Debates alit protratings in iparliantcnt.

OPENING OF THE SESSION.

THE second session of Queen Victoria's first Parliament commenced on Tuesday til'.25th instant. The attendance of Lords, and of Peeresses both in the body of the House and in the Strangers' Gallery, was un- usually numerous. The Queen entered the House of Lords soon after two o'clock. It was remarked that she looked rather pale ; and that the crown wits too large for her brows, thus diminishing the apparent disc of the Royal countenance to the spectator. Further, her Majesty was splendidly dressed in white and gold satin, with a necklace and stomacher of diamonds. Her train was borne by the Marchioness of Breadalhane, the Marchioness ot"Favistock, Lady Barham, and the Earl of Kilmarnock. On the right of the Throne stood the Earl of Shaftesbury, Lord Chancellor Cottenham, the Duke of Norfolk, the Marquis of Lansdowne, and Lord Duncannon ; on the left, Viscount Melb,eirne, the Earl of Albemarle, the Marquis Conyngham, the Duke of Argyle, and Lord Hill, The Lords received her Majesty all stand- ing. She desired them to " be seated ;" and ordered the Deputy Usher of the Black Rod to summon the Commons ; a considerable number of -whom speedily appeared at the Bar, headed by the Speaker. Then the Lord Clituwellor handed to the Queen the Royal Speech; which her Majesty read in a clear and distinct tone of voice.

" 313 Lord-, told Clentlemen—I rejoice to meet you again in Parliament. I am particularly desirous of recurring to your advice and assistance at a period when many matters of great importance demand your serious and deliberate attention.

" 1 continue to receive from Foreign Powers gratifying assurances of their desire to maintain with us the most friendly relations. "I have concluded with the Emperor of Austria a treaty of commerce, which I trust will extend and improve the intercourse between my subjects and those of the Emperor. I have also concluded a treaty of the same kind with the Sultan, calculated to place the commercial relations between my dominions and the Turkish empire upon a better and more secure footing. I have di- rected copies of these treaties to be laid before you.

" I have been engaged, in concert with Austria, France, Prussia, and Russia, in negotiations with a view to a final settlement of the differences between Holland and Belgium. A definitive treaty of peace, founded upon anterior ar- rangements, which have been acceded to by both parties, has in consequence been proposed to the Dutch and Belgian Governments, 1 have the satisfaction

to inform you that the Dutch Government has already signified to the Con. krone° its acceptance of that treaty ; and I trust that a similar announcement from the Belgian Government will put an end to that disquietude which the present unsettled state of these affairs has necessarily produced. The unani. amity of the Five Allied Powers affords a satisfactory security for the preserve, tion of peace. " I lament the continuance of the civil war in Spain, which engages my anxious and undiminished attention.

" Differences which have arisen have occasioned the retirement of my Minister from the court of Teheran. I indulge, however the hope of learning that a satisfactory adjustment of these differences will allow of the reestablish. meat of my relatiens with Persia upon their former footing of friendship, Events, connected with time same difference, have induced the Governor.

General of India to take measures for protecting British interests in that quarter of the world, and to enter into engagements, the fulfilment of which may render military operations necessary. For this purpose, such preparations have been made as may be sufficient to resist aggression from any quarter, and to maintuin the integrity of my Eastern dominions.

" The reform and amendment of the Municipal Corporations of Ireland are essential to the interests of that part of mir dominions.

iiIt is also urgent that you should app y yourselves to the prosecution nisi completion of those measures which have been recommended by the Ecelesiasti. cal Commissioners of England, for the purpose of increasing the efficiency of the Established Church, and of confirming its hold upon the affections and respect of my people. "The better enforcement of the Law, and the more speedy and certain administration of Justice, are of the first importance to the welfare of the community ; aud I feel assured that you will lie anxious to devote yourselves to the examination of the measures which will he submitted to you tot' the purpose of attaining those beneficial results. " Gtntleinen of' the House of Commons-4 have directed the Annual Esti- mates to be yweparett and laid 'before' you. Adhering to the principles of economy which it is my desire to enforce in every department of the state, I feel it may duty to recommend that adequate provision be made for the exigeu. cies of the public service. I fully rely on your loyalty and patriotism to main. tain the efficiency of those establishments which are essential to the strength and security of the country. " My Lords and Gentlemen—It is with great satisfaction that lam enabled to inform you, that throughout the whole of may West Indian possessions, the period fixed by law for the final and complete emancipation of the Negroe:,, has been antiiipated by acts of the Colonial Legislatures ; end that the trawl. tion, from the temporary system of apprenticeship to entire freedom, has taken place without any disturbance of public order and tranquillity. Any measures which may be necessary, in order to give full abet to this great and beneficial change, will, I have no doubt, receive your careful attention. " I have to acquaint you, with deep concern, that the province of Lower Canada has again been disturbed by insurrection, and that hostile incursion: have been nutde into Upper Canada by certain lawless inhabitants of th,! United States of North America. These violations of the public peace haw been promptly suppressed by- the valour of my forces and the loyalty of my Canadian subjects. The President of the United States has esihi upon the citizens of' the 'Union to abstain from proceedings so incompatible with the friendly relations which subsist between Great Britain and the United States. nave directed full inthrmation upon all these matters to be laid beforo you; and I recommend the present state of these provinces to your seriet, consideration. I rely upon you to support may firm determination to maintain the authority of my Crown ; and I trust that your wisdom will adopt such measures as will secure to those parts of my empire the benefit of intermi tranquillity, and the full advantages of their own great natural resources. "1 have observed with pain the persevering efibrts which have been Inas! in some parts of the country to excite my subjects to disobedience and resistance to the law, and to recommend dangerous and illegal practices. For the coun- teraction of all such designs, I depend upon the efficacy of the law, which it will be my duty to entbrce—upon the good sense and right disposition of my people—upon their attachment to the principles of justice, and their abhorrent:, of violence timid disorder.

" I confidently commit all these great interests to your wisdom ; and I implore Almighty God to assist and prosper your counsels,"

The Queen laid particular emphasis on the passages relating to Bel. gium, the emancipation and good conduct of the Negroes, and her n- Ranee on the "good sense and right disposition" of the people.

Immediately on concluding the Speech, the Queen bowed to the Lords, and departed. The Speaker, with the Commons, retired to their own chamber.

AFFAIRS OF CANADA: LORD DURHAM'S REPORT.

At five o'clock on Tuesday afternoon, the Loan CHANCELLOR was

about to read a copy of the Queen's Speech from the Woolsack ; when

The Earl of DURHA3I, frotu a seat on one of the back Ministerial

benches, got up and staid- " I rise for the purpose of putting a question to the noble lord—(Crks

"Order !") I wish to ask if her Majesty's Ministers "-

Lord Beovomsat—" But you cannot ask." The Earl of DenuAm—" I wish to ask a question."

Lord Bitoconast—" Oh, yes, you can ask a question : that is quite ia o r '

e' following conversation then took place.

The Earl of DunnAm—,, I wish to ask of the noble viscount, whether it ii the intention of her Maj. at Government to lay upon the table of the Route intbrmation relative to the 'tin of Canada, which have been referred to in her 'Majesty's Speech from the Throne." Viscount MetaiovaNE—" Such information, I have to state in reply to the noble earl, will be laid on the table immediately—almost hannediately.Ii the noble lord refers to ally particular part of that information, it might ho, specified. It is not possihfe that the papers could be laid on the table hy the authority of her Majesty's Ministers until Ministers have had. an opportunity of being made acquainted with their contents." The Earl of DentiAm—" 'rite papers to which I refer, are the Report which was made by me as her Majesty's Lord Digit Commissioner, and also the despatches which were addressed to her Majesty's Secretary of State tbrthe Colonies. I understood that tiny would be at once laid upon the table. I am perti.etly aware, may Lords, that not a very long period has elapsed since the.so voile into the possession of her Majesty's Ministers ; but there has been quite sufficient time for Ministers to make themselves masters of the subject. I do not call for any decisiou upon the Report ; but I call upon them to place upon the table of the House that Report which I addressed to them ; confident as.I run that it will amply redeem my former pledge to this House, and that it will prove that I have zealously discharged may duty to my country and. nay sove- reign."

