's evidence as to the facts much positive information, but only negative information. of the Afghan negotiations of 1873. If he had misrepresented " The negative information was that we had not tried to force these facts, he was sorry. But all he cared to show was that an Envoy on the Ameer at Cabul, that we had not suggested his mistake was not wilful, and was not even intellectually Sir Lewis Pelly as an Envoy at Cabul," and that this was true, perverse ; that on the face of the despatches before him, his meaning by Envoy, a resident Envoy, which was what he mistake, if it were a mistake, was a very natural and a really meant. Further, Lord Salisbury denies altogether perfectly sincere one. Now that is a very subjective kind of having stated that there had been no change of policy, a plea. It is not possible for every one to enter into Lord statement which he declares referred only to the Khanate of Cranbrook's mind, and determine for him what it was, and what Khelat, and not to Afghanistan. As to the denial of it was not, natural for Lord Cranbrook to believe. We have any change for the worse in the feelings of the Ameer no doubt that Lord Cranbrook did believe that he was giving towards the British Government, this he grounded on his a plain statement of fact when he wrote the ninth paragraph belief that the Ameer had been almost as hostile in feeling as he of his despatch, insinuating that Mr. Gladstone's Government could be, ever since the Government of Lord Northbrook ; and in 1873 held back Lord Northbrook from giving to the so far as regarded mere professions, on a statement made by Ameer of Afghanistan the assurances that he wished to give, the Ameer himself to the people of Candahar, that his rela- and so induced him to postpone indefinitely the negotiation of tions with the British Government were perfectly satisfactory. details. We will go further, and admit that in such a states- Such were what Lord Salisbury was pleased to call his ex- man as Lord Cranbrook,—brimful of the hottest party feeling. planations. Lord Northbrook's reply was crushing. The new to the India Office, and deeply versed in Parliamentary Duke of Argyll's inquiry had not been an inquiry as that he is a pipkin between two iron pots, and a Prince whose dominions it may become the interests of the two Governments to wipe off the face of the earth altogether, why, then, a Machiavelli might become our Foreign Secretary to-morrow, and the House of Lords repose just as much trust in him as they over can again in Lord Salisbury.