The Deputation from the Short Time Committees have published their

report of the interview which they had with Sir James Graham, Lord Wharncliffe and Mr. Gladstone, Lord Stanley, the Duke of Buckingham, and Lord Lyndhurst, on the 28th October. Sir James demurred to their proposal to restrict the labour of persons between thirteen and twenty-one years of age to ten hours a day : he said—" Do you not think that it would very much aggravate the evils and the distress under which that portion of the community are now represented to be suffering?" The Deputation thought that the restriction would be a benefit rather than an injury. Sir James Graham—" Well, but I want to know the reasons which induce you to form such an opinion. It will be argued by those opposed to your views, that such an interference with the free use of capital and labour will necessa rily place the British manufacturer at a disadvantage in the market of the world, as compared with his rivals, who are under no such restriction. Now, I wish to know whether you have looked at the question in this broad and economical light ; or confined your attention entirely to the effects of this system upon the condition of the labourers themselves, and thus excluded from your calculation the general operation of such a restriction as you advocate? "

The Deputation undertook to vindicate their measure on principles of political economy as well as humanity

" The Deputation proceeded to show at considerable length, that the destitute condition of the operatives, and the general difficulties existing among the

employers in the manufacturing districts, arose from the neglect of the very first principles of political economy ; a neglect which led to an over-supply, a supply greatly beyond the substantial demand for their productions. Since 1815, there had been a continual improvement going on in machinery; by which

three times the amount of goods was now manufactured with less adult manual labour than was required in the previous period for the smaller quantity,. What had been the result ? Why, that they were now actually, receiving for three

times the quantity of goods less than the same amount of money which they got in 1815 for the one-third. It was not, therefore, to be wondered at that, coincident with this over-production of machine-made goods as compared with a substantial demand, wages and profits had both increased ; that the workmen who were still required had to work harder for a smaller remuneration, the capi talist for a lower rate of profit, and that pauperism had kept pace with each successive mechanical invention which displaced male adult labour, substituting in its place either the labour of mechanical automatons or that of women and children. For these and other reasons, of which an outline only is here presented, the Deputation said they were firmly convinced that the measure they advocated was in accordance with the dictates of the soundest political economy. * • • • •

" Sir James Graham, in reply, urged most of the reasons adduced by the Free-trade party. He dwelt with great emphasis upon the possible results of a policy which, by placing our manufacturers in a comparatively worse position than the manufacturers of the Continent and America, might ultimately render the capital of the former altogether profitless, and thereby induce them to close their mills altogether. He pictured the awful effects which such a course would have upon the thousands thickly congregated in the manufacturing districts, and entirely dependent on the continuance of our foreign trade for existence. He said it would be argued, that with such an intense and increasing rivalry on the part of foreigners as the Deputation had admitted, it would be impossible to interpose any checks to the production of manufactured goods in the cheapest possible way ; unless, indeed, we were determined to give our rivals the advantage in the market, and thereby put a stop to our foreign trade altogether."

Our ascendancy in foreign markets, argued the Deputation, can only be maintained by competing with the foreigner ; and that can only be done by displacing high-priced adult labourers, and substituting selfacting machinery or machinery attended by women and children

" The great bulk of the labouring-classes would be thrown idle, whether we extended or restricted our foreign trade under the present direction of machinery."

Sir James Graham—" Yes, but not so rapidly."

The Deputation—"It is a sorry conclusion, Sir James, to think that this perversion of human ingenuity should make the multiplication of means for the increase of national wealth offer us only the alternative of slow or speedy ruin."

Sir James Graham—" Well, but how is it to be remedied ? I do not see any practical mode of averting it: do you ?" The Deputation—" Yes, we think we do."

Sir James Graham—" What would you recommend ?"

The Deputation—" The adoption of a comprehensive and efficient plan of home colonization : for which purpose we would advise the passing, at the expense of the nation, of a general waste-land enclosure bill, which should make provision for reasonable compensation to all those interested in these lands. We should then have a Parliamentary grant raised by loan, or by Exchequer Bills, to be applied under a board of control to the settling down upon these uncultivated but improvable wastes our now unemployed population; and if the waste lands were insufficient, we would recommend that the Government should have recourse to the Crown lands for the same purpose and in the same Sir James said, that might do "if we were beginning de novo." The Deputation maintained, that the only alternative was to do so deliberately, or to allow the present system to attain its crisis in social disorganization, and thus to compel us to begin de novo amid the wrecks of former institutions. Sir James "hoped that matters were not likely to end in that way." A remark of Sir James's drew the discussion to the New Poor-law Sir James Graham said, "Why, you complain of labourers being out of employ, and yet a few years ago the manufacturers were advertising for labourers to be sent down into those parts of the country." Deputation—" True, Sir James ; but that was connected with a contract made between the Gregs and Ashworths and the Poor. law Commissioners, the purport of which was to reduce wages in the manufacturing districts. The effect was twofold. This migration system assisted the Commissioners in carrying out the New Poor-law in the agricultural districts ; and it enabled the manufacturers to lower and keep down wages. This keeping down of wages was so clearly the great object of the manufacturers in many parts of the country, and the additional hands were in many places so utterly uncalled-for by any real extension of the demand for labour, that it is a fact, and it is one, Sir James, which we are most anxious to press upon your attention, that in very many instances where new families were taken on by the manufacturers, an equal number of the older families and hands were dismissed to make room for them."