Viscount MELnounnn—a The despatches and all the information contained in the Report shall be laid on the table of the House without any further delay. It undoubtedly is the intention of her Majesty's Government to place on the table of the House such information as they have received. I believe that the

Report referred to by the noble lord was only received last night ; and as to the Appendix to that Report, it has not yet all been received. It is absolutely ne- cessary, then, that some time must elapse before her Majesty's Ministers can undertake the responsibility of laying that Report on the table of the House. I can assure the noble lord, that there is no disposition on the part of her Ma- jesty's Ministers to withhold the Report or the information to which he refers : they wish to lay it on the table as soon as possible ; feeling, no donbt, that it is eutitled to the description which the noble lord has given of it." The Earl of DURIIA31—" I beg to say, in reply to the observation of the noble viscount, that but a few hours have elapsed since her Majesty's Minis- ters received the Report, that it is quite true that only a few hours have elapsed since the officially-signed Report has been received, hut the proof-sheets of that Report have been in the possession of her Majesty's Ministers since Thursday. Lord Bitottonam—" It is quite true that her Majesty's Government cannot be called upon to authorize a Report, without a due consideration of its con- tents; but then, nothing can be more natural, nothing more honourable to hien- self, than that my noble friend should be anxious that the country may, at the earliest possible opportunity, see the statement that has been made by him."

The conversation then dropped ; and the Lome CHANCELLOR having read the Speech, the House proceeded to the discussion on

THE ADDRESS.

The Earl of LOVELACE, in moving the Address, alluded in a cursory way to the principal topics of the Queen's Speech ; but dwelt for some time on two subjects not mentioned in it—the Corn-laws, and Education. He declared his own opinion, that the present high price of wheat was owing to the " unfortunate operation " of the Corn-laws ; which he be- lieved were injurious to agriculture itself. He did not blame Ministers for omitting the subject in the Speech ; for they ought not, in the pre- sent state of the question, to throw the influence their situation gave them into the scale of either of the contending parties. With respect to Education, he thought that as yet there was not sufficient information to enable Parliament to frame a general plan of instruction for the people ; though some of the recent proceedings in the manufacturing districts proved how much education was needed. He hoped that no long period would elapse before a plan for the instruction of the people at large might be safely adopted.

Lord VERNON seconded the motion for the Address. his speech like- wise consisted chiefly of remarks on topics not mentioned in the Speech from the Throne. He congratulated the House and the country on Sir John Barrow's statement respecting the Navy ; to which he gave en- tire credit. He rejoiced to think that, though war was, he trusted. far dis- tant, the nation would be amply prepared to meet it, and that the naval superiority of England would be maintained. On the Corn-laws, Lord Vernon spoke as follows-

" It is to be hoped that this question may be settled at an early per1 with a just regard to the welliwe of all classes of the community, so that die restriet ions on the importation of corn may be carried no further than is neces- sary to countervail the burdens which fill exclusively on the agricultural in- terest. If we hesitated to remove any restrietions not absolutely neee:sary, or which tend directly or indirectly to diminish the supply awl enhanee the price of foul to the poor, it appears to me that we should be violating our first duty as legislators, and incurring as members of a Cheistian community a fearful responsibility. It is nut, my Lords, I assure you, my wish to enter into the details of what is termed the Corn question at this moment. I would only endeavour to impress upon your Lordships, what I feel myself, the neees- lily of coming to au early settlement of it. I consider it perfectly vain to stave oil' time consideration of this question to a more convenient seasen. Look at what has happened on former occasions—the Roman Catholic ques- tion—Reform—Slavery : how were these questions carried ? If not by agita- tion, at least iu the midst of agitation. Let us not di:regard. the example fur- nished by these instances, nor fall into the same error with regard to the Corn- laws. Let us not hold the dangerous doctrine, that what we deny to justic,i may be wrung from us in difficulties. Let us endeavour, rather by judicious and well-considered measures, is there is time for deliberation, to pot an end to the jarrings on this suliject, and reconcile conflicting interests. There is a peculiar fitness for the consideration of this question now, when the agri- cultural interest has been relieved of a heavy burden by the operation of the new Poor-law. The experience of the working, of that measure proves it to have been most successful. Its benefits have not been attained without somc severe suffering amongst the lower classes, but these it is to be hoped are evils only incidental, while the good is essenthd. Some alleviation of these suffer- ings might perhaps be founi in a change of the laws which regulate the im- portation of food. However this may he, it appears to me that every reason, moral, social, and. political, should induce us at all events to endeavour earnestly and dispassionately to bring this question to a satisfiwtory settle- ment."

The Earl of HARDWICKE rose to make a statement which would shorten the debate, and exclude one or two extraneous topics—that, on Tuesday next, he should call the attention of the House to the state of the British Navy.

The Duke of WHaanearom announced that it was not his intention to move an amendment, as he felt no objection to the Speech or to the Address. And he wished rather to glance at the topics of' the Royal Speech than to those which the noble mover and seconder of the Address had introduced into their speeches. He thought that the Corn- laws, the state of the Navy, the Poor-law, Education, and Lord Durham's proceedings in Canada, were all very properly omitted in the Speech, though they must be discussed hereafter. The I hike proceeded to notice the different subjects alluded to in the Speech from the Throne. He rejoiced at the unanimity of the Five Great Powers on the Belgic question ; and hoped it would never be forgotten that the condition of the independence of BeIghun was her perpetual neutrality. He ap- proved of the Austrian treaty ; which, however, only differed from former treaties in the important condition that the navigation of the Danube was to be free. He possessed too little infbrination on the war in India to give an opinion as to the conduct of the Indian Go- vernment. Though he had supported a bill for the reform of the Irish Corporations on the principle of introducing free election into the municipalities, he did not consider himself pledged to support a similar measure ; but the subject should have his best consideration. Ile did not precisely understand what was meant by "time better enforcement of law, and the more speedy and effectual administration of justice ;" but he would give the best consideration in his power to the measures which, he supposed, were to be brought forward with that view, lie had not aided Lord Brougham in his efforts to accelerate the period of the entire emancipation of the Negroes, and he still looked with con-

siderable anxiety for the result of that measure. The declaration of her Majesty's firm determination to support her authority and maintain her sovereignty in Canada, was very satisfactory ; but he wished that the declaration had been accompanied with corresponding efforts on the part of her 31iijesty's responsible advisers to carry that determination into effect-- In fact, lie thought the subject of the war in Canada was not treated with

that degree of attention in the Speech which its importance deserved; for though the insurrection in one part of that country might be of trifling ex- tent, yet it had been acconip mied by an 11,V1,1011, and by attacks on the peace- able soli:wets of her :Majesty in all parts of the country bordering on the United States of North America ; that invasion and those attacks being made by in- habitants of the United States, for no reason whatever but because her 'Ma- jesty's subjects were obedient and loyal to her Majesty, and submitted to her laws. As to the particular question to be considered, with a view to restore peace to that country, considered it as a most important question ; and he must say, he should very much wit-11 to see suitable measures adopted. to carry into execution the intention which her *Majesty declared in her Speech, of maintaining her 'tilts of sovere"erity over Canada. The system of levying private war, which prevailed on that was not wholly unknown In other parts of the world 1 I. lied read of it i existing in the deserts of Cen- tral Asia; he had heard of its liehig practised. as a systsiii, bv the Asiatics on the frontier of tin Ens:inn monarchy, where a hull sir. ,v;ijfare was going on between thme trilies and the troops sent to repress their inroadS—a warfare that had been waged in those quarters from century to ceht ii my. They: read also of circumstances of the same kiml occurring in Africa, ef wars carried on bv barb:woes tribes against the possessions of the Ilritish "Iovernment in .A.friea this I i tests of savaees aiminet, a civilized people. But this was it war carried: oil by a nation supposed to be considerably advanced in the scale of eivilizatiott--by men governing themselves, electing their servo it is by ballot and general siarsge. and living under institutions of that M. ,,ei'iption. Yet these W121'e 'the iii im v. Ito came in at night, and with lire and torch destroyed the pro- perty of her 3Ittjesty's subjects, for no reason whatever except that they itheyeml her Majesty's laws, and carried into effect her royal commands. of .suelt a ::ystem of warfare there were, be believed, ho examples, ex- cept ;manor the most lawless of' the balleirous riles of the Ea-t and of Africa. It 'was quite out of the question tlna her .Majesty's loyal subjects, in- vited to their habitatione and fixed in them bv her afajesty's authority and that of too- predeces:ors, slioulml not endeavour .to retaliate the sufferings thus eted eel them, unless protet,ted by the strong arm of Government : but how couid G.iverninent protect them, except by taking ineasin'es wiwit these pereene e eve !Mold Mewling her Nlajesty's dominions ffir the parpose of pion- derin! mcmii shyl roving the property of her subjects, to intercept them in their rs; meat. to tedee tlion prisoners, and punish tliem according to the laws of the country they hail insulted? Yet they s.lic lite inellicieoey of such measures to elfeet th: purpo,ocii s. I. These mareloters Were in taken in hundreds, tie.,:tibmitIcd is ..Itd. is i had the sentenee of the low passed upon thent ; yt.t, to,i with m mi huui., tllihe, their depredations slit! cold:hyoid a, before, and there wns 'i.• eel iwrii ii That iii,t not bring intelligence id fresh ontrage,:.. * * * that be wit.Itt 1 to impress this sahj, et on the notice of Go- vernmem, and to entre.it i hem, as he had ab'eady dolie, to Consider the war as a great national war; 141 70101 that there (.0111,1 he 110 Saell thia, as a little war for a great not bet like this ; that foxed interests were involved in it ; and that they olust (modeler opera:ions on a larire scale, if they meant to bring it to such a tertiffinition as 5' is cousi.itent witirthe dignity of their sueereign and the honour of the Pell bit ( eyer:mu:Ia.

