73ebates anb !tottering% in Varlianunt.

OPENING OF THE SESSION.

THE Queen opened the session of Parliament in person, on Tuesday. The House of Lords hasseldom presented so brilliant an assemblage. It was crowded in every available nook and corner. The ladies were very numerous, and invaded the Peers' seats, and even the reporters' gallery; filling the House with the brilliancy and flutter of flowers, plumes, jewels, and every variety of tint in dress. The muster of Peers, however, was not strong; not above thirty being present. The first to arrive was Lord GIgnelg. There was a numerous attendance of the Diplomatic Corps. At one e'clock the Judges entered; affording some amusement to the ladies by their grotesque costume. About half-past one, entered the Lord Chancellor; then, with a flourish of trumpets, the Duke of Cambridge; who straight went into con- versation here and there, in his usual unreserved style; his observations makitig themselves heard all over the House. The Hereditary Grand Duke of Mecklenburg-Strelitz was also there and stood for some time be- fore the throne contemplating the scene. The clock has struck two when gunsthe ins announce that the Royal procession is on its way; drums are heard and martial music; and at a quarter-past two enters the Queen, pre- ceded by the Officers of State and accompanied by Prince Albert. Her Mejesty appeared in a white satin dress, with diamond necklace and sto- =cher, the royal state robes, and a diamond tiara; Prince Albert in a Field-Marshal's uniform. All rose at the Queen's entrance; on which her Majesty desired the Peers to be seated; and soon after the Commons rushed up to the bar, with their customary boisterousness. The Lord Chancellor presented the speech to his Sovereign; who once more charmed the reporters with the distinctness and beauty of her utterance; reacling as follows.

"My Lords and Gentlemen—I rejoice that I am enabled, on again meeting you in Parliament, to congratulate you on the improved condition of the country. Increased activity pervades almost every branch of manufacture. Trade and commerce have been extended at home and abroad; and among all claws of my pee* there is generally prevalent a spirit of loyalty and cheerful obedience to the law.

"I continue to receive from all Foreign Powers and States assurances of their friendly disposition. 'I have had much satisfaction in receiving at my court the Sovereigns who in the course of the last year visited this country. The journey of the Emperor of Russia, undertaken at a great sacrifice of private convenience, was a proof of the friendship of his Imperial Majesty most acceptable to my feelings. The opportunity of personal intercourse thus afforded to me may, I hope, be the means of still further improving those amicable relations which have long existed be- tween Great Britain and Russia. The visit of the King of the French was ren- dered especially welcome to me, inasmuch as it had been preceded by discussions which might have impaired the good understanding happily established between the two countries. I regard the meintenance of this good understanding as esseutial to the best interests of both; and I rejoice to witness that the senti- ments so cordially expressed by all classes of my subjects on the occasion of his Majesty's visit were entirely in unison with my own.

"Gentlemen of the Rouse of Commons—The estimates for the ensuing year haVe been prepared, and will forthwith be laid ,before you.

" The progress of steam-navigation, and the demands for protection to the ex- tended commerce of the country, sill occesion ass increase hi the estimates con- nected with the Naval service.

I' lily Lords and Gentlemen—I have observed with sincere satisfaction that the improvement width is manifest in other parts of the country has extended to Ire- lara The political agitation and excitement which I have had heretofore occasion to lament, appear to have adually abated; and, as a natural result, private capi- tal .ha been mere freely applied to useful public enterprises, undertaken through the fiiendly cooperation of individuals interested in the welfare of Ireland.

" I have carried into effect, in the spirit in which it was conceived, the act for the more effectual application of Charitable Donations and Bequests. "-I recommend to your favourable consideration the policy of improving and ex- tending the opportunities for academical education in Ireland. " The report of the Commission appointed to inquire into the law and practice in respect to the occupation of land is nearly prepared, and shall be communicated to you immediately after its presentation. " The state of the law in regard to the privileges of the Bank of Ireland, and to other banking establishments in that country and in Scotland, will no doubt-oc- cupy your attention. " The health of the inhabitants of large towns and populous districts in this part of the United Kingdom has been the subject of recent inquiry before a Commission, the report of which shall be immediately laid before you. It will be highly grati- fying to me if the information and suggestions contained in that report shall en- able you to devise the means of promoting the health and comfort of the poorer classes of my subjects.

"I congratulate you on the success of the measures which three years piece were adopted by Parliament for the purpose of supplying the deficiency in the public revenue and arresting the accumulation of debt us the time of peace. The act which was passed at that time for imposing a tax upon income will shortly expire. It will be for you, in your wisdom to determine whether it may not be expedient to continue its operation for a further period, and thus to obtain the means of adequately providing for the public service and at the same time of making a reduction in other taxation. Whatever may be the result of your de- liberations in this respect, I feel assured that it will be your determination to maintain an amount of revenue amply sufficient to meet the necessary expendi- ture of the country, and firmly to uphold that public credit which is indispensable to the national welfare.

"The prospect of continued peace, and the general state of domestic prosperity and tranquillity, afford a favourable opportunity for the consideration of the ha- portent matters to which I have directed your attention; and I commit them to your deliberation, with the earnest prayer that you may be enabled, under the superintending care and protection of Divine Providence, to strengthen the feelings of mutual confidence and good-will between different classes of ray subjects and to improve the condition of my people."

Having finished, her Majesty, bowing to the House, retired as she eame; the Commons withdrew; and the Lords adjourned.

ADDRESS OF THE COMMONS.

Before the Commons proceeded to discuss the Speech from the Threne and the Address in answer to it, some routine business was transacted; in the midst of which, Mr. Youxe gave notice, for Sir Robert Peel, that

he would make his financial statement on Friday the 14th instant. • The Address in echo to the Speech was moved and amplified- CHAIITERIS, in a very neat speech, and with a manner that won the god will of the House. When he came to that pert relating to banking in Scotland, he said, as it were parenthetically, that he, as a Scotchniao, would advise Sir Robert Peel to be cautious how he meddled with that subject: the Scotch notes are dirty things, and he would not touch them! The Address was seconded by Mr. TriostAs BARING; who, while ex- pressing entire concurrence in it, reserved to himself full power to canvass the measores that might hereafter be submitted to the House; and . he entered into a variety of details illustrating and corroborating the statement in the Speech, that the prosperity of the country has returned.

Lord J,oim Russat.n here rose, and, readily concurring in the Address, proceeded to make a sharp attack on Ministers. He sarcastically declared that he could not concur in the self-praise which Ministers had hesteweil upon themselves at the close of last session for the moderation and wisdere with which they had conducted the negotiations abeut Tahiti: they began by large demands, and afterwards shrank from those demands. Nor was the "cordial understanding" between France and England which has re- suited in the present state of Spain matter to boast of. He trusted that the "cordial understanding" would not only continue, but that it would ripen into still greater friendship; and that the influence of the two-Go- vernments would be used for the promotion of commerce, for the in- crease of freedom, for. the diffusion of intelligence, and for the destruc- tion of slavery. The, Speech did not touch upon the Commission to revise the Slave-trade Treaties of 1831 and '33; for the revision of which he saw no necessity. If the Government thought the "right of search "disturbed? the harmony of the two countries, they ought manfully to have declared what they would substitute for it; and not first of all to have made it illusory, by issuing private instruction a to naval commanders by whichitwas rendered inefficient, and then transferring their responsibility to a Commis- Mr. Charteris had alluded to the visit of the Emperor Nicholas, and hoped that the Emperor would prove that the true interests of countries are the great bonds of friendship, by reducing some of the excessive duties that press on British produce and manufactures: would not the abolition of duties which press on the people of England, and forbid the importatien of Russian timber and corn, as effectually consolidate peace as any single attempt of the Russian Government to reduce their duties? Lord John congratulated the House on the improvecicommercialrelations with China; which Lord Palmerston was derided for anticipating. He was glad that political violence in Ireland was quieted: his accounts from that country, were different—representing the ties between the richer classes and the poor, between the priests and their flocks, as loosened, and the individual outrages as likely to produce increased disturbance. He attributed that in part to the injudicious and unjust proceedings taken towards some leading persons in that country. And here Lord John went over the heads of the State trials, the " delusion, mockery, and snare," and other old charges against the Govern- ment. Next he alluded to Mr. Gladstone, with high compliments to his talents; and said that some explanation would be required of the measure which had caused his retirement: a measure of the academi- cal nature hinted at in the Speech, whether wise or injudicious, would, not only excite very considerable suspicioa and hostility in Rag- land, but would be likely to create very great suspicion in "A- land. They had seen the mode in which the Bequests At had bean received: honestly intended, but brought forward without judgment or pre- paration, without consulting the &dam Catholics or their.Prelates; altered and amended by worde suggested on the spur of the moment. It has ex- posed to insult and hostility such excellent men as Archbishop Crolly and

