THE MAGAZINES.

UNDER the beading of "Our Unsolved Enigma" three writers deal in the Nineteenth Century with the Home Rule crisis. His Honour Judge Atherley-Jones appeals to Parliament to assert itself against the rigid discipline of the party system. This system, he points out, has endowed the Cabinet with . almost complete dominance in the sphere of legislation, yet

"It is wholly unreasonable that some twenty persons, with one Or two brilliant exceptions of no greater intellectual capacity than the general body of members, should exercise absolute and exclusive authority over all questions of form and substance—save the assertion of its general principle—in a Bill whose every detail presents problems of magnitude affecting the political, social, and economic conditions pertaining to Irish Government. And yet such is the case. The Government line by line dictate every clause . of the Bill and present an almost uniform use possumus to every suggestion of amendment. Their followers fully understand that to support an amendment which is without the sanction of the Government is to expose the Ministry to defeat, and that defeat means its fall and all other evils consequent thereon. Under these conditions it is obvious that independence of judgment and the commuxis seams of our representatives play little or no part in legislation."

But the responsibility for national disaster if it comes will not rest on Ministers or Opposition leaders, but on Parliament. "The Government is powerless. Overtures are not made because they would be misinterpreted and Iris mderstood- t intro Danaos. It is for Parliament to assert itself, for its members to recognize that they are not the rank and file ' of a party nor the docile supporters of a Midistry, but servants of the people and trustees of the permanent interests of the State."—Mr. Moreton Frewen discourses on" Thinking Federally." In his view, if the advice of Lord Dunreven had been followed four years ago, it might have led us out of the 13,41,...• e•is.' W.I:Oberman NIX& London: lliidJer pad morass, and given us a Provincial Legislature for an unpar- titiohed Ireland. "As matters now are, the most reasonable course to adopt is to leave the question of representation at Dublin to a plibiscite, each county voting separately, the Tory Party undertaking that, after the establishment of this make- shift local option Legislature in Dublin, it will co-operate in a complete Federal measure for these islands." Mr. Moreton, Frewen holds it a mistake to suppose that only four or five counties in Ulster wish to contract out of the privileges of the present Bill. " Nothing is more probable than that County Cork and most of Munster will be found amongst the absentee* from Dublin until we know what sort of a S- xond Chamber at Westminster is in future to protect Munster citizens from ' death, dishonour, and damnation.' "—Finally, Lord Dun- raven contributes a sketch of Federal principles in operation and of their applicability to the United Kingdom. He thinks that the Canadian Constitution offers the best model, but is careful to add that Federalism is not a rigid system. "All that its essential for us to remember is that the higher attributes of Sovereignty, including control of Customs, Excise and Postal Service, and all residual business, should remain with the central authority ; and that the powers and functions assigned to the subordinate authorities should bear a general resem- blance." He is in favour of entrusting the power to interpret and construe the statute creating an Irish Parliament to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, which should probably be enlarged in numbers and functions for the pur- pose.--Mr. Arthur P. Nicholson, who describes himself as always a Free Trader and, at any rate in the past, a Liberal Unionist, narrates the successive sins against. the Constitution—for so he regards them—of the Unionists, culminating in their present support of illegality and force in Ulster. The point of Mr. Nicholson's warning is that we must look beyond Ulster : that the division, if it now comes, will be between the classes and the workmen. In view of the threatened national railway strike he asks : "If the workmen took arms in their own quarrel, could soldiers be used, not to suppress the strike, but to keep order, if armed resistance to law is justified in Ireland I " The only way out is an Irish- compromise, but "within the four corners of the Home Rule- BilL" We record, without comment, what is evidently a sincere- expression of misgiving. A man who holds as he does that. "the Government have never doubted the sincerity of Ulster" does well to part company with Unionists.--Admiral Sir Reginald Custanoe discusses the proposed abolitiOn of the right of maritime capture, and decides against. it, an exhaustive examination of the " pros " and " cons ". leading him to the conclusion that not only is the proposal irreconcilable with true military principles, but that " any possible reduction in naval expenditure is more likely to be on sound lines if it springs from a scientific study of the art of conducting war rather than from such a revolutionary proceeding as abandoning the right of maritime capture."--- Mr. Ellis Barker has a long and informing article on "Alit& cmtio and Democratic Germany" d propos of the Zabern incident. We may specially note his citations from various leading writers on German Constitutional law as regards the Reichstag's control of the national purse. They are agreed that the co-operation of the Reichstag for providing supplies is only theoretically necessary. "If supplies are not voted, the last year's taxes and imposts are automatically renewed, and are collected by the officials, for the Reichstag has no authority to abrogate existing taxation."—Dr. Georgee Chatterton-Hill, of the University of Geneva, brings a com- prehensive indictment against the French Republic, on the ground of having disorganized the Army and Navy, expelled and despoiled the religious Orders, confiscated ecclesiastical property, end created the scale" sans Die*. The Republic, ke predicts; must fall either before industrial revolution or intellectual reaction—the latter meaning simply "the return to the splendid traditions to which France owed so many centuries of greatness."—We have read with great pleasure Captain Archibald Campbell's vigorous handling of Mr. Charles Trevelyan's amazing pamphlet on Democracy and Compulsory Service (Young Liberal Pamphlets, No. 11).