I.eaviug this eubjeet, the 1)iilee of Wellington proceeded to make some obeervations On the paragraph in the Speech which mentioned the efforts made to incite a portion of the people to commit dangerous and illegal acts--

lie really thought that this affecting peraeraph could not have raised very pleasant reflections in the bre:Nis of many ooble lords who were in the habit of supporting, her Mijesty's Alinisters. It was hat tno true that various per- soh., had endeavotor I to exiiite her 'Majesty's subjects to r.sist the law ; but he was afr Mt much of thi• Wain might be traced to what had taken 'dace in. Rt:iiamelit on foru ii. r iweisions. lie had heard persons: charged with the highest emploeimalt of Go verommit ...is...sting upon the rights of the people to tor The e‘pre,sion of their sentiments, deelaindm, tmaiiist any restrin- thin OH that right, mid preaching upon this doctriiie williou't restricting it in. the manner diadem' law—nomely, that those assemblies must nut' be in.

It was hot very lately that a great

nniabers sufficient to create alarm.

officer of State. I ruin-li u.mmb ml tim Conntry, bad Made a speech to the Sallie purport at Li verpeal, end eniteil tho,e opinions in the most unreserved maimer at the very mmiient whell iii Were :16,12:11111111g at thrill-light Ineeting4. They had heard for a number of rear, pnst of the eKtrannlitiary tranquillity of Ire- land, anti its ofi a, he hut heard the piris be had protested agailnt it ; but there was a gentleman high in the •rontitenee of Government who went about devising, IICW 1110,1c6 of ligltatiOa cvery day. That gel-1110MM Might to haVa 6110Ciar copy of the Speech t,ent t!e 111111: 0111! flint. he tallied of raiShig 2,1.X.10.1100 0c mon. at another time it ii Ill at/. sterling Which were deposited in 111, private haul:, and ultimately to lie deposited in his private pocket. In order to further his new schemes of agitation, that geutleman had deel:lin.);ielNI.,.m.irs,

intention ofraisiog iiitiglitingmen for her Nlajesty,—eltholigh lie ha iloyed a reernithig-otlicer. Sometimes that the. Doke se s a,v3re of, bee:: eim

these boast, dill wit taro out to be true: hat if not: 60,000 pffsons, there n,:elit be t*.n....! of Ott riptis111, 1011011 would be a serious in• tir• (;•,-..:1),11,11t. "1 110 111111....' said T11.. Duke with great mil:wi-

t:ion, that that p ir‘gripli in her :Majesty's S,week will not lie thrgotten by

her 2.1inisters, who ace charged with c se..iention her laws. 10111 glad 10 find the .%1 iri:s to b.i such mi I di mmiii iuiisi 11,5 .eli callet on to OppOSC; hut I alf_niiit sav, let not Ministeis thriget the hit ls- part of ',I."

The Flake lit' It tcn moNo agreeil with the A•hireee, but dieagreel with the speeenee of the two lords who 1Rol mov,,d and seconded it. He especially all:Libel to their obeervatiore on the Coro-laws, -ii to Lord Vernon's rem .:'k. that in con,ortenee of tl,e benelicit,1 olieration of the Poor-Mee the rdrinyrs 1,0 prott,rion! wa.. '31,1t-tax to -tw continued': Ws,: the L'ou1-,,ix to be equalized? would not then die.- cuss the qtte-Ation, huh 'he sooner it v. a,.; brougin forward the better ; for it was not file iti leave so great a question withom deeision, lie hoped the terotere woe'," not seppose that they stood on selfc ground, when it wile proposed to substittlte a modk.rate fixed ditty for the pre- sent (...or n - la NV6.

The Earl of 3h3ero would refrain from discussing - the stibject of the condition of the Navy, till Lord Hardwieke brought forward his Motion.

The Earl of Witectirtsul was satisfied that the noble lords who moved and seconded the Address would not have expressed themselves so strongly on the Corn-laws, if they had not ascertained that their opinions were in accordance with those of the Government— The Earl of RODEN expressed dissatisfaction wiCh that part of the Speech which related to Ireland, and with the proceedings of Ministers generally in that country.

l'iscount 31m.nounNE addresed the House. He noticed most of the subjects to which previous speakers had adverted; but. elseelt chiefly on the Corn-laws, tlte affairs of Canada, and the conduct of the Govern- ment of the United States, and the imputed connexion of 31r. O'Con- nell with Ministers.

On th,,! Coro-lmors.—Iro had intendA to confine Lini?dr to the prudent course umlmieli had been pursued le- the Duke of Welliogtee ; end he should have peiaistsal in that intention, Int.t. fm,r an observation whielm !eat fallen *Jun

the Earl a Winehilsea. That made earl bad said that his nolde friends would not hay,. int .mal• tie..d. time std.jeet of the Cera-laws into their speedo:3 if they had not known that it was en egrevable teal(' .:at her Majest,,'e Mini:Mess, both is Ante:owe stet as individual! INtember... of Par'irment. Pe Isseeed leave to in- form that field,: earl, if he ain't not know ii ttIlt question of the

Corn-Inn ., had teen from the very first commeneesiee!. and eenstitution of the

present Government what was technically celled an open question. (Ironical cheers from the Onmositirm bench( s.) It was a question on whielt every hull- tithed !manner of the Government was free tot:trio his own opinien, and to net accordingly. Ile certainle believed that a niejsrity of it members were favour- able to a revision and a Amigo of those laws ; Witte noble each itdioeTtl his

(Lord Melbourne'e) opinions therefrom, he we:I:hely to inforthem erroneously. He was uot willinao to enter into it debate on Ilte Corn-laws then. Ile wished if poesible to atvoid such a disens,ion for the hea.m.mait ; hut he had no objection

if pressed, to state what his opinien of the Corn-laws was. It was the same as that whielt lie hed explailled to their Lordships on one occasion itt the last session of Parliament,--an opinion had attracted more medico hem the situation which the party delivecirg it oeumnded in the Goverrouent, than from any intrinele force or merit of its own. To the opinien which he then

delive c d, he repeated that lie still adhered ; ii mmd thonali he Wa.i IlOt Im-

p:m.4 to pledge hi:, f to the ma age mrt a the lessen : system tO3 the :test that could be devissd, he was rot, on the Leh. r hand, psepared to pledge Mine& to any change or alterat I ea of the law es it stool at present.

Canada aad the Unikd melool:!emlly the state of things on the

fiontiers of the United St ales a.f North A tea rico was arm ally to be deploael. Looking, however, to the feeble:, animal ',revelled iii that country, anmt to the opinions which were afloat in it—he:knee, elso, to the natuse, and elmererter, end meatus of its government, he eiesms. , that, though tle. sties..itperpeteal aggression, at private war, met ef combination ;against the tr.:mut:dint y aed property of the Camadas, mmhielu prevailed on the frentiers of the 1' oited States, was much to be deplored, it uses not a state of things on which l he lookeml with great surprise. Time noble duke bad called for corresponding measures oh' vigour to repel these egeressions. Now there was nt present hrCanada, not ()Illy a large portion of the Regular Arno., hut also a large flow of Provincial 31ilitia. It might he neces-nry that we 'Should truet for the defence of that colony not only to our anvil P.egular Arta. „v but also to its own resources, and more particularly to its own Mil:via. Now these was at pra:sent it considerable force of Provincial 'Militia am limot—indeed sufficient to laugh to scorn any attempt which might he made by the Synapataieers. Considerisg, however, the character and extent of' the frontiers—considering its lakes, its fastnesses, and its mormses—it was almost impoasible, lay mummy liwee that :night be kept up on either side, to prevent the occeaionad irruption of lawless parties, who were bent on committing acts of violence mm ei great predatory excesses. With respect to the Gevernment of the l'aitemt States, the noble duke had mid tlett measures must be taken to compel it to do that which was undoubtedly its duty, namely, to maintain peace on our frontiers, and to prevent bodies from :being formed within theirs to make mitt acke on our peaceable and loyal colonists. Now, there was no reenot to doubt the anxiety of the President and. the Go- vernment of' the United States to achieve that: those objects ; but, considering, the extent of' the frontier, the pope:ma'am ulong it, ,Tha the nature and cha- racter of the Government of the United States, there 'night be difficulty in the President's finding a power suilielent to emarry his own intentious into effect. Every effort had been used, every representation haul been urged by her 31a- jesty's Government to induce the American Government to make an exertion

of that kind. Ile trusted that those efforts and representntions, combined as they had been with the energy shown in the province itself, and with the failure of all the at tempts which had been made to disturb it, would be suffi- cient to put an end to that violent and predatory spirit, which WaS as damgerous to its neighbours as it was disgraceful to the Covernment itself of the United States.