Archbiehop Murray; whose inflitence Ministers should have cherished. If they sought a reason for the distrust, it might be found in the conduct, four years ago, of those who now form the Administration, who then coun- tenanced every exhibition to insult the Roman Catholic religion and in- flanie animosity and alienation: is it to be wondered at if the agitators who have led the Irish people to victory remember the " surplieed ruffians" and " demon priesthood"? Such is retribution. Lord John twitted Minis- ters with supporting opinions advocated by their opponents: they had con- fessed that their Irish Registration Bill was an injustice: Lord Wharncliffe, at a meeting in Yorkshire had vindicated the proceedings of the Educa- tional Committee of the Privy Connell. He felicitated the House on the return of prosperity, and called upon Ministers to carry out their Free- trecle principles; for he was convinced that protection is not the support bttt the bane of agriculture. "I think both with respect to Ireland and to this question of free trade, you ought to take advantage of the present title: you say Ireland is tranquil, you say trade is prosperous—shall we then lose this opportunity?"

Mr. MILES asked, with surprise, if Lord John Russell entertained these opinions last year, why he proposed a fixed duty on corn; or if he had changed his sentiments and found it convenient to ally himself to the Anti-Corn-law League?

Mr. GLADSTONE rose, amid profound silence, to make the expected ex- planation. He sat no longer on the Treasury bench, but lower down

tdwards the bar, and next to Sir Robert Inglis.] His object, he said, was not to make any controversial or argumentative speech, or to make any complaint; but to remove misapprehension by a simple statement of facts. Having excited the attention of the House by some prefatory remarks, Mr. Gladstone made this statement- " I have not resigned on account of the intention of the Government, so far as I have a knowledge of it, to introduce rely measure relating to the Church of England or of Ireland. The cause, then, I am about to lay before the House, is the sole cause which has led to the step I have adopted. I had taken upon my- self some years ago, whether wisely or unwisely is not now the question, to state to the world, and that in a form the most detailed and deliberate, not under the in- fluence of momentary consideration nor impelled by the heat and pressure of de- bate, the views which I entertained on the subject of the relation of a Christian state in its alliance with a Christian church. Of all subjects, therefore, which could be raised, this I had treated in a manner the most detailed and deliberate. I have never, howeve ,r been guilty of the folly which has been charged upon me by some, of holding that there were any theories which were to be regarded alike under all circumstances as immutable and unalterable. But, on the other band, I have a strong conviction, speaking under ordinary circumstances and as a general rule, that those who have borne solemn testimony on great constitutional questions ought not to be parties to proposing a material departure from them. It may be in the recollection of the House that my noble friend at the head of the Government did, towards the close of last session, allude to inquiries he was about to make into the possibility of extending academical education in Ireland, and indicate the spint in which that important matter might be dealt with. I am notin possession of the mature intentions of the Go- vernment, and can only refer to them so far as they are known to me. I am bond to say, in regard to what the Government contemplate in regard to the Catholic College of Maynooth—a subject to which my right honourable friend made distinct allusion—that I know nothing beyond what might fairly be inferred from what my right honourable friend then said. But those intentions were at variance with what I have stated as the best and most salutary principles, and, in

my view' a departurefrom them: I do not mean a first departure from them; but I think the public would feel, and justly feel, that the spirit of that measure

did involve a material alteration of the system which upon its own merits I have felt it my duty to advocate. I therefore held it to be my duty, whenever such a measure came before the House, to apply my mind to its consideration free from endued or selfish considerations, and with the sole and single view of arriving at such a conclusion as upon the whole the interests of the country and the cir- cumstances of the case might seem to demand. Again I tell the House, I am sensible how fallible my judgment is, and how easily I might have erred; but still it has been my conviction, that although I was not to fetter my judgment as a Member of Parliament by a reference to abstract theories, yet, on the other hand, it was absolutely due to the public, and due to myself, that I should, so far as in

melay, place-myself in a position to form an opinion upon a matter of so great importance, that should not only be actually free from all bias or leaning from any

coesiderations whatsoever, but an opinion that should be unsuspected. On that account, F have taken a coarse most painful to myself in respect to personal feel- ings, and have separated myself from men with whom and under whom I have long acted in public life, and of whom I am bound to say, although I have now no longer the honour of serving my most gracious Sovereign, that I continue to re- geed them with unaltered sentiments both of public regard and private attachment. I do feel it to be my duty also, at the same moment, distinctly to say, that I am not prepared to take part hi any religious warfare against the measures of my right.honourable friend. I can understand, and I have even ventured to vinds este, the principles upon which a Christian state allies itself, for religious pur- poses, with a Christian church; but if the time has come when, owing to religious divisions, and a great modification of political sentiments, what remains of that

slstem must be further departed from, then I cannot understand how a line of distinction is to be drawn unfavourable to my Roman Catholic fellow-subjects in

Ireland. But I most fervently and earnestly trust and hope that they will be

regarded as having a title to the favour of the Legislature, on the same or,, ounds as members of other professions of Christians. I have said nothing of the expe-

diency of the measure which my right honourable friend proposes to introduce, because I feel that it ought not to be prejudged, but receive a calm and deliberate consideration when it comes properly before the House. But I wish most dis- tinctly to state, that I am not prepared to take part in any religious warfare against that measure, such as I believe it may be, or to draw a distinction, on the other hand, between the Roman Catholics and other denominations with reference to their religious opinions. I do not know that I have anything to add."

Sir Roseau PEEL confirmed Mr. Gladstone's statement in every parti- cular. He avowed the highest respect and admiration for Mr. Gladstone's

abilities; admiration only equalled by regard for his private character. He added some details, into which his right honourable friend felt himself precluded from entering.

