IN the very interesting article which stands first in the
new Nineteenth Century Sir George Sydenham Clarke amplifies a suggestion made in his parting speech at Melbourne last November at the close of what he here calls the "two moat interesting and instructive years" of his life. Dismissing formal schemes of closer political union between the Mother-country and Colonies as visionary and even harmful, dismissing also Mr. Hofmeyr's scheme (proposed at the first Colonial Conference of 1887) for the establishment of an Imperial Defence Fund by im- posing a 2 per cent. duty as a surcharge on all foreign goods discharged at all Imperial ports as impossible of realisation, Sir George proposes to halve Mr. Hofmeyr's impost—which at 1 per cent. would yield about £4,600,000— and apply the proceeds to the strengthening of the maritime communications of the Empire,—i.e., the improvement of British-owned steamship services forming veritable lines of communication between the great members of the Empire. The Rind should be administered by an Imperial Council of fifteen, comprising four representatives for the United King- dom, two each for India, Canada, Australia, one each for the Cape, Natal, and New Zealand, and two for all other Colonies. He points, in support of his views, to the striking progress of the German mercantile marine, traceable to State aid and direction, and summarises the advantages to be derived from the scheme under seven heads, of which we may especially note : (3) closer touch between the scattered British peoples 'and a check to the diminution of British subjects employed on the sea ; (4) strengthening the mercantile marine by the increase of large and fast steamers, valuable in war as auxiliary vessels and transports ; and (7) the establishment for the first time of a real Imperial Council, smoothing the way to further organised co-operation. He further contends that the in- auguration of the scheme would not dislocate British com- merce, as it would leave complete fiscal freedom with every self-governing community of the Empire, and provides a common platform for every section of economists, from uncompromising Free-traders to " whole-hoggers." We cannot ourselves endorse Sir George Clarke's proposal, as we think the dangers and inconveniences of a uni- versal impost too great, but we admit that there is no Protectionist intention in his scheme.—The rapid growth of the native—in numbers, political influence, and religious organisation—inspires Mr. Roderick Jones, Reuter's South African editor, to write an alarmist article on "The Black Peril in South Africa." In his view, white supremacy is in danger of being undermined by the rapid awakening of the native races to a realisation of their power. Such a catastrophe, he contends, can only be averted by the English and Dutch uniting to preserve their domination over the black,—the sole remedy being the disfranchisement of the native. The most interesting part of the article is that which describes the spread of Ethiopianism in South Africa,--i.e., the native Church founded by seceding Wesleyans, affiliated in 1898 to the African Methodist Episcopal Church of America, and, according to Mr. Jones, largely animated by anti-white political aspirations. Mr. Jones, who is a vehement advocate of Chinese labour, seems unable to realise how the advent of the Asiatics still further complicates a situation which he sums up in the statement that " the broad fact to be kept in view is that, pitted against a limited white population is a comparatively unlimited and virile black population." Surely the proper answer to all this is to use as much white labour as possible. Has Mr. Jones ever considered, we wonder, the possibility of an antagonism between the Chinaman and the negro firing the mine which he insists is already laid?—Mr. C. S. Goldman states the case for the mining magnates ably and temperately. But his argument that the expansion of the mining industry by the importation of Asiatics means the increase of the white population tells in favour of the unrestricted importation of Chinamen which he declares to be impossible. Mr. Goldmann declares it is a libel on the intelligence of the mining engineers of Johannesburg to assert that they have been backward in adopting labour- saving appliances ; but this is a point which can only be established by an exhaustive comparison with the methods of other mining fields. We observe that he states it to be "
ridiculous travesty of facts to declare that these men [the skilled white miners on the Rand] have been coerced or bribed," a statement difficult to reconcile with that which recently appeared in the Pall Mall Gazette.—Mr. H. A. Scott argues against a State-subsidised opera, on the ground that the administration would inevitably fall into the hands of reactionary academics; and Mr. Bosworth Smith concludes bis delightful series of papers on bird life, in which literary allusions are so happily interwoven with faithful observation and illustrative anecdote.—We may also note Mr. C. S. Stewart's plea for a National Park for Scotland. He believes that a suitable area—of from twenty thousand to fifty thousand acres—might be acquired in the Western Highlands for a capital outlay of not more than £50,000, and that if utilised for the breeding and sale of stags, breeding and hatching of salmon and trout, and the sale of seedlings and saplings by the Forestry Department, a considerable return might be realised.