Mr. O'Connell and time Gorernment.—The Duke of Wellington loul said e_ojes..y's —overn-

that there was a gentleman, high in the coofidenee of her AT % IWO, who VMS ever busied in inyentiog new simhenta:3 of' agitation. He sup- posed that the noble duke meant the honotnable and learned Member for Dublin; but certainly he could not recognize that gentlentam as one who was high in the confidence of his Government. (Lanyhter.) His Government was, he understood, high in the confidence of that honourable and learned gentleman. (A laugh.) But that was quite another sort of thing. (Lanyhter on the Opposition benches continued.) The noble duke hail ,ahl that the honourable and learned gentleman wtts always trying some new mode of agita- tion ; alluding, he supposed, to this Precursor Society, of which, by the by, he disapproved quite as strongly as the noble duke did. He had never approved of any of these associations ; he had disapproved of them all, front the Catholic Association down through the Political Unions to this Precursor Society. In all their different phases he hail disliked them. He considered thou mull as tending to supersede the proper authority of the law. (Great ehteriny from time Opposition benches.) That was no new opinion of his : it had always been his opinion : but he did not on that account hold that the Precursor Associa- tion, or any association like it, paasessed any of those features of atrocity which belonged to those inectianss which had been recently held in the North atrocity

in which doctrines of blood, and fire, and flame, and murder, had been boldly and utablusbingly recommended. The noble duke had said, that the Member for Dublin hail boasted that he could raise two millioos of men. But probably the honourable and learned gentleman Mildest. that he could get two millions of' men to pay one shilling apiece, and that was all he meant by raising two millions of' men. The observations of the noble duke were, therefore hardly justifiable, when he compared these schemes for the dis- cussion of public affairs with those schemes fin time massacre of life awl the destntetion of property which had been recently promulgated in the manufite- tutting districts.

Irk rejoiced that there was to he an unanimous vote on the Address.

Lord 13noronAm followed Lord Melbourne in the debate. The prin- cipal topics of his speech were—a defence of the Government of the

United States front the Duke of Wellington's attack ; the operations in India, the policy of • which he condemned ; the 'continuance of slavery in the Mauritius, notwithstanding the boast that it had been terminated entirely by the Colonial Legislatures ; the social condition of Ireland; and the " open question " policy on the Corn-laws. We quote the mon effective passages of this speech ; the delivery of which was re- peatedly interrupted by enthusiastic cheers, especially that part of it which related to Ireland.

On Canada and .firr. Van Buren.—The territory which bounded the Ameticatt stades towards Canada was wild, barren, and in many. places unculti- vated for a considerable distance ; the frontier could be easily passed over, and there MIA little or no impediment to going from the territory of one state to that of the other. The lbalue of 'Wellington said that time feeling which in- duced. the parties to engage in the attempt on Canada did not arise from any wish to aid the rebellion, butt that they were influenced by a worse feeling. lie said that if this predatory system continued—if it were persevered in—ail the powers of the English Government in Canada ivottid not be able to prevent retalintions by the people of Canada on the L'ilited States. 'Were they to be told that all the powers of our own Government—which was more solidly es- tahii4ted. anal match more vigorous in its character than the Government of the Ennead Statea coulul be—were they- to be told that our Coveroment, with reguier troops besides a large militia force, even when backed la. the bulk of the people—was unalmle to du that which :11.r. President Van Buren with very elencler means—with the people not taking part with him, butt with the people alpinist hint, and not lie vi a regular army niul a strong militia to beet; him—wits strongly censured fe. not doing? How readily and how justly could :air. Van 't3nte:11nd forward this excuse, when he heard it said, on the authority of time noble duke, that even our own Government, with it much larger force mid much more firmly established, could not prevent reprisals. Tlwy Were Obit/ t0111 that these proceedings chiefly arose from the intelemity ml the feeling of dislike to the British Covenants:att. Admitting, however, that flue intensity of this feeling semis OS great ita was represented, still he thought that there was little doubt as to the sincerity of the American Presilleut as re. guarded the Engliell Government. He flIt, fur his own tetra very strongly with respect to mummy attack on the people oar Government, NOrielt might

s_ineiscan

pat a stop to time peace I het leippily eeira, ed bet ween this country and the l'ilited States, 10110.1111e looked -upon as of the greatest possible importance to Feieland am; well ate to America, nod indeed to the peace and civilizatiou of the whole wuriml.

_linrders and Conspirary in Ireland.—Spccelles of the most criminal nature heel been IONIC to large assemblies, mid some of the perthes were now under trial for miademeanottrs thr the violent language they his I used; but it was calamity true, that this was not the only part of the empire in which illegal proceedings, inflammatory speeches, and eeciting langtemge were used. It was true that the speculate; he alluded to were niblreased to men, manly of whom were SO 1111Sg011itil ms Wit tO firm their opinhoi: for themselves, but to allow others to faun their opinions for them, and to act :as if their own will !nal set their lumais in 'maim' tat commit crimes hateful in the sight lir Goa and man; when those bands were set io inotimun not from any misimive in their own balsa-nos, but by seine wish, tailing, or interest—sorulial, Fanatical, or rebellious— and to carry out some unlawful or illegal interest re:datives ill the hennas of

other men, communicated throttell their anal instille1 into the ears of mechanical puppets. It was a shocking thing, that in the nineteenth ream- tury—near the Ini.idie of it too—in a civilized land, in a country bat:mating a police, a constitation, a regular system of lawa, mud of its admirable

tion of criminal ju-mtice—in these (less and cirennistauces, in a Christian country, tool one bleaseal with such institutions—it Wil3 mu loeking thing that human life seemed no more to be reamarded than the fate oral:hinds or chattels, 'and human blood evenied to he pozired out as if it were water, at the under- hand or open instgaithin of men havieg some interest, or supposing themselves tat have some interest, ium neakieg others their victim:. He well remembered haying, on (me occasion, asked a high law authority iii tlzutt country, whether any one had I2Ver St-cut such a state of things as then existed there, where any MOO who WO,: rich enough to give 20/. to another could hire him to take awey the life of MI 0.11110hitell V14.1.1111: to which the law authority tabled, " if he were also rich enough atiii extravagant enough to give 20/. for what he could get done time 2Os." Could it he alenied—litul it not been proved On moh.--(not- withstanding all sent by the witnesses, ns to time necessity for giving a man an annuity, at least, in order tam enable him to live at Constantin: mole, or Algiers, or Herat, or some other place it here human life was tumors regarded titan iii his native country it would be after he had given testimony)—liad it not been proved, only in the last month, when two persons who were Inimical to kilt two other persons, one a man and the other mu woman, that the individual to whits.: lot it had fallen to kill the woman, desired, in mese:pence of B0:110 Wen. liar feeling arising front some connexion, to have the lot elinnged ? And wet it not in evidence that flue two victims were afterwards murdered in

the way agreed on ? 'I'ma his great astonishment, he had seen that the I.aw 011icers of the Crown congratulated themselves that there existed no proof orally extensive conspirticy in that part of the United Kingdons What the opinions of the Law Oificere ol the Crown in Ireland were as regarded what was an extensive conspiracy, he dial not know ; but it hail been shown by recent legal investigatimis there, that murder was spoken and treated of, concerted, planned, urged, and agreed on, done, compaesed, and perpetrated, in a way, at match for which he defied any 011e to ii1111 eylO1 in the ceutre of Africa anamagst the savages. It was in evidence, that while those very examples of