"If my right honourable friend did not immediately press his resignation, for that I am responsible. I was unwilling to lose, until the latest moment the advantages I derived from one I consider capable of the highest and most eminent sertices. I think it right to state, or rather restate, that it is not with regard to aneamestion of commercial policy that my right honourable friend has sent in his resignation. For threeyears I have been closely connected with my right honour-

able friend in the introduction of measures connected with the financial policy of the-country; and I feel it my duty openly to avow, that it seems almost impos- sible that two public men, acting together to long, should have had so little di- vergence in their opinions upon such questions. The House may remember,. that in the course of last session, upon s motioe by 551 honourable gentleman oppesite,

the Member for Waterford, I made a declaration to this effect—that her Majesty's Government would, during the recess apply themselves to the great question of academical education in Ireland; thin I did admit, looking at the population,

looking to the state of the country with respect to universities, looking at the state of Scotland with respect to the opportunities there for academical education—

seeing that in England there were the two great Universities of Oxford and Cam- bridge, that more recently there had been established in the Metropolis two col- leges, since united—that in Scotland there were no fewer than five universities; and then looking to the state of Ireland, and finding that, with the exception of

the establishment at Belfast, there was only one university,-! was disposed to ad- mit, that in that country there did not exist the same facilities for academical

education as in England and Scotland. I treat it is unnecessary to say that I did

not make that statement for the purpose of evading any temporary difficulty. I made it deliberately, and with a firm conviction of its truth, on the part of myself

and my colleagues, and that it was a pledge which should be fulfilled, and with the determination that I would not by general phrases encourage expectations which should not be realized. Weshall therefore be prepared to fulfil that pledge. We have considered the question of academical education in Ireland; and at an early period of the present session we shall propose an increase of facilities for academical education, open to all classesof her Majesty's subjects in that country. I did not, at time close of the last session, shrink from the declaration, that, among other institutions connected with academical education, the state of the College of Maynooth should undergo the consideration of the Govenunent. Sir, we do intend to make a proposal to this House, and I frankly state, on the very first day of the session, that it is our intention to propose to Parliament a liberal increase of the vote for the College of Maynooth. I beg to state also, with equal distinct- ness, that we do not propose to accompany that increased vote by any regulation with respect to the doctrine, discipline, or management of the College, which can diminish the grace and favour of the grant." Sir Robert referred to the loss which lie consented to incur—to the danger even which he might be supposed to incur by Mr. Gladstone's re- tirement, as a gage of his sincerity; and then he turned upon Lord John Rus- sell. The noble Lord could not resist the opportunity of taking a petty party advantage—of attempting to diminish the grace and favour of these acts of liberality which he so cordially approves of, by trying to persuade the people of Ireland that they ought to reject those measures when they are offered. [There were some cries of " No, no !" but Sir Robert went on.] He retraced the history of the Bequests Act, audits honest carrying out IT the appointment of Roman Catholic Prelates as Commissioners; asked what public man had talked of " surpliced ruffians " or " demon priesthood," phrases which Lord John had quoted; denied that he had ever coun- tenanced insults to the Roman Catholics of Ireland; and emir' referring to his voluntary loss of Mr. Gladstone's aid, lie answered by these facts the " small insinuations " of Lord John. On the right of search he would defer the discussion until he had produced the papers on the sub- ject; and then the House would judge whether Ministers had made any compromise in their object, the effectual suppression of the detestable traffic in slaves; meanwhile merely referring for proof of their sincerity to the character of the Commissioners—the Due De Broglie and Dr. Lushington.

And the reply to Lord John Russell's Free-tunic remarks also he deferred till he should produce his financial statement, on the 14th instant; which he made thus early as alterations affecting certain branches of commerce were in contemplation.

Sir CHARLES NAPIER complained of the settlement of the Tahiti affair; and was glad to see that, the eyes of the Government being opened, efforts were directed to the equipment of efficient naval forces.

Mr. CHARLES VILLIERS attributed the improved state of commerce and of the labouring population, and even the consequent calmness and good- humour of the House, to the return of abundance and the consequent defeat of " protection " ; expressed great satisfaction with Lord John Rus- sell's declaration against the Protective system; and pointed out to Sir Robert Peel the great opportunity which he now had to carry out the Free-trade principle—the whole confidence of the country is placed in him, and there is no Opposition.

Mr. PLIIMPTRE was grieved to see that Sir Robert Peel had not yet learned the perilous and pernicious nature of his course of concessions to the Roman Catholics. Sir ROBERT PEEL dissented from the propriety of the term "concession." Mr. WTSE admitted, that thus far Sir Robert Peel had redeemed his pledges as to ecclesiastical and secular education in Ireland, and hoped that the expectations entertained of that measure in various parts of the country would be justified by the resent. Mr. BELLEW averred that there had been a most material amelioration in the condition of Ireland since the House last met, in consequence of increased employ- ment in railway enterprises. He believed that the report of the Land- lords and Tenants Commission would produce very beneficial results.

(Marked cheers from Sir Robert Peel.) He was convinced that the Commission had been appointed by the Government with a bona fide desire for practical benefit; and lie hoped that no time would be lost in proposing measures founded upon time report, when produced.

He had supported the Bequests Act, and hoped that the objectionable clauses in it would be amended. Mr. Snnir wished that Sir Robert Peel had been more explicit as to the proposed academical education ; warning him that he would have great difficulties to contend with, both here and in Ireland, where it is a point of honour that Trinity College should be open to Catholics. Mr. Sheil went on to back Lord John Russell's assault; de- nying that his insinuations were "small," for his charge was, "You have mismanaged Ireland "; and he called upon the Home Secretary to say whether lie meant to introduce an Irish Registration Sir Jamas GRAHAM replied, that he did; but that other measures of great importance to the country at large must take precedence of it. The amendment of the Bequests Act would also be considered. No hope, indeed, could be held out that that part of the act would be altered which assimilates the Irish to the English law in respect to the limitation of time for bequests of real estate; but should it prove that the regular clergy are in any way damni- fied by the act, it would be altered. Sir ROBERT Tecsis warned the Premier not to expect to pacify Ireland by the present or any other eon- cessions. Lord SANDON WEIS prepared to carry out in letter and in spirit the compact made with the Irish Parliament for the maintenance of May- nooth.

Viscount PALMERSTON made a long and discursive speech, chiefly on the Tahiti settlement and the "right of search." Ile contended that Mr.

Pritchard had not thrown off his consular character; having only suspended his functions quoad the intrusive French officers. He agreed that the

French officers had a right to expel him if he had been convicted of in- triguing against their authority; but not even a prima facie case had been brought against him. Lord Palmerston believed that had there beer) MO fri,gateant. the time in the harbour of Tahiti, the ruitter *Maid have Web' disposed of in a much more decorous manner, whilst it would have been less likely to cause unpleasant discussions between the two Governments. The newly-appointed Commission he denounced as a mere pretence for abandoning the right of search. Sir ROBERT INGLIS rebuked the indis- cretion of Lord Palmerston's language; recollecting how the least word uttered in that House, perhaps imperfectly reported and imperfectly trans- lated, might bring about a collision between France and England. Lord Howicw expressed strong doubts as to the feasibility of suppressing the slave-trade by force: he hoped that Government would at no distant period look to the results of their measures; and, if they found that they did not succeed by forcible means in suppressing the slave-trade, they would have the manliness and courage, however unpopular such a course Might be, to come forward and state, in the face of the country, that their policy had failed, and that they were prepared to recommend its discon- tinuance.

The Address was unanimously adopted: and a Committee, headed by Mr. Charteris, was appointed to "draw it up."

When the Address was reported, on Wednesday, there was a new flood of desultory questions and remarks.

In answer to Mr. HOME, Sir GEORGE GREY, and Mr. BICKHAM ESCOTT, Sir JAMES GRAHAM stated, that on account of the immense changes in the law of debtor and creditor, it was not at present the intention of Government to reintroduce the County Courts Bill; that on an early day he should rein- troduce the bill to amend the law of settlement, stating several amendments in it; that the Lord Chancellor would shortly introduce in the House of Lords a measure on the subject of charities in England; and that the bill to pre- vent the payment of extortionate fees to Magistrates' clerks would be re- introduced on the 11th instant. In reply to Mr. RICE, Sir ROBERT PEEL said that the report of the Harbour Commissioners had been referred to the Lords of the Admiralty, and was under consideration : he was not prepared to recommend that two or three millions should be lightly or in- considerately expended.

Then followed some general remarks. Mr. Helm regretted the omission of any promise of reducing the civil and military establishments; and called for the remission of taxes upon necessaries as a set-off against the Income-tax. In such remarks he was followed up by Mr. Witmasts, Mr. WALLACE, and Mr. WAKLEY; and in heartily applauding the manner of settling the Tahiti question, he was followed up by Mr. 1VaxtEr,—who desiderated abolition of the law of settlement, with some anecdotes illus- trating the hardship of removals and extensive unions to the sick and destitute. Mr. Suaamax CRAWFORD, declaring that one part of Ireland was never in a more lawless condition than at present, hoped that Govern- ment would speedily introduce some measure emanating from the Landlord and Tenant Commission

The report was agreed to, and the Address was ordered to be presented to the Queen at half-past two o'clock on Thursday.