The most striking article in the May National is Mr. H. W. Wilson's on " The Menace of the German Navy." Whether Mr. Wilson's interpretation of the contemplated expansion of the German naval programme—viz., that Germany is planning an aggressive war against England, with or without allies—is accurate or not, his article is none the less timely, instructive, and valuable. The map or diagram which illustrates Mr. Wilson's remarks on the comparative strength and the disposition of our Home Fleet and the German Navy certainly drives home the first of the lessons which he deduces from the present war, —viz., that the Power which takes the initiative and attacks resolutely has an immense advantage. " The distance from Sasebo [whence the Japanese Fleet started on February 7th] to Port Arthur is greater by 130 miles than that from Emden, the nearest German base, to Portland, and twice as great as that between Emden and Chatham. The British Navy will therefore be exposed to similar surprises if there is any hesita- tion at the critical point on the part of our Government." As he well puts it, " it is the fact that the German Power is amphibious which renders it so formidable. England can- not hit back ; she is placed virtually on the defensive, and the defensive, as Pitt said a hundred years ago, spells ruin." What, then, are Mr. Wilson's suggested remedies ? Primarily his answer is numbers plus efficiency. Apart from that, he pleads for a more concentrated disposition of the Home Fleet, the obtaining of a reciprocal guarantee of intervention from Japan, and contributions from the Colonies. "But for the British Navy, Australia would be either a Japanese or a German appanage." We note that Mr. Wilson adopts a conservative attitude in his deductions from the present war as regards the reliance on big battleships, and as a con- sequence scouts economy as suicidal. Mr. Wilson is driven to apotheosise German militarism in order to emphasise his warnings, and his references to the advocates of reduced outlay on national defence are not in the best of taste. But. with all reserves, the article is most ably written and deserves attentive perusal. His main warning is indeed a matter of essential concern to all Englishmen. It comes, in brief, to this. We must not conclude that we are able to beat Germany at sea because, all told, our Fleet is so much superior to that of our rival in sea-power. Our Fleet is scattered all over the globe. The German is concentrated in the North Sea. What, then, we have to consider is whether we can always be sure of beating Germany in the North Sea, the place where the German naval power is concentrated. If we are not superior to Germany in the place where she can strike with all her force, we are not absolutely secure. But nothing save absolute security will serve us, who live in an island which cannot feed itself —Captain Brinkley's paper on " Russia and Japan" is a clearly written summary of the events that led up to the war. He recalls the curious fact that the would-be assassin of the Cesarevitch—now Nicholas II.—in 1891 be- lieved himself to be championing his country's cause, holding, in common with many of his fellow-countrymen, that the visit of a Russian Imperial Prince to Japan boded ill for the Empire. Captain Brinkley's interpretation of Russia's attitude in the period immediately before the outbreak of the war is interesting, and probably correct. "She did not intend to fight. She did not expect to fight. Her plan was to prepare such an array of force that Japan might not dare to By far the most interesting reading in the Contemporary is furnished by "Ivanovich's " discursive paper on "Japan, Russia, and France," which is full of minute circumstantial touches and intimate personal details concerning the protagonists on the Russian side. It is curious to learn that General Kure- patkin, like Admiral Alexeieff and M. de Witte, is of humble origin. The situation of Russia is epigrammatically summed up in the saying that " while the moujik patiently toils on, these restless and hard-drinking Russian officers and Court favourites trouble the earth " ; and again, " the ambition of the parvenu is generally pushing and restless, and in generals, diplomats, and statesmen easily runs into recklessness." The attitude of France to Japan is tersely expressed in the saying that " she takes an artistic interest in Japan and has watched her evolution with curiosity akin to sympathy." The whole article is intensely readable, but the obvious anti-Russian bias of the writer does not come happily or naturally from a writer adopting a Russian pseudonym.