In the National Beciew Lord Roberta draws an "ominous parallel" between .France in 1866,1870 and the United Kingdom. in 1903:1913. The Fs-each had ample warning from Colonel Stoffel and other military experts, but civilians, optimists, and - pacifists carried- the day. He quotes With great effect Lord Lyons's letter describing his interview with M. Emile 011ivier in January, 1870, when the French statesman suggested that England should lay proposal. for disarmament before Prussia in order to ease the position of the French Ministry and enable them to conciliate the agricultural population of France. Lord Roberta sums up :-

"In each case war gives a warning, those responsible for the defence of the country initiate enquiries into the events of the war; in both cases it is shown that reserves are as necessary to an array as 'air to a man's lungs'; in both cases the great superiority of universal service is pointed out—especially in the matter of furnishing adequate reserves ; in both cases fear of the voters and a want of resolution is shown by the rulers of the countries concerned; in both cases an attempt is made to cover up defects by optimism and bombast."

Lord Roberts is careful to add that the analogy is not complete. We have not yet suffered disaster, and there is no need why we should, if only our leaders will explain the need for a universal military training.—" Ignotus" gives a narrative of the Zabern affair, and discusses its lessons—the futility of the Reichstag's protest, the contemptuous exultation of the Government and the Army, the satisfaction of the official class, and the acquiescence of the nation at large. He makes a good point in his comment on Mr. Lloyd George's statement that "the German Army is vital not merely to the existence of the German Empire, but to the very life and independence of the nation itself," at the same time that he suggested that the British Navy should be heavily reduced because the competition in armaments is organized insanity. "It never seems to have struck him that the British Navy is equally vital to Britain, and that the present competition in arma- ments proceeds from Germany, who is setting the pace both on land and sea."—Mr. O. A. Vince writes admirably on "Birmingham and Mr. Chamberlain." The peculiar. relationship between the two was no new thing. It was, as Mr. Vince argues, a continuance of that personal discipleship which Birmingham political life exhibited from 1857 onwards, under the influence of the engaging honesty and compelling eloquence of John Bright. "Bright bad taught the Bir- mingham Liberals, first, to think for themselves, and secondly, to think with him." Mr. Chamberlain has continued this tradition, and it was by virtue of the quality of candour that be succeeded to Mr. Bright's authority in the city, that sent them both to Parliament—Mr. Frank Fox, discussing the treatment of the late Mr. Richard Corfield, contends that in the matter of his censure after death the British nation faces a far greater issue than the fate of one brave man. While Mr. Harcourt's minute of last September stands, "there flies a danger-signal warning all dutiful and courageous soldiers and sailors of the Empire against regarding the traditions of the Drakes, Wolfes, Nelsons, and Clires. They are told that the path of duty may lead to a grave which the politicians will dishonour with a slander."—Mr. Maurice Low in his monthly letter on " American Affairs" dwells on the success and the limitations of President Wilson. "He remains much of an enigma to the country; less human than his predecessors, but a greater intellectual force ; a man so indifferent to notoriety or the plaudits of the public that the public; is puzzled to classify him." As regards Mexico, Mr. Low thinks that it may make his position impregnable, or offset weakness in other directions, or destroy him. Although dissatisfaction finds only casual expression in the Press, it is none the less deep-seated. Touching on the Panama Exhibi- tion, Mr. Low declares that there is so little genuine interest in it that the average American neither knows nor cares whether Great Britain is represented.—Mr. Austin Dobson sends a wonderfully vivid study of the Gordon Riots based on con- temporary records and narratives of eyewitnesses—Walpole, Susan Burney, the Gentleman's Magazine, Crabbe, Henry Angelo, Gibbon, Wesley, &c. He bears witness to the sub- stantial fairness of Dickens's account in Barnaby Budge.— We may also mention Mr. W. Roberts's interesting paper on stolen pictures and picture-stealers, and Miss Frances Pitt's pleasant study of "Meadow and Water Voles."