SPEAKERS IN THE FOREGOING DEBATES. For Ministers—Mr. Charteris, Mr. Thomas Baring, Mr. Gladstone, Sir Robert Peel, Mr. Shaw, Viscount Sandon. • Conservatives partially against Ministers—Mr. Miles, Mr Plumptre, Sir Robert Inglis. Opposition—Lord John Russell, Sir Charles Napier, Mr. Shell, Viscount Palmerston, Mr. Williams, Mr. Wallace. Liberals partially for Ministers— Mr. Wyse, Mr Bellew, Mr. Charles Villiers, Viscount Howick, Mr. Hume, Mr. . Sharman Crawford, Mr. Wakley.

Mr. THO3LAS BARING. The Return of Prosperity.—At the opening of the • previous session of Parliament, although improvement had taken place in some branches of our manufacturing interests, there was still a depression in two of our most important departments, the iron-trade and shipping interest. He was happy to say that the tide of prosperity had now reached both these branches. With -respect to the iron-trade, the mines were now in complete work. The population coanected with the working of iron were in full occupation at good wages, and the prices of iron had improved thirty or forty per cent. In fact, the iron-trade was in as satisfactory and prosperous a state as any other. This great improvement had arisen mainly from the increase of the home consumption, caused by the adopting iron for various purposes, and the great demand occasioned by railroads. With regard to the shipping interest, that also had been in a very depressed con- dition; but he was happy to say that there,had been a general improvement in the last half-year. Ships were more saleable, and at better prices. The demand for them had been occasioned by the increased importation of various articles of con- sumption; among others, the importation of guano had increased the demand for shipping to a large amount. The application of science, as tested by experience, by increasing the fertility of the soil, had not only effected that object, but had also vivified another most important branch of our commercial interests. With respect to the cotton-trade, it was never in a more thriving state. The profits of the manufacturers had increased, and with them the wages of their workmen; but he was aware that there were some of our cotton-manufactures which had not found so large a market as some branches of the spinning trade. But taking the two and calculating them together, he believed be was perfectly right when he stated, that at no period in the history of our spinning and manufacturing interests had the balance applicable to profits and wages been greater than during the past year. The application of capital in new mills, and the improvement of old ones and machinery, had also been much greater in the past year. With regard to the woollen trade, it was a source of no small satisfaction that an improvement had taken place in this branch too, because it fully bore out the statement which had been made of the improvement of the people. The larger portion of our woollen-trade was supported by the home-market, and the increase of the market bespoke an improvement in the condition of the poor man. The removal of the duty had contributed to this state of things, and, he was happy to add, without diminishing the price of our home and colonial wools. The flax- trade had undergone a considerable improvement; indeed, he might state that the increase has been upwards of twenty per cent: but it was very likely this increase was attributable to the removal of some of the restrictions on this trade. Still, the difference which had taken place in our flax-manufacture spoke favourably of the improvement of the condition of the people, notwithstanding the difficulty that might exist to estimate the quantity applicable to home con- sumption. It might be asked, had our foreign demands justified this increase in our manufactures ? Now, if they ran through the articles of British produce which had been exported this year, they would find that the amount of exports was larger than in n,Lfner period. There had, however, been a falling oft in two items—

coals slid cb -twist. With regard to coals, he believed he might say that this had remit no rom a falling off in the demand, but from the strike amongst

the workmen in mining districts. With regard to cotton-twist, it would be seen that the itt shows a falling-off of 20,000,000 lbs. He believed, how- ever, that the drenee in the exports arose not from any indisposition on the part rf. ear foreign neighbours to take this article of British produce, but toll*great amount of consumption which had taken place in the home-ruarket. t• All our manufacturers in this article had been, be might say, more than full employed; nevertheless they had been unable to supply the home as well as flai "reign market. But we must look beyond this to ascertain the imd.coffli 'on of the people; we must look to the consumption of those ar- tides which were regarded as the necessaries of life. The Customs were, per- haps, a better test of the power of consumption than the Excise; but the Excise might be considered as showing the people's power of expenditure in articles of luxury; and of malt, spirits, and soap, there had been an increase. Looking at the articles of tea, sugar, and tobacco, the gradual increase which was taking place afforded a satisfactory proof of the improved condition of the people. Al- though the returns of the savings-banks were liable to some exceptions, yet, as connected with other proofs of prosperity, the increase in deposits and theoliinin' u- tion in withdrawals were very pleasing circumstances. Another satisfactory proof was the great increase in the returns of all the railways; thus showing either an increase in traffic for business purposes or a greater power of expenditure for the purposes of recreation. It might, indeed, be doubted whether this prosperity was of a permanent character. He knew that last year very great doubts were enter- tained, though he was not aware upon what data they were founded, whe- ther the improvement which then manifested itself would continue for any length of tune. But looking at the state of trade, and the mode- rate price of raw materials—and looking also at the fact that no foreign markets were glutted and scarcely any overstocked—and considering, farther, that there was an abundance of capital, which in every manufacture was the great element of prosperity—he could not see any reason to apprehend that there was any exaggerated spirit of speculation in connexion with the trade and manu- factures of this country. The new banking regulations had proved a salutary check upon the spirit of over-speculation. He believed that that spirit of specu- lation had been absorbed by railway undertakings. The same causes to which he had already referred had occasioned a corresponding advance in the value of the Public Securities, which responded to the • general prosperity.. In the year 1842 the Three per Cents were at 89; at present they were at par. In the float- ing securities, or theUnfunded Debt, the premium was 20s., or 1 percent, in 1842: whereas at the present time it was 2* per cent. The result of the improvements in the value of the Public Securities of the kingdom was to produce a general rise in the price of Stocks, and eventually to economize the resources of the country by enabling the Government to reduce the interest of the Debt, which effected a saving of 625,000/. annually. That circumstance alone afforded a legitimate ground for triumph to the Government. Lord Joins RUSSELL. The Negotiations about Tahiti.—" There has been published a correspondence, which everybody must have read in the newspapers, and which I suppose is the actual correspondence of Count Jarnac with M. Guizot, the Minister of Foreign Affairs in France; and in that it appears that Government in the first place was disposed to make demands on which they did not afterwards insist, and on the other hand, the French Government refused at first to enter into any discussion of the matter. They said there was great ex- citement on the subject, and that though there was reason for reparation for the outrage which caused the excitement they would not enter into the discussion. I confess I do not see either the wisdom or moderation of the Government in the coarse they took. It appears to me, that particularly with respect to those ques- tions which involve considerations of public honour, while you should make your demands for reparation as moderate as you can, you should likewise take care not to make any demand from which you might afterwards shrink. It may be very well when nations have been at war, and they are discussing questions as to how many islands or miles of territory they shall retain, that one should make de- mands greater than it intends afterwards to insist upon, and that it should make certain abatements. You may put up with a less extent of dominion than you at first sight, asked for without any shame in receding. But in a case like that of which I have been speaking, the course which regard to our own dignity points out is, that we should not make any demand that is unreasonable, but having made a reasonable demand should adhere firmly to it. With respect to this ne- gotiation, it does not appear to have been conducted in the manner in which a negotiation of that kind ought to have been conducted between two Govern- ments, but especially two that were continually boasting of a cordial understand- big, and of being different from any other Governments of England and France, and of having found the secret of a perpetual harmony which nothing could dis- turb. On the contrary, I must say, that those papers we have already seen make me disposed to think there was really no such good understanding as there ought to have been. There was neither that ready acquiescence in what was reasonable on the one side, nor that readiness to afford satisfaction on the other, which ought to have been found. In fact, the two Governments seem to have been a great deal too much driven by the press, on the one side and the other, in the course of these negotiations. We have beard denunciations with respect to the press of this country from the right honourable gentleman opposite; but really, some of the articles which appeared in the Ministerial journal at that time were in a tone of bluster and insolence towards the French nation which made me perfectly ashamed that any English paper Should have made use of such language. But I trust that now the two nations will maintain peace." An Historical Parallel: Prosperity; Free Trade.—" In 1836, on the 4th Fe- bruary, the very day of that year on which we are now met in this, an honourable friend of mine, the Member for Sheffield, seconded the address. In so doing, he went through the various interests of the country—cotton, wool, silk, iron; and he found that the increase had been very large, that our exports had greatly increased on a comparison with the five years antecedent- The honourable Member drew a picture of the flourishing condition of the country in 1835. Then we had had a favourable harvest. But 1838, 1839, and 1840, brought us into a very different condition—when we had bad harvests—when it did not please Providence to continue to us the same state of blessing we had heretofore enjoyed—when we suffered most severely, from the depression of our manufactures and commerce in that season of high prices. No man can expect the course of things to continue unaltered, or that we shall have in this country every year a recurrence of those bounteous harvests with which we have of late been blessed. If, then, we cannot expect that, the reflection occurs, Can men do anything to remedy the evils which deficient harvests bring along with them ? I think we can: not, indeed, by at- tempting to interfere with the course of Providence, but by looking at another dispensation of Providence which enables man to exchange the products of his own country with other and distant regions. (Loud cheering from Me Opposi- tion side.) Let us, then, as I hope we shall, consider in the course of the present year whether we have not the power to ward off the storm which at some future period of deficient harvests may fall upon us, by giving to those productions of other nations which we can best use and employ a more favourable inlet into this country than they have at present. By so doing, you would be only acting in consonance with the principles of the present Government and of the great ma- jority of this House. They do not hold, with that great society which met yes- terday—(Laughter and cheering)—that protection to British industry is the true way to insure a permanent flourishing condition for the people of this country. On the contrary, with respect to many articles of great value, they have declared that principles opposed to those of protection, and which if not entirely Free-trade are known by the name of Free-trade principles, are those by which the inter- course of nations should be regulated. If they continue in these opinions--if they differ from those great authorities which maintain that protection is for the benefit of the people—let us have the advantage of the practical working out of those opinions. I know that those who propose this are called the enemies of agricul- ture; but I am convinced that protection is not the support but the bane of agri- culture."