—Another article traversing much the same ground, though in a different tone, is that of Dr. Dillon on " Our Friends, Our Ally, and Our Rivals." Div- cussing the possibilities of an Anglo-Russian agreement, Dr. Dillon considers the main difficulties to lie beyond the purview of ordinary diplomacy, but that " praeter-diplomatic machinery may be set to work to remove them." These " beneficent in- fluences," he has good reason to believe, are being energeti- cally exerted, and with a reasonable hope of success. It is, however, rather difficult to reconcile these vague optimistic assurances with our obligations to Japan as interpreted by Dr. Dillon himself. As regards the progress of the war, Dr. Dillon's forecasts have been considerably falsified by recent events on the Yalu.—Mr. Eltzbacher's paper on " The Chemical Industry of Germany " is worth atten- tive study, and will bring no consolation to Protectionist readers. His figures establish the important fact that Germany imports five times more chemical raw products than she exports, and that the dependence of this industry on foreign raw products is rapidly increasing. Germany's success, therefore, is not due to the fortuitous possession of the raw products, but to the assiduity of the German disposition, Government encouragement, and scientific co-operation Many of the most important chemical inventions were devised in Great Britain, but they have been most successfully exploited by the German industries.
In the Fortnightly Colonel Alsager Pollock writes of " The Tactical Inefficiency of the Regular Army," and does not mince matters, but contends that in our system of training both theory and practice are wrong from top to bottom. The main contention is that the only way to bring about a better state of things is for the Captains and subalterns to teach their men themselves, without interference from above during the teaching. Results would, of course, be carefully watched at intervals. Colonel Pollock refutes the charges that soldiers have their initiative crushed out of them, and that officers dislike work. He contends that the men never have any initiative at all, because it is not taught to them, and they do not have it naturally, as our civilisation has passed the primitive stage when dinner depends upon it. The young officer does not work, not from idleness, but because he is not allowed to do so ; he is eternally worried, but not instructed. The writer declares that the General " nurses " the Colonel, the Colonel the Captains, and the Captains the subalterns and sergeants, " while all combine in nursing the men," the result being that a man has to be told whether he is to " take cover behind the ant heap on his right or the big stone on his left." To remedy this state of things, Colonel Pollock insists that the officer must learn by teaching his man, and that this can only be done by dispersed regiments, and not by great numbers congregated in garrisons, though, of course, regi- ments must be massed for the instruction of Generals. The writer describes a typical Boer commander's method of fighting, where the officer has nothing to do but to look out for the enemy, knowing that his own men will take all the advantage possible of the ground, and will see without being seen.—" Calchas " in " The Bankruptcy of Bismarckian Policy" reviews the tendency of Euro-
heritage that diplomatic expedients wear out like battleships." Germany has been unable to maintain her position at the head of European combinations. The alliance of France and Russia was the first blow, and now our under- standing with the former country completes German isolation. " Calchas " points out that it was popular opinion in England with regard to the Venezuelan and Baghdad Railway con- troversies which forced our Government to abandon a sub- servient attitude to Berlin, and thus opened the way to friendliness with Paris. No doubt, after subservience to Germany had been made impossible Lord Lansdowne worked with ardour and success to secure the agreement with France. What will be the effect on German policy ? " Calchas " answers : increase of the German Fleet, but with that our security in the direction of France will give us power to cope.