The place of honour in the Contemporary Review is awarded to a paper by Mr. P. A. Molteno, M.P., on "Liberalism and Naval Expenditure." Mr. Molteao maintains that the "panic figures' given by Mr. McKenna in March, 1909, were "abso- lutely and entirely unfounded," that Germany has given proof of her bona fides in stating that she had not accelerated her building in 1909, and that she has proved her readiness to accept a position of naval inferiority to us, while we continue without any justification to build on a gigantic scale. We, find we alone, in Mr. Molteno's view, are setting, or rather forcing, the pace without any excuse afforded by Germany, on the strength of untested information supplied by interested parties. He declares that the bulk of the Liberal Party regard the question as one of the utmost gravity, straining their allegiance. "They were promised a reduction in 1911; they want that promise carried out now, when it is impossible to show any satisfactory reason why it should not he done."— Dr. Eugene Stock writes a very clear and informing article on "Kikuyu," stating the facts of the case and showing how the proposed plans for federation deal with the practical problems involved. He abstains from entering into controversial or doctrinal questions, speaking with respect of convictions which he cannot share, but expresses a hope that the charge of heresy will be frankly withdrawn.—Mr. M. Philips Price, who has recently travelled extensively in Asiatic Turkey, discusses the alternative schemes for the regeneration of Turkish Armenia. He is convinced that Turkish Armenians would infinitely pre- fer to remain under Turkish rule, " provided they can secure the benefits of law and order in the remote parts of Asia Minor, where at present they are at the mercy of Khurdish tribes." He strongly demurs to Mr. Noel Buxton's view that the annexation of the north-eastern vilayets of Asia Minor to the Caucasus could be effected without influencing the political situation in the Middle East, and would greatly prefer to see Turkey assisted in the task of reforming these vilayets. "The reorganization of the gendarmerie and of the finances under European officials would be accompanied by the appointment of European Inspectors-General to act in co-operation with the Turkish Governors-General." To get over the difficulty of Russian susceptibilityas to the nationali ty of the officials, he suggests that they should be chosen from the neutral States of Europe, e.g., Sweden, Belgium, and Holland.—Dr. Dillon's monthly contribution on "Foreign Affairs" is chiefly devoted to an exceedingly interesting survey of the achieve- ments and personality of the Emperor Menelek. His choice of instruments is amusingly illustrated by the story of the shoe- black who rose to be Minister by an adroit traffic in decorations. Incidentally Dr. Dillon describes some of the modern con- quistadores who turned their attention to the rising African State after the victory of Adua—notably the Russians Ashinoff and Leontieff. In Taitu, Menelek'a Consort, he discovers qualities which link her with the late Dowager Empress of China.--Sir O. P. llbert sends his im- pressions of a recent visit to Madison University, Wis- consin—which he describes as "the child of the Wisconsin State, not a spoilt child, but a well-endowed, active, and useful child . . . working in close connexion and co-operation with the executive and legislative authorities of the State." The President is a Wisconsin farmer's son, and much of the prosperous agricultural condition of the State is directly attributable to University work.---In this context we may also note Mr. Cloudealcy Brereton's paper on the efforts now being made to secure co-operation between the school and the employer by local authorities and private firms.—Mr. Herman Scheffauer in " The Conquest of America" writes of the dominant position already secured in the United States by the Jewish immigrants. He admits within limits a reasonable basis for the jealousy and hostility they provoke, but maintains that the New World owes much to their influence in the fields of art, letters, and philanthropy.

In the Fortnightly Mr. T. A. O'Connor gives a useful history of the negotiations connected with the Bagdad Railway, with the various diplomatic ups and downs, twisting. and turnings. He insists on the recognition of the fact that our interest in the Persian Gulf is as old as our rule in India, while Russian interest in Persia is of a much more recent date, and that of Germany in Asiatic Turkey goes no further back than 1888. --In an article on "Current Politics" " Curio " indicates the possible false positions into which the Unionist Party "might be mancenvred by a skilful and unscrupulous negotiator on the other side." First, out of regard for civil order, the English Unionists might accept conditions which would be rejected by Ulster. Another danger is that one or two Unionist leaders might be induced to favour some terms not acceptable to the others. Then the Government would say that all would be well except for some unreason- able extremists. Also there is another difficulty. Supposing

the Government were to agree to a Dissolution, how far would the Opposition leaders' pledge bind the rank- and-file if Ulster refused to accept the arbitrament of the polls P—" Some Stories of My Western Life," by Yone Noguchi, tantalize us because what we want is not to see the West throughEastern eyes, but to get a true glimpse of the East itself. This we only do by refiexion. Mr. Noguchi writes English so well that he might really add to our enlightenment by interpreting the soul of his nation to us.—The Hon. and Rev. James Adderley writes a very interesting paper asking " Has the Anglican Crisis Come P " His view, roughly stated, is to plead for Mime faire, which in practice means letting such events as the Hereford and Kikuyu Communions occur at intervals. In the same way would he treat Modernism. In illustration we may quote the following eloquent passage :—

" Just as the traditionalists of Christ's day failed to discern the signs of the times, so may we be doing. The Bible, both in Old and New Testaments, is the record of stumbling humanity, blind Churches, God-sent and God-used heretics. Why should we suppose that human nature has so much changed, or that God has begun to act eo differently, that the Church can be sure that it is right in pursuing all the old methods, but will not provoke the same old, bad results P Nobody wants to claim that Anglicanism represents the last word in Christianity, but we do want to assert that the last word has not been, and cannot yet be, said by any Church. Christianity is almost the youngest religion in the world. It is foolish to suppose that we have attained to complete knowledge on every point of organization and method, or even on the exact significance of every doctrine."