Sir ROBERT PEEL. Lord John Russell's party-attack on Ministers.—" The noble Lord, standing as he does at the head ot a great political party, thinks it expedient and wise to use his best efforts to neutralize all these beneficial efforts on the part of her Majesty's Government, by exciting 'political animosities in the minds of the people of Ireland against the measure. Says the noble Lord, 'Whe can wonder that the Roman Catholics should remember these things?' Why, indeed, no one can wonder, when the noble Lord himself deems it not unworthy of his high position to treasure up in his memory all the vituperative expressions of the newspapers of the day, and quotes exasperating expressions, such as sur- pliced ruffians ' and daemon priesthood,' for the purpose of recalling them to the recollection of the public mind in Ireland, and fixing them upon the people's memories. What public man ever used the words surpliced ruffians,' or (he- mon priesthood' ? (A voice—" They were used by the Times.") I care not who used them; they never were used by me, or by any of my political friends. I utterly deny that I, or any of my friends, have ever countenanced insults to the Roman Catholics of Ireland ; and, as a complete refutation of the reckless allega- tion of the noble Lord, I refer the people of Ireland to the painful sacrifice which we have made by losing the cooperation of my right honourable friend, and by incurring the danger which the loss of his service on religious questions may ex- pose us to. I refer to these substantial facts as an answer to the small insinua- tion of the noble Lord. (Cheers and laughter.) * * * Of the Queen's Speech the noble Lord said he had no complaint to make; neither of the Address, nor of what fell from the mover and seconder. That being the case, I wonder the noble Lord did not approach the commencement of the session with something more of an equable temperament. What was there for the noble Lord to be wroth at ? And yet the noble Lord has given utterance to a most violent and bitter party Is it that the noble Lord's temper has been provoked by the contrast which the Speech from the Throne this day presents to the Speeches which the noble Lord when in power was obliged to counsel? Is it the congratulations which her Majesty offers to Parliament on the present state of the trade and com- merce of the country, of the improved condition of the manufacturing industrial classes, and above all, of the flourishing state of the .public revenue—is it these things which have suggested to the noble Lord reminiscences of a very painful nature, and whir la have, therefore, disturbed that equanimity of temper which is usor ly rsplayed Ly him, and which is generally observed on the first day of tession?—

Vague tenet inhumes ; mita nil lacarymanne cermt.' "

Settlement of the Tahiti question.—" The noble Lord says that the circum- stances under which the expulsion of Mr. Pritchard took place was a great out- rage. I entirely agree with the noble Lord; and I consider that the manner in which Mr. Pritchard was expelled, and the expressions which were used towards him, justified the expressions which I usel when I called it a gross outrage. But her Majesty's Government think that they have obtained a moderate and fair reparation for that wrong. They have just got that which the noble Lord says they ought to have. We did not ask for more—we did not demand more ; and I should deeply regret if we had any occasion to triumph in this matter, or to con- sider that we had gained an advantage over France. I should in that case have felt that such a reparation would have been most imperfect and most unsatis- factory, and altogether inconsistent with the maintenance of that good under- standing between the two countries which it is so desirable to maintain. Any reparation that would have been humiliating to France would have been matter of deep regret to me." * * "Within two or three weeks after the public mind of this country had been so inflamed upon this subject, the King of the French came to England, returning the visit made to him by our own gracious Sovereign. The noble Lord says that we made an extravagant demand upon France. Sir, we made no demand. We lost not an hour in stating to France what had oc- curred. We preferred no demand; and we stated distinctly, We v entirely on you to make to us the reparation we have a right to expect.' I think it would not have been wile in us to ask any reparation from France which we would not have granted ourselves. See what the position of France and England is with respect to its influence over affairs in the other hemisphere. See how our cordial and mutual understanding bears upon other countries on the West of the Atlantic. Our relations with France difter from those of any other power. It is of the utmost importance with respect to your conduct and your relations with the South American States that there should prevail a friendly under- standing between France and this country. I believe 1 am stating what is the general opinion of this country. I believe there is a general desire on the part of the people of this country to maintain the most amicable and friendly relations with France."

Right of Search.—" Hour after hour we receive messages from the French Government; and we reply, We retain our opinion as to the obligation that is upon us to put down this baffle: we cannot depart from the measures already taken, unless we satisfy ourselves that the French Parliament will adopt some other measure as efficacious in its provisions.' The policy of entering into an inquiry into this subject may depend upon the instruments employed to conduct that in- quiry. Who is it that the French Minister has proposed to appoint? A man of the highest authority in France—I speak of M. De Broglie, a man ready to sacrifice great political power to effect this object—a man who counselled one of the trea- ties, and who completed the other, in 1831 and 1833—a man whose prejudices are all in favour of maintaining the present treaty—he is the man offered by the French Government to confer with us whether it is possible to devise any measure more efficacious than the present for the suppression of traffic in slaves. And whom have we employed? Dr. Lushington—a man whom whole life has been devoted to this question, and who is ready to sacrifice any political power for the sake of advancing that great object."