An unsigned article in Blackwood gives a curious account of a journey on the Uganda Railway. Here civilisation and savagery seem brought into touch without any buffer-States. On the trains there are first-class carriages with comfortable cushions ; but a sportsman who spent the night on a siding was taken out of his carriage by a lion, the one he had come to shoot. At Nairobi there is a race-course, club, and cricket-ground, " but lions can be heard roaring just outside it." Uganda has, in fact, reinstated the lion, who had been largely displaced in modern times by the Indian tiger. When the railway, having climbed to the height of 6,000 ft., descends to the shore of Lake Victoria Nyanza, and reaches its termination at Port Florence, the traveller hears the cry," All for the boat keep your seats, please !" and may well think himself at Dover rather than in Equatorial Africa. The writer describes the scenery passed through during one part of his voyage on the lake as being like that of England, with its meadows and woods, but the inhabitants are decimated by the terrible and mysterious sleeping sickness. The writer also describes Ripon Falls, where the Nile takes its first plunge towards the north.—Major Griffiths writes a paper on "A Pioneer in Military Educa- tion,"—Colonel Le Marchant, a Peninsular officer who estab- lished at High Wycombe a school which was the precursor of the Staff College. Here he was helped by a French General Jarry, who had been one of the personal staff of Frederick the Great. This man, who is described as brilliantly endowed, seems to have possessed the amiability and charm of the Baron of Bradwardine. Besides lecturing, he devoted himself to his garden, where he attended upon his vegetables with the utmost care, from the sowing of the seed to the making of the salad.
Colonel Craufurd in the Monthly Review attacks the problem of the reduction and surrender of licenses. He justly points out that to grant only a new license when two or more old ones are surrendered is " the double tying of the Tied-house Monopoly." The hopelessness of the whole of this great question lies in the fact that since 1816 constant attempts have been made to deal with it, and none with success. The Government are about once more to embark on a course of tinkering, this time at the expense of Magistrates on Petty Sessions. But no one can pretend that any legal advance is being made in dealing with a problem the seriousness of which is recognised by Mr. Charles Booth when he speaks of " a vested interest in- creasingly difficult to deal with, and established, it would seem, directly athwart the path of social progress." Colonel Craufurd points out the futility of expecting any result from Royal Commissions, for whereas a Magistrate if he has but a small interest in a brewery is debarred from hearing a licensing case, it is the custom to put on to Com- missions representatives of the "trade." The inevitable result is that Reports are issued which please nobody and are pro- ductive of little good.—In " A Colonist in his Garden "- a poem by Mr. W. P. Reeves—we find the true Im- perialism expressed in poetry alike beautiful in thought and language. The Colonies should not be "lands of regret," but homes for those whose motto is Coelum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt. They are the truest and best children of the Motherland who love their own new homes even better than the old home.
Mr. Masterman's article in the Independent Review entitled " Towards a Civilisation " only attacks the easy part of the
social problem. It is not hard to show bow greatly the nation must suffer from the growth of cities and the decrease of a country-bred people. This part of the case the writer of the article has no difficulty in proving, for all are agreed upon it. When it comes to a remedy the weakness of Mr. Master- man is evident, for be has nothing to suggest but the artificial creation of a limited class of yeomen. This remedy, he admits, would not benefit the unemployed of the cities,. or the normal country labourers, though it would be pro- ductive, as far as it went, of a hardy race of country-bred people.—If Mr. John Burns had been less free with his adjectives, and more careful to give the origin of all his quotations, his article on the Chinese labour question would have gained in strength. The point Mr. Burns makes of the rate of mortality among Kaffir miners is a strong one. Quoting the figures from a recent Blue-book, he shows that in the Transvaal mines the death-rate reaches the ominous number of seventy in a thousand, while the rate in England is from five to ten in a thousand. This state of things Mr. Burns attributes to the condition of the compounds and the badness of the food.—Mr. G. L. Strachey writes a charming study of Horace Walpole in reference to the newly published edition of the famous letters. Alluding to the " mastery" of " decoration," and to the enormous number of the letters, the writer of the article happily says : " The material is of very little consequence, the embroidery is all that counts ; and it shares with lace the happy faculty of coming out sometimes in yards and yards." The paper is one of sympathetic appreciation, written with a felicity of expression beyond that of the ordinary magazine article.
NOVELS.
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