This month brings us an excellent number of Blackwood. How good it is we can only realize when we try to think of possible improvements. The first article is a weighty indictment of Lord Morley's Indian administration, which is here charged with the grave defect of hampering and making difficult the task of the Indian Government by imposing unprofitable labours on its highest members. This is done by admitting to the Legislative Council a number of native members, whose power is curtailed by the fact of there being a bare majority of English officials. This, however, means the constant presence of a number of busy men, who have to sit and listen to endless talk in order that they may outvote the talkers. Thus a great adminis- trative machine, which has won the praises of competent observers of other nations, has had grit thrown into its works by a party politician who has never seen it in action.—Mr. John Lucas writes an entertaining story of an attempt to steal a masterpiece from the lumber-room of an out-of-the-way Italian Cathedral. The heroine of the situation is the bare- footed niece of the rascally sacristan. All the details of the comedy are charmingly told.—" The Schooling of Narbir Pun" is the story of a Gurkha recruit, from his enlistment in his mountain home till he emerges with great credit from an expedition in a fearful country of jungle. How the inarticu- late boy of the mountains develops into a first-rate soldier is told with sympathy and insight, but all the praise is given to Narbir Pun, and we have to read between the lines to under- stand how great has been the sympathy, skill, and devotion of his teachers.—" A Welsh Walk" is a striking paper by Mr. Edmund Vale in which be describes a walk across the moun- tains in mid-winter, much of it in the dark. Mr. Yale is keenly alive to the wonderful kind of information country people offer to the traveller as to local names and events. Near the Welsh border the following reason was given to explain why a house was called Blue Mantle Cottage—" because a battle was fought between here and the Ambray and Shob- don Hill yonder, a man in a blue mantle jumped into yen tree and preached a sermon or summat t" But the writer has also a true power of observation of states of feeling. Here is an example. He knocked at a cottage door in the dark seeking shelter from a violent storm. He was hospitably entertained, and, on resuming his journey, says "So I went forth from that cottage into the night and rain, wonderfully refreshed. For coming as a guest in the dark to share for a few moments the simple communion of a family life, being a stranger whose name they know not (and you know not theirs), coming into close contact with lives you had never thought on before; or travelling in the darkness through a country you cannot see and which you have not much at heart, and the mingling with people to whom this spot is all the world and finding there love and hospitality, gives one a sense of some- thing that I have called refreshment, knowing, however, that it is a feeble term for what I mean..

—At the present moment it is interesting to have a short account of the South African burgher force and how it is

composed and raised. Every member of the force is given a book in which is entered a record of his training, and in this book every citizen soldier is told to

"Remember always—that patriotism in the form of self-sacrifice in time of peace is worth much more than a sudden wave of patriotism in time of war. It may prevent war. That in any case it is your duty to train yourself well for the protection of your home and country, and, if need be, to die in their defence." Would that all young Englishmen were called on to remember the same.

The United Service Magazine for February contains an interesting article on "The German Merchant Ship in Time of War," which is translated from a contribution by Count Reventlow to the German magazine Die .Flotte. The article gives a striking picture of what the North Sea would be like in time of naval war.—The same number also has, under the heading "The Navy in the Peninsular War," a most vivid account of how Sir Arthur Wellesley and his staff were nearly wrecked off the Isle of Wight when on their way to Portugal. A more thrilling description of an escape we have never read. It is written from notes made at the time by a Midshipman, afterwards Admiral Digby Marsh. Sir Arthur Wellesley and his staff sat, or rather stood, in the cabin, waiting for the vessel to go on the rocks and to break in pieces at once, for that, it was believed by her commander, must be her fate. When she ran clear the Midshipman in question rushed to the cabin door with the message that they were saved :— " Never shall I forget that moment the welcome news was hailed with an exclamation of thanks, and a clap of joy by all hands ; and well it might be, for in all their after battles and trials they never had a narrower escape. Had the ship struck, a few minutes would have consigned all hands to a watery grave, and her ribs would have been dashing in ten thousand pieces along the coast."

The curious note is added that the incident "gave Sir Arthur such a thorough dislike of the sea, and everything thereto belonging, that he never could or would have anything to do with it again, if it could be avoided."