Mr. SHEIL Reasons why Mr. Gladstone need not hare retired.—" There is no man who feels for the public welfare who must not lament that her Majesty is deprived of the services of the right honourable gentleman. I cannot help think- ing it unfortunate that the statesman should be sacrificed to the author, and that the right honourable Baronet should have reason to say, Oh that my friend had not written a book !' (A laugh.) The right honourable gentleman, however, in that book—for it was impossible to read it without remembering almost every pas- sage of it, at least it was impossible for me to read it without remembering that part of it which bore upon Ireland—did distinctly state upon the question of Maynooth, that he conceived the question was one simply of contract. If,' he said, the Irish Parliament contracted for the establishment and maintenance of Maynooth, it ought to be maintained in a manner befitting the dignity of that great task which it had to perform, and also befitting the dignity of the donor from whom the endowment was derived. If it were not a matter of contract, it should be suppressed.' That it was a matter of contract we have the decision of the two Houses of Parliament At the time of the Union, care was taken to pass an act of Parliament maintaining the establishment of Maynooth. The British Parliament continued its grant from that day to the present; and I say that it was a contract to all intents and purposes entered into by the Irish Parliament, and ratified by the Imperial Legislature."

Lord PALMERSTON. His idea of Impossibilities in suppressing the Stare- trade —" To appoint a commission to inquire whether the right of search is essen- tial for the suppression of the slave-trade, is just about as rational as appointing a commission to inquire whether two and two make four, or whether they can make anything else. It is a perfectly self-evident proposition—no one can doubt it—that, unless you have a maritime police it is impossible, absolutely and physi- cally impossible, to put down the slave-trade. I know that some projects have been spoken of as substitutes for it; that we could have, for example, a foreign naval officer to cruise in our cruisers, and that there should be a British officer on board every French cruiser: and then, I suppose, if it is to be done for one power it must be for another; so that thrre would be perfect little Noalfs arks sailing about—naval officers by pairs in these slave-trade cruisers I The idea is perfectly absurd, and any man who intends seriously to propose such measures as that Means and less than to get rid of the treaty altogether, and to render

it perfectly inefficient. The right honourable Baronet, however, says, But you must consider, gentlemen, that when the treaty becomes odious to a country the subordinate officers of a Government will not execute it with the alacrity' and zeal that they did before, and it becomes useless.' But the right honourable Baronet forgets that the value of this treaty does not depend upon the alacrity, the zeal, and ability of French subordinate officers at all, but upon our own officers; and whatever may have been the disposition of any foreign country to assist you in the suppression of the slave-trade, I do fear that nothing effectual has been done towaras its accomplishment by the naval force of any country except that of Great Britain. In this case you have no interests of your own to serve in maintaining the treaty—none, except that you regard it as the necessary means of putting down the slaVe-trade. our cause is none other than that of humanity and generosity: you have a right, therefore, to stand on the treaty. and I say, if the Government had known its duty, that it would have done so, and would have said to France, We will enter into no negotiations with you upon the subject unless we contemplate the substitution of some measure for the right of search: we:contemplate no such substitution; and we should only mislead you if we held a sham negotiation with you, to enable the Minister of the day in Paris to answer an Opposition speech.' That is the real state of the case."

Lord Howicfl. Futility of Force to suppress the Slare-trade.—No man abominated the slave-trade more than he did, or was more anxious to see it sup- pressed; but at the same time, he could not help asking himself what had been the result of all our efforts to do away with it. For thirty years we had perse- vered in those efforts; for thirty years we had endeavoured to keep the police of the seas, and to prevent the slave-trade from being carried on; and what had been the result ? He firmly believed that we had not in any degree diminished the extent of the slave-trade, while we had certainly aggravated greatly its horrors; and he therefore did think it became us seriously to consider whether this was a policy in which we ought to persevere. Last year they were told by her Majesty's Government that new measures were to be adopted for more effectually blockading the coast of Africa, and hopes were held out of greater success to our future efforts for the suppression of the slave-trade. He was not prepared to object to tLe trial of these means, if there were any rational hope of their success; but he confessed, for his own part, that he entertained a great doubt of their being so successful as it was anticipated they would be. He believed, that while there was such a strong interest engaged in the slave-trade, and while the Government of those countries by the people of which it was carried on did not endeavour to suppress it, all our efforts to put an end to the trade would be fruitless. He believed it to be impossible by any vigilance or activity on the part of naval cruisers to suppress a smuggling-trade of this kind, carried on along the whole coast of a continent, over a space of thousands e miles, and where it was easy to baffle the utmost vigilance that could be employed. He confessed he could not help feeling some suspicion that more success would follow from a different course: he could not help believing, if we were no longer to take on ourselves the task of keeping the police of the seas, but were to leave every nation to prevent its own subjects from engaging in the trade, that the feeling of shame which would be excited before the civilized world, when there was no longer any feeling of pride in resisting our efforts, and that a regard to their own interests and honour would induce Brazil and Cuba to put a stop to the trade. It was as easy for them to do it as it was difficult to us. When a nation were determined to put an end to the trade, the experience of our own Colonies showed that there was no difficulty. Therefore he thought other nations could succeed, while we should only continue to fail. The danger to which those countries would be put from the continuance of the slave-trade, after we had ceased to interfere to suppress it, would of itself be the strongest motive to them to alter their policy.

ADDRESS TIIE LORDS.

The Address in the House of Lords Was moved by the Marquis of CAM- LEN. It was an echo of the Queen's Speech; the Marquis's speech being an amplification of both. Lord GLENLYON'S speech in seconding the Ad- dress was scarcely so much; but he excused himself if he had omitted any- thing by saying that his sight was bad. He alluded to the Queen's visit to Scotland; and hoped that the loyalty exhibited by the people on that occasion would be taken as a proof of confidence in Ministers. [Lord Glenlyon wore full Highland costume.] The Marquis of NORMA.NRY began the debate which ensued, (if that which was rather a discursive conversation can be called a debate,) by re- marking that he should say nothing to disturb the unanimity of the vote: but in agreeing to the Address, he by no means pledged himself to the mea- sures which it inentioned, though so far as he could see they would have his support. He deprecated Lord Glenlyon's notion that the manifestation of loyalty towards the Monarch is to be taken as a mark of approbation for the Ministry. Touching upon a few points, Lord Normanby went on to say that he agreed that the excitement in Ireland has much abated; but he regarded it as less owing to any particular measure, than to the people's being aware of the impracticability of Repeal. The ill success of the con- ciliatory measures he imputed to what had taken place two years ago, and especially to Sir James Graham's declaration that concession had gone far enough. He found fault with the Charitable Bequests Act, because the Roman Catholic Prelates had not been consulted about it when it was framed. With the concession already made it is inconsistent to refuse recognition of the territorial titles of those Bishops. The result of the Tenure of Lands Commission has been unmixed evil; if political excite- ment has abated, individual outrage and crime have increased. He agreed as to the increased prosperity in the manufacturing and commercial inter- ests; but it must not be forgotten that there is an ebb and flow in those matters. With respect to the sanitary condition of the people, he approved of the feelings displayed in the Speech from the Throne. He concluded by announcing that he should not at present tring forward any measure, of which he had given notice, on the subject of Ireland; waiting to see the Ministerial measures. The Duke of RICHMOND complained that the Speech made no mention of the agricultural interest; and claimed that, in any alteration of the Income-tax, that interest should not be forgotten. The Earl of HARDWICKE thought the omission right in the Speech; but wished the agricultural interest to be left alone; though afterwards he said, that if the Duke of Richmond would bring forward alleviating measures not injurious to other classes, Government would lend a compassionate car. The Earl of MALMESBURY regretted that more consolation had not been afforded to the agriculturists, never more depressed than at the present moment. The Duke of MONTROSE deprecated inter- ference with the currency of Scotland. Lord WHARNCLIFFE remarked, the Speech alluded to Scotch banking, and said not a word of "currency?' Lord BROUGHAM made a short speech, expressing general concurrence with the Marquis of Camden; but making some reference to the Income-tax, which he would not give up before other more grievous taxes; and to the state of Ireland, attributing much of the present tranquillity to the State prosecutions. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE acquiesced in the Address; but dissented from some opinions expressed, especially by Lord Brougham; and attributed the better feeling of Ireland in great part to the judgment of the House of Lords in the case of Mr. O'Connell. He approved of the propo- sition to extend academical education in that country; objected to the ne- gotiations about Tahiti, that they had not more promptly been brought to a close by explicit explanations; and desidemted to see the question of the new kind of "protectorates," assumed at the will of one state, (unlike the 'protectorate of the Ionian Islands, which was arranged with the concur- rence of Europe,) discussed and settled. To this the Earl of ABERDEEN replied, that the disputes had been settled by the very system of expla- nations that Lord' Lansdowne wished; and that it did not arise out of the question of protectorates, but out of the misconduct of a subordinate French officer.