criminal justice were being mniule, a noble, an antialtle, and respected individual, an admirable member or society, beloved by those ohm: him, and endeared to the bulk of his tenantry as a landlord, was murdered, shot at as a beast front behind a hedge ; and 110 more idea seemed to be eat tertained of discovering who committed the crime, than if it were physically impossible to trace the footsteps of the assassin. He was compelleal to ask himself, whatiter all could be well in the law or police of a comatry where smolt revolting and shocking scenes ea. curred—and attempts, in the face of day, by an impodent audacity, an enor- mous effrontery, an accursed malignity, to turn away from the real assassin the • universal indignation of mankind, and to fix the commission of an act, bad whoever ditl it, upon one in whom to have committeul it would have been a crime incomparably blacker, to think of which almost curdleil the blood in one's heart'. This last effort of desperate, factious andaulty—this last evidence of a malignant nature crowned the whole, and made him hope that justice would be done, if not on the niunierer, at least on those who only yielded in infinity to the assasein of the father—the assassins of the reputation of the son. They little knew what Englishmen were Inutile of—they little knew what English blood boils in English veins—who fancied that their influence with a Government would protect them, if' they showed their faces ii, this country, front the universal' horror and execration that attended the commission of such crimes. if, then, there had been less of political agitation in that country of late, there had been more of that by which a convenient distribution of sub- jects had been termed agrarian outrage. Ile admitted that there had been less of political agitation. The noble viscount disclaimed all connexion with this change ; for, in allusion t3 an honourable and learned gentleman—to whom the imble duke hail also alluded, though Lord Brougham col&ss,s1 that he had not at first recognized him in the noble duke's description—the noble viscount had said that although the Government were very much in the confidence of the honourable and learued gentleman, he w. s not at all in theirs. There seemed • to be a deal of love lost between them. The noble viscount had it that the honourable and learned gen- tleman had the greatest possible confidence in them, but that they placed not the slightest confidence in him. Of course the noble viscount never offered to make that learned individual first or second judge in Ireland. (Cheers and laughter.) How, if he had no confidence in that gentleman, could he have made the offer? Were such offers to be considered hereafteras indicative of want of confidence on the part of a government ? If so, the noble and learned had opposite (Lord Lyndhurst) would be highly astonished to find, that a friendly government had, by making him Master of the Rolls, only exhibited their distrust, and that they exhibited ouly a still greater want of confidence when they made him Chief Baron. So, however, the noble viscount's decla- ration would seem to lay it down. But although all this might be very plea- sant on the jocular thoting it was put on by the noble viscount, it was calcu- lated to have the most serious effect on the mind of the country, perhaps even to interfere with the course of public justice.

Lord Brougham corrected a misrepresentation of a speech on the Corn-laws delivered by him in 18.27. It was supposed that Ile had ar- gued in favour of protection to corn-growers : and so he had to a certain extent ; but then, he showed that they had already, in the cost of freight and insurance, as large a protection as they were entitled to in conse- quence of any peculiar burdens to which land was subject. This part of his speech was not reported ; and indeed it was delivered amidst the most deafening and discordant noises ever heard in any assembly—he had borrowed a German phrase and likened it to a " laidistreom." It vas indeed the landed militia by whom he was assailed. Now the Corn question was an open question ; but of all things he did abomi- nate open questions— There had been two or three examples of these' but they were most discre- ditable to any Government—the Slave-trade and Catholic Emancipation, for instance. To leave parties to deal as they pleased with any question Of MO- ment, was to defeat the end of good government. On mere matters of detail it was very well to leave any diffsirence if opinion to be determined by general results; but no political party could gain credit with the State that tampered with principles. It was a substitution for honesty, virtue, and all that tended to the public weal, of all that detracted from it,—changing the link of gold for the link of dross, having no object lint to keep in the existing Government,— friendship and confidence being inail tained for all purposes but that of truly serving the country. This was unconstitutional and unjust, and went to sus- tain Mrs; right hut wrong. If the question at issue were deemed by the Go- vestment to be disadvantageous to the country, it ought by the Government to be wholly opposed ; and it of service, to be efficiently supported—the question beiag, simply, not whether it would contribute to the strength or position of a . party, Ind whether or not it would be of advantage to the country. So, an alteration in the Corn-laws should now be promoted or reeistea by the GOVern■ most. It should apt be, as on the Catholic Emancipation Bilk one Member on the Treasury Bench rising to answer another.

The Marquis of LAssnowxr: declined to follow Lord Brougham thrimell the niony topics of Ids speech. He, however, thought it right to state, that 1:ml s ele:re'y epproved of the policy of the Indian Government, and of its measures so far as they could be known. He reminded the House, that in former periods of Irish history there had been murders and outrages, which nobody then laid to the charge of the Government. He recollected, that when he first visited Ireland, a murder similar to that of Lord Norbury had just been perpetrated. As to the means of repressing outrages, nobody knew better than Lord Brougham that strong measures were not always the best adapted for that purpose. He claimed for Ministers the credit of wishing, and en- deavouring by their acts, to prevent crime and promote the security of life and property in Ireland.

The Address was then agreed to, mane contradicente.

In the Commons, the Address was moved by Mr. EDWARD BULLER, and seconded by Mr. GEORGE WILLTAM Woon ; both of whom spoke to a very inattentive House. Mr. Btir.LEn recommended a modification of the Corn-laws, the necessity for which was deeply felt throughout the country. Mr. WOOD said that the cry for the repeal of the Corn- laws did not proceed from those who suffered from fitmine, but from the intelligent middle classes—the merchants, manufacturers, and traders— who were alarmed by the successful competition they encountered in foreign markets. At the saute time, Mr. Wood compared the returns of exports in 1838 with those of the average of the Thar preceding years, to prove that the foreign commerce of the country was thriving ; the increase being 3,112,0001., or 74 per cent. He attributed the com- mercial entharrassment, from which the country had recovered with surprising rapidity, to a vicious system of banking.

The Address having been read and the question put from the Chair,

Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE rose to move an addition to the Address— "To assure her Majesty, that as the amendment of the representative system, enacted in 1832, has disappointed her Majesty's people, and as that measure is not and cannot be final, her Majesty's taitldul Commons will take into their early consideration the further Reform of the Commons House of Parliament."

Ile felt it his imperative duty to take the sense of the House on his motion ; and though he did not expect support from the gentlemen Opposite, who had endeavoured to strangle the Reform Bill in its birth, he did look with some confidence to those on his own side of the House, who were returned on Reform principles, in the confident expectation that they would do their duty. But whatever the result might be in Parliament, the public would decide in his favour ; and to that public the decision would ultimately be referred. He was aware that, in assailing the Reform Act, he was fulfilling a prediction of Sir Ro- bert Peel, that some of those who most loudly advocated the Reform Bill would be the first to assail it. He admitted this; nay, lie would go farther, and say that he shoulki neglect his duty did he not assail a measure which had disappointed the people of England, Ireland, and Scotland. And why ? Because it had not conferred upon them " a full, fair, and free representation"—because, at that moment, nomina- tion, intimidation, and corruption were as rife as ever.

In the first place, he would ask the House, " Whom do you represent?" Did the majority of that House represent the feelings and wishes ot the ma- jority of the nation? He answered, no. Did the majority of that House represent the feelings and wishes of the majority of the working and industrious classes ? He answered, no. Did the majority of that House represent the feelings and wishes of the majority of the middle classes? Again he answered, no. In fine, did the majority of that House represent that which ought to be represented by a House of Commons, if there were any meauing in that term—did it represent the Democracy of the nation ? He said, no. If, on the other hand, -he asked, "Do you, the majority of the House of Commons, represent the exclusive feelings of the aristocracy ?" he was compelled, most pausfully, to answer, yes. What was promised to the people at the time of the passing of the Refiwin Bill? It was promised that, by the operation of that bill, nomination, intimidation, and corruption should for ever cease. Had the bill succeeded in achieving. that desirable end? Ear from it ; it had in that respect most lamentably tailed. Whilst the measure was under discussion they were told, over and over again, "Only pass the bill, and the House of Commons will in litture become a sort of mirror' affording at all times an accurate reflex of the public mind. Only pass (lie bill, and agitation shall for ever cease ; the voice of complaint shall be for ever hushed; all amenshall follow their occupations cootented and at rest, leaving to you their Representatives, the safe custody of their wants and wishes." He asked if that prediction had hcen fulfilled ?—if the sanguine picture drawn by the supporters of the Reform Bill afforded any thing like an aceurate illustration of the state of men's minds at the present moment ? He would ask the Government rind the House, whether they slid not know that there were at that momoot two additional Parliaments sitting in this very town ? Was there not in the first instance a sort of Corn-law Parliament, composed of delegates sent up from the great manufacturing districts of the country to stimulate the languiml regards of that Home to the pslside? Was there not also it Charter Parliament assembled within a stone's throw of that House, representing upwards of three millions of the working classes, and sent up for the sole :Ord express purpose of telling the House of Commons that the great body of the industrious classes of the people had no confidence in its councils ? There was scarcely a topic which disturbed or excised the public it whether it were the Cora-laws, Church- rates, or any other general grist:asses., npon which deleg.stes It not been elected nod sent op to represeat the actual feelings of tlw people. Was this a state of things which betokened coot cot and sati4instion in the public mind ? Besides, did they not see large maseee of the people convening, together on particular ()curious with flue view of' pctitioning the House of Omissions upon particular questions ? They met ; and es hat was the result ? Why, tlisT passeil resolu- tions; and one 0.1' those resolutions was that the Hoye, of Commons was not woeill petitioning. Would that be the case if the I louse of Commons afforded " a full, fair, mai five representation of the people?"