Sir James's general reply

" All I can say is, that, in common with my colleagues, I am most desirous to adopt any measure which may have the effect of introducing and maintaining prosperity among our fellow-countrymen; and you may rest assured that we will use our best exertions, and give our most careful consideration to any measures which seem to us calculated to effect that primary and paramount object."

The Deputation close their report of Sir James Graham's interview with a criticism on the statesman

" Of the Home Secretary it may be remarked, that while his treatment of the Deputation was unexceptionable throughout—while there was no want of expressions of politeness and cordiality on his part—upon the whole the impression produced upon the Deputation was less favourable than in the previous case [that of Sir Robert Peel.] Sir James Graham seems to us to have drunk too deeply at the fount of the Malthusian philosophy (which has inflicted so much evil on this country) to be able to get rid entirely of its influence ; and though, while putting forward the arguments of that school, he repeatedly cautioned the Deputation against supposing that he was uttering his own sentiments, the Deputation think that there is reason to apprehend, from the earnestness of manner which he displayed in arguing, and the importance he seemed to attach to those opinions, that the dogmas of that school continue to exercise a considerable influence over his mind."

Lord Wharncliffe and Mr. Gladstone, who received the Deputation together, were more favourably disposed, especially Mr. Gladstone

" Mr. Gladstone appeared to take an earnest and absorbing interest in those portions of our statement which had reference to the educational, the domestic, and the moral and religious statistics of the subject ; and paid particular attention to the proposed restriction, of which Sir Robert Peel seemed to doubt the practicability—namely,that which would limit the employment of female labour. Mr. Gladstone treated this subject in a very able and practical manner. Agreeing in all the Deputation stated as to the evil effects, both on individual character and on the domestic condition of families, which resulted from the present mode of substituting female for adult male labour, he asked, 'What practical measures would you suggest to make such a clause as you propose generally operative?' The Deputation, in their replies to this question, were rather aided by Mr. Gladstone than otherwise ; and It was ultimately suggested, that the object might be effected by means of three regulations. First, by fixing a higher w for the commencement of infant female-labour, than for the commencement of infant male .labour in factories. Secondly, by limiting the number of females in proportion to the number of males in any one factory. Thirdly, by forbidding a female to work in a factory after her marriage, and during the lifetime of her husband. It will be seen that these suggestions meet the case put by Sir Robert Peel, and at the same time obviate the objections taken." The present Factory Act and the proposed Ten Hours Bill were fully canvassed ; Lord Wharncliffe averring that the masters, who were at first opposed to the views of the Deputation on the Ten Hours Bill, "were now, in many instances, becoming convinced, by dear-bought experience, that these views were correct; that a ten hours' restriction would be the only means of saving them, as well as their workpeople, from utter destruction." The Deputation sum up the result of their interview with the President and Vice-President of the Board of Trade— 'The impression left on the minds of all the members of the Deputation by the bearing of Mr. Gladstone was of the most favourable description, and gave rise to hopes of a cheering nature as to the ultimate results of their labours and the intention of the Government, both with reference to the Ten Hour Bill and also to other measures deeply affecting the operative classes. And of Lord Wharncliffe the Deputation have to report, that he rendered them very valuable assistance, by corroborating several of their strongest statements from his own personal knowledge of the manufacturing districts." Lord Stanley by no means satisfied the Deputation— 'In this conference Lord Stanley took a similar position to Sir James Graham on the subject of foreign trade competition, and machinery ; cautioning the Deputation, however, as his right honourable colleague had done, that in putting forward these arguments he was not to be understood as expressing his own opinions on the subject, but simply showing the Deputation the arguments by which their propositions would probably be met, and with a view to elicit from them to what extent they had considered the question in that light."

A new subject, however, was introduced

" The extent to which a repeal of the Corn-laws would operate in relieving the labour-market from its present depression was also fully discussed with his Lordship, and the inutility of that measure was exposed by the Deputation ; while, at the same time, they asserted its abstract justice and propriety ; but as a practical measure for securing permanent and remunerative employment, its pretensions had been thoroughly analyzed, and it had been found wanting." He by no means approved of their suggestion of a Committee of Inquiry— " Ele said that Committees and Commissioners had become a byword; and lie feared that if the present Government were to pursue that course, the public would believe that it was desirous of shelving troublesome questions with which it felt itself unable to grapple. He also graphically described the course of a Committee, and the manner in which one of those awful blue books' wound IT its one-sided labours. Upon the whole, his Lordship did not seem to entertain a very favourable opinion of this last suggestion."

The Deputation "took leave of Lord Stanley with feelings of regret somewhat similar to those excited by Sir James Graham."

The Duke of Buckingham proved a man after their own heart : he made them this magnificent promise

" Whether as bolding a situation as a member of the Government, or in my private capacity, you may command my services. With respect to the Ten !lours Bill, I am with you entirely ; and indeed in this matter I will act with my friend and your friend, Lord Ashley, who has so long and earnestly laboured in this cause."

Lord Lyndhurst received them with courtesy, and promised to give his attention to the subject.

The names attached as signatures to the report of the Deputation are— George A. Fleming, Joshua Hobson John Leach, Mark Crabtree, and Titus S. Brooke. A correspondent of the Morning Chronicle asks who And what those persons are ; what bodies of working-men they repreent ; where their committees meet; who authorized them to propose heir plans ; and who paid their expenses ? "The Deputation professed t„is be sent by the Short Time Committees of the West Riding of York'hire ; but it will have been seen that their plans had reference to the sotton manufactories of Lancashire."