Lord CAMPBELL drew from the LORD CHANCELLOR the statement, that measures would be introduced for the better administration of justice in appeal cases and for the bettor transfer of property.

The address was voted unanimously.

The Lords' having adjourned till Thursday, met on that day, merely to carry up the Address; and on their return they adjourned till Monday.

SPEANFAIS IN THE FOREGOLNG DEBATE. For Ministers—The Marquis of Camden, Lord Glenlyou,. the Earl of Ihu-deicke, the Earl of Aberdeen, Lord Brougham, the Lord Chancellor. Conservatives partly opposed to Ministers-.- The Duke of Richmond, the Duke of Montrose. Opposition—Lord Normanby, the Marquis of Lansdowne, Lord Campbell.

Lord BROUGHAM. Questionable Policy of giving up the Income-tax.—If the question was, whether to abandon the Income-tax or to keep it, and if any other Tess grievous tax could be substituted, he had no doubt that the Income-tax must be given up. But that was not the ground upon ehich the question must be put: the question was, whether any other taxes could be given up that pressed upon the productive powers of the adustry of the country—which oppressed our trade and manufactures—the Insurance-tax, for instance, which sent a large proportion of our insurances to Amsterdam Those were bad manufactures of taxes, if he might KO express it, which pressed upon the raw materials of our manufactures; and if by relinquishing them we could give an impulse to our trade and manu- factures, and at the same time relieve the consumers in the lower and middle -classes of society, he should be ready, with all his strong prejudices against an Income-tax, to support a proposal for continuing the tax; so that it was a mere question what those other measures were, and not a question abstractedly as to the Income-tax.

Friendilap between France and England.—The effect of the visit of the King of the French, and the reception which he met with in this country, was not con- fined to our gracious Sovereign who received him and the brilliant court which surrounded her, or even to the people of this country, all classes of whom thronged to hail his arrival and saw his departure with regret; but across the Channel, in France, the- happiest effects had been produced by his 111ajesty's reception here.

Marquis of LANSDOWNE. Remission of the Income-tax or other Taxes.— There could be no doubt either that the public would readily enough regard the Speech which the Ministers had advised her Majesty to make as a species of ad- vertising for advice, a demand for suggestions; a significant hint which in many quarters would be well understood, and the meaning of which was, that the Mi- nisters must continue the Income-tax if they sought to relieve the more productive branches of industry from the weight of fiscal burdens. There could be no doubt that the effect of such a proceeding,, on the part of the Government would be to bring to their ears a great deal of advice between the present time and the period at which the Budget might be brought under the consideration of the other House of Parliament. Lpon that influx of advice he begged most heartily-to wish them joy—he congratulated them upon the quantity of disinterested counsel which they were likely to receive. But, though be supported the present Address, he by no means weed to the continuance of the Income-tax. It was an impost to the continued existence of which he could not bring himself to consent, unless it were clearly shown to him that its maintenance would have the efliet of relieving the industrious classes from burdens which oppressed. manufacturing skill and . checked commercial enterprise.

THE QL'EEN'S Aleswoo.

On Thursday afternoon, the Speaker reported that the House of Com- mons had that day presented the Address, and that her Majesty had been pleased to return the following gracious answer- " Gentlemen of the House of Commons, I return you my warmest thanks for your loyal and dutiful address. I rely with confidence and satisfaction on the re- sult of your deliberations; and I trust they will tend to promote the prosperity of all classes of my people."

AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS AND FREE TRADE.

On the motion on Thursday, to consider the Queen's Speech, in order to granting a supply, Mr. COBDEN took the opportunity of raising a general conversation; regretting that no mention had been made in the Speech of the existing agricultural distress. Last session he moved for a Committee of inquiry on the subject. Wheat, which was then at 638. per quarter, is now at 45s. 7d.; and yet Members think themselves justified in leading their constituents to believe that Parliament can secure a certain price for .corn! Ile attributed that distress to the system of prohibition; others, to the insufficiency of protection; a difference, whatever side was in the right, which ought to be cleared up by the House. He had reason to believe, from a private conversation with Mr. Miles, that the honourable Member would agree to a Committee of inquiry; and he invited him to do so, with- out waiting for the sanction of Government. If Mr. Miles did not ac- quiesce, in ten days or a fortnight he should renew the motion that he made last session.

Mr. MILES thanked Mr. Ceiliden for his courtesy, but thought the proper way would be to obtain the consent of Government. He and his friends had no intention of asking Government for any such Committee; nor are the farmers in a condition that would render them likely to come and ask it. He should rather fear, and must altogether decline, the alliance pro- posed by Mr. Cobden; and if the honourable Member did obtain the Com- mittee, he begged the honourable gentleman not to put him upon it. Mr. Cobden was supported by several Free-trade Members. Mr. Miles - was supported by Mr. GEORGE BANKES, who opposed all inquiry; while Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN assented to it. Sir ROBERT PEEL advised agri- cultural Members.not so hastily and liberally to commit themselves to the motion, but to take the fortnight allowed them by Mr. Cobden for delibe- ration. Admitting the existence of distress in some parts, he observed that in all countries some districts are less fortunate than others; and last season, although the harvest was good, the hay and turnip crops failed. In the course of the conversation, Mr. BRIGHT roughly attacked the landlords; whom he charged with causing the agricultural distress, by taking a protection for themselves which they do not give to the farmers; with defending their tenants at Freemason's Hall but ill-treating them in the country; and-with setting up a " shop " at 17 Bond Street, which ought to have for its sign, Farmers taken in and done for." Mr. STAF- FORD °Sega _took Mr. Btight 10 task- for- his mannerr contrasting it with

that of Mr. Cobden, and instructing him that bullying was notthe way to deal with the gentry of England. Mr. Bright had tried for raven years .a system of agitation to set the tenants against their landlords; that has failed, and it is matter of surprise that he does not try a different line.

The motion before the House was affirmed.

SPEAKERS IN THB FOREGOING DEBATE. For Inquiry—Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, Mr. Milner Gibson, Mr. Charles Villiers, Mr. Stafford O'Brien. Against Niles, Mr. George Bankes. In suspense—Sir Robert • Peel, Lord John Manners.

SESSIONAL ORDERS, &C.: RAILWAY BUSINESS.

In the House of Commons, on Wednesday, Mr. YOUNG moved the usual Sessional Orders.

On the order declaring it a breach of privilege for a Peer to vote in the election of a Member, Mr. WILLIAMS objected to its continuance; since it

is notoriously infringed, the House has no means of enforcing it, and he

wanted to know what statute-law contained the prohibition. He was backed by Mr. WALLACE, Mr. HUME, and Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE. The

last declared that there was not a single County Member, and very few Bo- rough Members, who did not seek the influence of Peers at their election, almost on their beaded knees: without the consent of a Peer the House might now be deprived of the services of a Secretary for Ireland; and to

enforce the order would bring the House into collision with throe-fourths of the Peers and two-thirds of the Bishops. Mr. GOULBURN maintained

that the House is the sole judge of its own privileges; and if a Peer should vote for a Member the House would reject the vote. The House was cleared for a division; but the order was affirmed without one.