The finality of the Reform Bill, on which Lord John Russell took his stand. Mr. Duncombe declared had never been admitted during the dis- cussion on that Bill. On the contrary, it was considered as a means to an end ; and there was no record whatever of the understanding, of the compact, NvIlich Lord John Russell said bound the House not to make important elterations in that measure. Who were parties to this com- pact ? Where was this hole-and-corner arrangement made? But if there wove a recorcl of it, he did not despair of bringieg Lord Jelin Rus- sell round to his opinion. If Lord John waisted a precedent for aban- doning an engagement, let him look to the Appropriation-elause of last year— Year sifter yerat did not the noble Iord and his colleagues plsslg:s their alle- giance in the lisce of the nation to the Appropriation-clause, as inVolving that which they called a great priuciple ? 11e had always Isis own private opinion with respect to the Appropriation-clauee; limit that was nor now the question. It Iva s enough to remind the House, 111:tt Ministers always told them that the Appropriation-el:luso involved a great principle, and onc to which they were determined to adhere; and it was certainly a proud sight to see those great men coping fir a time with the great principle -they had raised, and from which they were never to depart. (Cheers and burglars%) He need not tell the House the sequel; it was too painful, too disgracelal to be repeated. He would leave posterity to judge of it ; and, if faithfully recorded, posterity would scarcely credit it.

Mr. Huncombe maintained, that not only was another schedule A re- quired, but the extension and equalization of the constitueney through- out the kingdom— This was not a time to enter into details of figures upon the subject, but here mvas a ease so glaring that he could not help mentioning it. He had taken six large lsoroughs and ten small ones; the ten small boroughs returned t2si Alembers, the six large ones returned 12. The six largo boroughs were, Westminster, Liverpool, Finsbury, Tower Hamlets., Mare &hone, and Man- chester; haviLig a population of 1,417,479, registered electors 71,a30, and con- tributing to tlw .Vssessed Taxes 1017,897/. -The ten smaller Isoroughs were Ifarwiels, Thetfool, Cluippenhain Andover, Totnes, Tavisteek, Mailharough, Knareshorough, Moline:n.1, and lIt it iuguhiuss; having a gross populistioW only of 45,111i, register, .1 decisive only 2,317, and eontributiws- ti tit: Asees,e1 TIMES 110 suture than 13,020/. When the people saw statements of this kind—state- ments which could not be contrailieted, was it likely that they would remain satisfied?

Ile was at a loss to conceive what arguments would be brought against his motion. On Mr. Wakley's motion at the commencement of last session, a strong appeal was made to the tbrbearanee amid gallantry of the House. perhaps not without reason, for perfect unanimity on the first address voted in the lira! Parliament of a new Queen : but that appeal would not serve either the Ministers or time Retbrmers now, unless they were to be told thist during. the present reign the House of Commons was never to approseh time 1 hrone except in the unmeaning and measured terms of Misiseerial adulatioo. If the stale old reason about the unseasonableness: of the time for discussing questions of Re- form were resorted to, he would reply, that it could never be out of season to do justice to the People. Ihe vote of that evening would afford an index by which the People might discover who were their friends—wlso were real, and who sham Refortnera—who were Finality and who Audi-Finality men. Ile did not ask the House to pledge itself to remedial details, but tel declare their determination to remedy a great grievance— Ile took the lilierty of wombs...Ministers, that this might be the but hour of their existence as a 31inistiT for by their vote that night the country would know whether they really listen:led to advance or to Sc- .t Reform—whether they meant to govern the country by force or IT affection, by arrogance or by conciliation. They might, if they liked, increase their arm.. ; they might overrun the country with their police ; but he told them, that IT sueli means, although they miglit claain a temporary triumph, or knock out the brains of some of their fellow-sulijects who differed from them, they would not be able to restore to thin Ilouse either the a tfeetion or the confidence of the People. Ile begged leave also to remind the Government of what was onets said—that althowsh nothing was more certain than death, nothing was more uncertain than dm hour of our dying. Even so in the present unsettled state of parties and of polities might the Ministry sooner than they expected be called upon to account for their stewardsldp upon the hustings.

Mr. WARD seconded the Amendment. Lord John Russell's declara- tion against further organic changes, the organization of the masses in the manufitcturing districts, the agitation in Ireland as well as Great

Britain, and the necessity of reforming the representation, were the principal subjects of Mr. Ward's imperfectly reported speech. He said it was necessary that the House of Commons should declare whether they assented to or rejected the policy of the Government.

What was that policy ? What was the declaration of the noble lord the Secretary for the Home Department ? It WftS a declaration against all further organic changes—against all further reform in the representative system. That was the course of policy froth which the noble lord said nothing should induce him to swerve, as a member of the present Cabinet. Now it appeared to him that at the commencement of another session of Parliament—the second of her eresent Majesty's reign, and the seventh since the Reform Bill was carried—it was memnbent upon the House of Commons, with such a statement as that of the noble lord's before it, to declare whether it agreed with that statement or not. The motion for the Address had always been deemed the legitimate oppor- tunity for entering upon questions of this kind. There had always been men In the Unreformed House who adhered to their own opinions, and availed them- selves of the opportunity of taking the sense of the House upon them. He was aware that in the present Reformed House very different doctrines had been maintained. Much was always said of the great necessity of unanimity, and the great danger that might arise from dissensinn or division ; and in these silken ties the House had suffered itself to be bound to the existing Cabinet, and had never dared to assert the principles which it had professed to its cm- stituents elsewhere. In the Unreformed Parliament there was no idle delay of this kind—no talk of unanimity where unanimity was impossible : each Mem- ber was hound to support his own individual opinions ; all, therefore, ought to be thankful to the honourable Member for Finsbury for affording them the opportunity of recording their opinions in the most solemn cud emphatic manner that the constitution of the country would admit.

He attributed the agitation and organization of the people to deep fbe srorking of the Reform Act— The feeling of disappointment entertained by the great body of the people was one which, if the whole course of the last five years' legislation were . looked at, would be found to be natural, »ecessary, nod just. What had the Mouse of Commons done for the poorer classes of its fellow citizens, since the passing of the Reform Bill ? What remedial masures had been brought forward ? [lad they given cheap justice ? Had they afforded cheap educa- tion ? Had they attempted to interfere with time laws which controlled and checked the exchange of the fruits of the labour of our manufbetories for food with other countries ? They had done nothing a the kind. The only mea- sure which the Reformed Douse uf Commons had given to its poorer fellow citizens, was the Poor-law Amendmnent Bill. Ile had always supported the principle of the Poor-law Amendment Act : he believed it to be tbunded upon sound and rational principles, principles most conducive to the real interests of the working-classes ; but he maintained that a Poor-law and a Corn-law were Wholly irreconcileable with each other, and could not be alhos-ed to exist toge- ther. Looking at the course pursued since the passing of the Refiwea Bill, he believed that it svas to the narrow and exclusive system oflegislation which had been adopted and acted upon—to their sympathy with time few, and their want of sympathy with the many—and to the absence of any broad, intelligible prin- ciple in the general course of their lawmaking—that a great portion of' the la- mentable excitement and agitation which now prevailed in many parts of the kingdom sYt1S to be mceibctl. Look at the present state of the country, and let any man who had usally considered it, say whether he had ever beheld so- ciety m so sin;.;ular, so entangled, and as he believed so dangerous a state? There existed throughout the whole of England and Scotland, in all the large towns without exception, a perfect system of organization, formidable in its character and objeet,., compec holding almost all not included in the Parlia- mentary fomeliise, :old arrayed against those who had been admitted within the pale of roust ifit: eizd rights. It was a con;!(i out ion of a peculiar character —a combination in which the wildest notions hod been broached—a combine.- tion in which a severs uce bet went the working and the middling classes was proposed—a combination in which the rights of property were denounced. This combination was r:T;(11y spreading throughout the whole of the kingdom : and yet they, the House of Commons, the sum)... d Representatives of the People. were told in the Address they were now called upon to vote, that they were to treat ill these things as matters scarcely worthy of notice—as matters vIuieIi required no enanciation of principle—in fact, as matters which rendered it alone necessary fbr them to &clam that they would be ready to assist her Majesty in maintaining mid enforcing the law. * * * * It was not to England and Scotland alone that thur agitation was confined. Look to Ireland; was Ireland tranquil and qui...t? 1 lad it mm combination—no organization of its own? Was not Ireland at this moment disturbed in consequence of the unhappy conces- sions made by the Ministry to the policy of the Conservatives? He remem- bered that at the ( lose of last session, Mr. O'Connell told him that the name of the Tithe Bill in Ireland would not he heard again for three years. Yet that was the very topic \I hich the honourable and learned. Member employed a short time afterwards as the principal lever by which he raised and embodied. the Precursor Society. Such was the result of the unwise and unstatestnanlike concession to Cmiservotiye policy which the Government had been induced to make in Irehoul. And this was the policy upon which time House of Com- mons wus now called upon to express an opinion. The opportunity was now affimled to the House of declaring whether it sanctioned or slid not sanction such such an nnhappy course of policy.