Mr. CHRISTIE moved an amended order respecting the exclusion of strangers. It authorized the Sergeant-at-Arms to arrest strangers, in the body of the House and the Members' gallery; but limited the order to those parts. Mr. Christie's motion was agreed, to. This order does not affect the right of Members specially to move the exclusion of all strangers; a right explained by the Speaker to exist at common law, and not to de- pend upon sessional orders. The order that no private bill be received after the 28th of February having been read, Lord Howicw drew attention to the bearing of that order on railway bills. The Railway Committee of last year laid it down that the Board of Trade should not decide on such bills, but only inves- tigate and report to the House. The Board have notified to various Com- panies the conclusions to which they have come, but without stating the grounds; leaving the Companies in the dark as to the expediency of yield- ing to the determination of the Board or still supporting their measures be- fore Parliament. Large amounts of property are at stake. In the London and York Railway Company, for instance, the shares are 60,000 in number; bargains have been made in them on the Stock Exchange at 20/. premium, conditionally on the Board's reporting in favour of the line; thus staking 1,200,0001. on the decision of the Board. If the Government were to adopt the decision of the Board as final, and move to reject a bill on its second reading, it would in effect be to make the Executive Government decide the question, instead of the Legislature; opening the door to endless suspicions and abuses. Indeed, already whispers begin to be circulated of an injurious kind—large speculations are said to have been made in certain railways just before the announced decision of the Board; though Lord Howick believed those suspicions to be quite unfounded. He confessed that he himself ought not to be judge; for he frankly avowed that he was in the position of a person interested in an undertaking of the kind that had been unfavourably reported: but he only desired that companies should not be called upon to determine whether they would proceed or not until they knew the grounds for the decision of the Board of Trade; and therefore he would allow twenty-one days after the report of the Board of Trade affecting any particular railway had been laid on the table, within which it should become patent for any particular company to present its bill. Sir ROBERT PHIAL never understood that the discretion of the House was to devolve absolutely upon the Board of Trade. He allowed that there was great force in what Lord Howick said, and that it deserved further consideration. With the general concurrence, the order was postponed.

The other orders were affirmed as usual.

The subject was renewed on Thursday; when Lord GRANVILLE SOMER.., SET introduced six bills to consolidate uniform clauses in a variety of raile way acts; and he took occasion to propose that fourteen days be allowed to the promoters of a railway bill after the decision of the Board of Tradø should be made known. Sir ROBERT PEEL further explained, that the promoters might present their petition as much earlier as they pleased, but it should not be compulsory upon them to do so for fourteen days. Lord Ilowicx expressed himself quite satisfied with that arrangement. Colonel Srortroar then revived the discussion on the rumours that the Board abuse their powers; asking if any of the four or five gentlemen composing the Commission were connected, directly or indirectly, with any of those railroads which had been brought under their consideration? Lord Goan-aux SOMERSET was not prepared for the question; but parties were generally satisfied with the fairness of the Committee. Mr. WAXLEY said, that was no answer. Reports are circulated which ought to be contradicted. Certain pereens in the City happen always to be Tight in their speculations; and in a single day one gentleman made 40,0001. by the sale of shares that rose from a small premium to one of 91. or 104 Ile went on to complain of the expensive proceedings before Select Comm. inittees on railway bills; counsel, who are paid some ten guineas a dayi spinning out their time—banisters of even moderate ability have earned 6,0001., 8,0001., or 10,0001-last session. He had heard of *junior barrister who took up a bill containing 183 clauses, declared that the subject of each clause comprised thirteen "subdivisions," and consumed more than one day in arguing the 'first "subdivision "! This brought forth Mr. citAto..., STONE in defence of the Board. He reminded the House, that the decisions of the Board are really not final. It was his conviction that no membee of the Board had any interest in railways. Mr. O'Brien, when appointed; having been Private Secretary to Sir James Graham, spontaneously cles dared that he possessed a few shares, and willingly complied with the sug- gestion that he should at once dispose of them. There is no proof, nor even strong presumption, in support of the rumours; and it is easy to see that parties who have gone before the Board, and have paid attention to the questions asked, have drawn their infereeces and operated accordingly. As to the controlling of counsel, he could see no way; and Mre Wakley him- self had suggested no remedy. The conversation dropped soon attee; and leave- was given to Lord Granville Sernereekta brigs in, NOTICES OF MOTION IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. Several future mo- tions have been set down upon the paper; many of them revivals of dropped notices, or of a kind almost indicated by the name of the Members—such as Mr. Hume, Mr. Wallace, Captain Peehell, and others. Among Mr. Ewart's notices are one against indirect taxation as oppressive to the poor, and one for diurnal in- stead of nocturnal sittings of the House. Mr. Duncombelias notified a motion for the 18th instant, about Post-office espionage. Lord Ashley will, "on an early day," mom for leave to bring in a bill to regulate the labour of children in calico print- works in Great Britain and Ireland, and another bill to regulate the labour of young persons in mills and factories.

ECCLESIASTICAL COURTS. In answer to Sir GEORGE GREY, 011 Thursday, SirJeaces.Gaannat said, that from the experience of the last two sessions he despaired of being able to bring in any measure for the regulation of the Eccle- siastical Courts; and he had no intention of doing so.

MEDICAL Ihtronm. In reply to Mr. WAKLEY, on Wednesday, Sir JAMES GRAHAM stated, that on the 18th instant he should reintroduce his Medical Re- form Bill, with an explanation of several amendments and alterations that had been made in it.

BANKING IN SCOTLAND. Mr. MACAULAY asked, on Thursday, whether he had rightly interpreted some words that fell from Lord Wharncliffe, as meaning, that in the proposed changes it was not intended to interfere with the one-pound note circulation of Scotland? Sir ROBERT PEEL declined to explain any details until he should introduce his measure; and begged that inferences might not be drawn—not even from his silence.

• THAMES EMBANKMENT. In reply to Mr. FORSTER, on Thursday-, the Earl of Lueciaue said that it was not the intention of the Government to bring in the measure of last year for embanking the Thames. He anticipated, however, that a bill might be introduced on the subject, for an embankment higher up the river. But no additional tax would be laid on coals.

Ramos AYRES. In reply to Mr. EWART, on Thursday, Sir ROBERT PEEL said that he had reason to hope, from the concurrent influence of the Brazilian, French, and English Governments, that those who continue the disastrous war on the River Plate would be obliged to bring it to a conclusion.

TAHM. Sir GEORGE GREY asked, on Thursday, for papers respecting the settlement of the Tahiti affair. Sir ROBERT PEEL was willing to produce the last letters of H. Guizot and Lord Aberdeen, giving the results of the negotia- tions, but not the anterior correspondence; as the affair is amicably settled, and it is needless to revive irritating topics.

NEW WRITS were issued, on Wednesday, for North Wiltshire, in the room of the Honourable Sidney Herbert, appointed Secretary at War; for Buckingham Borough, in the room of Sir Thomas Francis Fremantle, appointed Secretary for Ireland. for Stamford, in the room of Sir George Clerk, appointed Master of the Mint; for Tipperary, in the room of the Honourable Robert Otivay Cave, deceased.

CHEAP TRAVELLING ON RAILWAYS. In reply to Mr. WALLACE, ell Wed- nesday, Mr GLADSTONE stated, the Companies which come within the provisions of the Railway Act of last session in reference to third-class trains with carriages protected from the weather and fares at Id. a mile, (comprising nearly all the rail- way companies in the country,) have almost all complied with those provisions; and the purpose which the House had in view, the accommodation afforded to the humbler classes, has been fully attained.