The Earl of EUSTON declared his intention to support the Amend- ment. l le had voted against the Rcibrin Bill, because he thought that the dis*anchisement was either too large or too small : and facts had proved that he was right.

Mc. HANDLEY would oppose the Amendment ; but in SO doing, he wished to guard binisnlf against being supposed to give any opinion respecting the finality of the Reform Act. When he recollected Mr. Wakley's motion, arid now saw that a similar one was brought forward by the other 31enilier for the same borough of Finsbury, he could not help thinking that it WaS it sort of' anodyne, compounded by one of the Members, but administered by the oilier to allay certain turbulent spirits in the borough of Finsbury. The greater part of the harangue Mr. Handley proceeded to deliver, referred to the ('omit-laws; a sub- ject which he was glad had been omitted in the Queen's Speech. He strongly protested against any alteration of the Corn-laws ; which, on principle and practice, he believed to be the best ever made.

Mr. Wm: spoke at lengili on the staining of the poorer classes,

and the injury to trade occasioned by the Corn-laws ; on the necessity of moving onwards in the path of Reform ; and on the injustice of the treaty which transferred Limburg and Luxemburg from Belgium to Holland. Mr. Hume excited roars of laughter by asking whether those Members who " had hitherto supported the Ministry, as a Reforming and Progressive Ministry, were to be dragged at the chariot-wheels of those who would not go on, but would stand still',"

:7 Mr. IlnoTtisserost denied the statements of Mr. Wood with respect to the condition of the manufacturing districts. The people were suf- fering from the high price of food, and their employers front small profits. The exports had increased, but they consisted chiefly of ma. terials to supply foreigners with the means of manufacturing for them- selves.

Mr. HEATHCOTE maintained that a vast majority of all classes in the country, save only the oligarchy of mill-owners, were resolved to sup-

port the present Corn-laws. Not only the large landowners, but the small proprietors, had adopted the watchword of " No surrender!" and they would not consent to any compromise.

Mr. JAMES, though in favour of Progressive Reform, thought Mr. Duncombe would show more respect to the Queen by abstaining from

pressing his Amendment to a division ; and as, if successful, it would be a censure on Ministers, and bring the Tories into office, he would vote for the Address without the addition.

Mr. O'CONNELL said, that though he had opposed Mr. Wakley's mo- tion last session, he would support Mr. Duncombe's Amendment. He feared that the success of Mr. Wakley's motion would have disturbed existing relations ; but he had now no such apprehension. The re-

mainder of Mr. O'Connell's speech consisted of remarks on the in- justice of the transfer of Limburg and Luxemburg to Holland, and on the severe proceedings against the captured insurgents in Upper Canada.

Sir Romer PEEL then addressed the House. He went over the chief topics of the Speech, very much in the same straits, and occasion- ally using almost the same words, as the Duke of Wellington in the House of lords. After the subjects mentioned, he adverted to those omitted in the Speech, but which were prominently brought forward by the mover and seconder of the Address ; and he laid much stress on the statements of Mr. Wood, " President of the Chamber of Commerce at Manchester," as he repeatedly designated that gentleman, respecting the prosperity of the manufacturing interest. The commercial difficulties Which bad occurred, it appeared from that indisputable authority, were not owing to the Corn-laws, but to a vicious system of banking. Sir Robert hoped the House would pause before it acceded to any proposition which would have the effect of changing the law, and which would materially affect the agricultural interests of this country ; having received front the President of the Chamber of Commerce at Manchester an account of the stable and secure position of the commerce and manufactures of the country. Sir Robert expressed his cordial approbation of that part of the Speech which announced the Queen's determination to enforce the law ; and read several extracts from violent speeches delivered by Peargus O'Connor, Stephens, and others, to prove the necessity of act- ing .svith vigour. He quoted Lord John Russell's speech at Liverpool, (to which the Duke of Wellington also referred,) with disapprobation, as tending to encourage tumultuary meetings. On Mr. Duncombe's Amendment Sir Robert Peel said very little. He reminded the House of his prophecy that the Reform Act would not satisfy those who passed it— Yet why did he now support and adhere to that very bill as it now stood upon the statute-book ? It was because he had taken warning by experience. He knew that bringing in another bill would not only aggravate the difficulties of the present timne, but that five years hence the present advocates of extended suffrage would come again to him and say that household suffrage was not enough, and that every man who by his labour contributed to the snpport of the state WU entitled to a vote. According to Mr. Hume's own expressions, " every man was a slave who had not a vote." Therefore nothing short of ant- versal suffrage, in its most unlimited degree, would be held satisfactory. Then wherefore limit it to the age of twenty-one ? Might they not be asked, and asked fuirly, by the man who was liable to serve in the militia three years before that age, why he should not have a vote as well as the man of twenty- one. Oh! thus they would go on infusing popular principles into the consti- tution until they had no monarchy left ; and then they would still persist that they had not been false prophets. God grant that the country might yct retain the inestimable institutions of a mixed and mild government.

Mr. Vmusms said, he had expected that Sir Robert Peel would have suggested a remedy for sonic of the permanent grievances which op- pressed the cmmtry ; but instead of that, he had first read the House a lecture because it had thought fit to discuss some measure of do- mestic policy, then he gave theist another lecture about " Kam Ram," and again he reprimanded Ministers for not sufficiently supporting the mild and discreet individuals who composed the British party in Upper Canada. There would be but one feeling of disappointment in the coun- try, that Sir Robert Peel had condescended to take up, as if it gave any weight to, the miserable and fallacious statements of the seconder of the Address— Yes, such he must style them ; and he could not help thinking that it WU unworthy of Sir Robert Peel to take such a line,—betraying either a want of iugenuity, or of ability, or willingness to find something better to address to the House. Sure he was that the right honourable baronet, at the very time he was using that argument, saw clearly through the fallacy of the statements

which he was quoting from the honourable Member for Kendal ; because they were statements which had so often been repeated, and so often been refuted, that he could not conceive the possibility of any one again seriously advancing them. The case was simply this—The Member The Kendal referred to the increase of our exports, and inferred from them that trade was flourishing : the right honourable baronet then took up this argument, and endeavoured to deduce further from it that the Corn-laws had not endangered our foreign

trade; and he saw from the cheer which that argument drew down, and from the IlltLILIICT of advancing it, and of making use of those statements, that such was the effect intended to be produced by it. What the opponents of the

Corn-laws alleged was, that our competition with foreign markets was en- dangered by the high price of provisions in this country ; that in all articles requiring manual labour we could no longer compete with foreign markets ; hut that in Reticles manutlictured by machinery we could still compete with them, . and maintain our preeminence ; that in consequence, our exports in the former class of articles was decreasing, but that of the latter increasing to a certain extent. Butt the consequence of the last circumstance was, that machinery was exported from this country, and our artisans were leaving their homes to become dangerous competitors with us abroad. Now, there was nothing in-

consistent III these views with the trilling increase in our exports which had been referred to by Mr. Wood. The honourable Member, moreover, had not told the House whether these increased exports had found their way to the

European markets or to our Colonies ; for if the matter had been fairly stated, he had no doubt it would turn out that ninny markets which we used to sup- ply now supplied themselves, whilst in neutral markets we were supplanted by others. He was very glad, however, that this was the poiut upon which the question was to turn, because it came in support of the motion of which he had given notice, for hearing evidence at the bar as to the operation and effect of the Corn-law monopoly ; an investigation which he thought would hardly be refused by those who pretended to enter upon this view of the question.

He had once some doubt, but the speeches of Mr. Handley and Sir Robert Peel had satisfied him of the propriety of voting for Mr. Dun- eombe's Amendment.

Mr. Ihroon explained, that he saw nothing in the statements he had made inconsistent with arguments for a change in the Corn-laws.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL entered into a general defence of the conduct of Government in the affair of Belgium also Holland; and of the military operations in India. He adverted to the aggression of the Americans on the Canadian territory, for the purpose of showing, that however de- sirous President Van Buren might be, and undoubtedly was, to prevent those aggressions, he had not the power to carry his wishes into effect. Lord John then explained some passages in former speeches, which had either been imperfectly reported or misrepresented ; and in the process of explanation touched. upon public meetings, the Corn-laws, the pre- dominance of the landed interest, and the finality of the Reform Act. Piddle meetings.-5k Robert Peel had referred to a speech which he was reported to have made at a public dinner at Liverpool. Ilith respect to that speech he would observe, that there having been no persons present on the oeca,ion who were professionally able to report speakers, the report did not give tint passage in his observations which the right honourable baronet suggested he ought to have used, and which, in fact, he had in substance repeated—namely, "that whilst the Goverment was disposed to give every latitude to the free (liosission of public questions, yet that this liberty must not be used to the in- frineement ()I the laws of the country, or the infringement of the liberties of her. Majesty's subjects." Those were his sentiments; his object being, that nothing should be done which should deter, through intimidation, the expres- sion of opinion on the part of those who Nri,hed to participate in the privilege. Ile had particularly in view at the time the subject of the Pour-law. As it could he proved that this was not a measure of' hardship to the poor, he was noxious that the utmost latitude should be given to free and open discussion On the subject. But when attempts were made to abuse this liberty, to excite people to physical violence ;nut the use of arms against the laws and subjects of the Crown—no sooner Avas this the case than he consulted the Law Officers of the Cmwn, and by their advice had adopted the proveedings which had been taken against a certain party, in all the subsequent stages of which he had acted entirely by the advice ofthose functionaries.

The Corn-burs.—He had certainly been of opinion in 128 that a modified fixed scale of duties would be better than a fluctuating scale; but at the s:tme time, he thought the new law a great improvement upon the former system, and therefore he gave it his support. But he now thought, however, tint the time had arrived when it should be considered whether that law had acted beneficially or not. He was not prepared at the present mo- ment to enter into a discussion of the subject ; but be thought that the re- spectability and importance of the interests calling for the repeal of these laws entitled them, not perhaps to he heard at t lie liar of the House, but to the most patient investigation on the part of the House of any facts which they might brio, forward, so that it should not go forth that the House had shown itself unhilerent to any subject so deeply affecting the interests and welfare of' the people at large.

Amendment of the 114:fiirm Aet.—He thought that -.Air. Duncombe ought to have st ated the course he intended to pursue; and therefore he had cheered him %then saying that he would not go into details. lie did not tell Nrhether 11011.01dd be satisfied with Household Sufic,re2, nor whether he would be satis- lil with the Charter ana Universal Suffrage'. Now giving to them this iidor- mation, would, he conceived, be no more than complying with a reasonable

Ropiest; hut as the honourable gentleman had not done that, then he could ouly soy, that he and other Members who had proposed the Reform Act, with a view of establishing a different mode of representation from that whieh had Iireviouly existed; he could say, that they were prepared to enter into the %vied,. subject of the Reliwin Act, to state the grounds and the principles on which it rested, and also the grounds why he should think that they ought to rert now, not merely from a dislike of change, (although it dislike of perpetual change would be, in his opinion, a rational Objection,) but he was prepared to maintain why they should abide by the principles of that Act.

Difenee of the " Finality" Speeeh.—" I have been blamed in this house, and out of this House I have been blamed a great deal more, for a declaration which I toride last year. 1 must beg pardon of the House for troubling it on this subject ; but really, as the speech I then made has hcen so much abused and lies it as heen made the object of' attack during the whole of the recess, I trust 1 may be allowed to advert to the circumstances under which I made that declarat km. Upon that occasion, the hononrable :\ !ember for Kilkenny, along with others, called for a declaration from Government. Thc honourable Member for Kilkenny laud made a speech in which he put it forth as a matter of grave accusation against the Government, that it had. not followed the example of the right honourable baronet the -Member for Tannworth, and s.tated our minds upon Reform, declaring how far we were prepared to go, and fixing the certain point at which we were prepared to stop. Why, it was said to us will you not tell its how far are you inclined, and when it is you mean to !tep? It was then, in answer to that call, that I made the declaration which has been so much referred to. Will any one say that it was an uncalled-for (habitation, when such sentiments were expressed by a supporter of the Ministry ? Should 1 not have been justly attacked it' I hail given any one reason, to suspect that we were about to support or countenance measures to which we were adverse, and. to which we ineent t., give one opposition ? Let me ask, if I had said (as the bonotnadde Member Mr Kilkenny proposed) that we meant to support the Ballot, does any one believe thief, seeing what huts since loppened, we should, without further supportiog other measures proito:ed with respect to the franchise, have done that which won ii now be satisthetory to those who are the friends of change ? Does any one think that satisfaction would be produced in the e trv it' I hat said that the Ballot should be an Spell question ? Does any one believe this would have been it wise and just course for the Government to have pursued ? I think, then, that whatever dissatisthetion may 110,VC been calmed by that declaration, it was far better to make that declaration, tint let the policy we were about to pursue be under- stood, than leave it in any obscurity, or let it be supposed that we should give a half support to the Ballot, or eitemirage the hope that IT interfering with the • franchise any thin!, might he done to uusettle that winch had been already settled ; that all should be unsettled, without havieg any new or rational ohm' Oil the subject. Therefore it is, that whatever dissatisthetion my expressions have called firth, I consider that, under the eircuinstances I have stated, I was cal6I upon to make it."

The• predominant landed interest."—" There are other expressions to be

%mid in that speech which have been greatly tortured and made the subject of ansrepresentation, and, which were made to appear, not only offensive on my part, but in some respects injurious to this House. For instance, I have been Static to say, ' that the Reform Bill was intended to give to the landed. inte- rest a preponderating influence in this House.' What I referred to was, the speech, or more properly speaking the few words, that I uttered at the end of the discussion on the Refortn Bill. At the end of the discussion on the Re-

form Bill, and after it had been attacked, and declared most injurious to the landed interest, and, when strong language was applied to it by Lord Ashbur- ton, I said that, so far was that bill from being destructive to the landed inte- rest, that in reality it gave a preponderance to that influence. But was that the same bill which had first gone up to the Lords ? Was the bill which went up a second time to the Lords the bill which had been originally introduced? Had not a very great alteration taken place in the bill? Was there not one particularly, by ithich all the 501. tenants-at-will were introduced into the con- stituencies of the counties ? Lord. Althorn warned the House of the conse- quences of that introduction. Lord Althorp repeatedly tohl them, that how- ever respectable a class of men were the tenants-at-will, (and no man kuew them better than Lord Althorp,) yet he assured the Douse that they were a class whose disposition was upon all occasions to vote with their landlords, awl therefore introducing them would IzIve immense power to the proprietors of laud. In spite of this objection, the lions,. ((domed, by a lare majority, that

propositior. ; and amongst those who supported it were many ef Iteformers, and I am not sure hut that the honourable :Member for Kilkenny supported it also. And yet, because I, seeing what was the fact, mill in reply to another, stated what had been Ihone, the honourable geMlemaii writes a letter to his constituents, in which he declares, upon my authority., that the original inten- tion of the Refbrin Bill was to give a preponderance to the landed interest. I must be allowed to tell the honourable gentleman, that there is a very great dilference in saying that the Reform Bill, as it was on the third reading, gave a prep....all:I:ince to the landed interest, from saying dolt it was the original in- tention of the Reform Bill to give that prepondt ranee."

Mr. CH-MILES Bum.sni thanked the House thr its cautious abstinence from discussing the affairs of Canada. itt the absence of that information which Lord Durham had prepared.. and which he thought he was entitled to ask should he laid as speedily a, pos.1,ir before the House. Mr. Buller defended the Government of tin' Cnited States from Sir Robert Peel's attack—

The right hononrable baronet had said that he should 11.4 he satisfied, if all that the President of the 'United States had done was to isne proclamations. Now he, on the contrary, believed that the Government of the United States

had done as much as a Government ought tt, do. (Cries " , oh !" from Tory Mem bers.) If gentlemen would hove the patience to listen, he should explain to them. The Government of the United States had passed. a nell- tr:Ility-law. In doing this, they had don: much ; and he would say Hwy had enforced it wirh much 1110ne severity then it mats ever enfiaved in this country. They laid, too, prosecuted, convicted, and io net i.. instances they had punished. They had 'Molded their army, too, Mr the purpose of enfereing neutrality.

When a Government had done all till it was IRA to be said that it had done nothing more t ban issue unmeaning wools. Ile should be much grieved at any

such feelinr.s as those which had been evinced. and which wore cumulated to be

excited by the tone assumed by the right honourable baronet, and that might have the worst effects. The tbeliags in the United States were so strong in thermr of this country, that " Sympelnlic mecti»gs" cannot now be held.

On the contrary, Anti-Sympathetic nieetines were Ilehl. The right honour- able baronet bad talked of the vigorolto efforts of ii monarchical government ;

and yet, in the government of the Duke of Wellington, and when the right honourable baronet was in office, the stoek-jobbers in this: country were able tet lit out an expedition, and to conquer cite country, and nearly (moque). another.

Though' not hostile to the Government, Mr. Buller said he should. support the Amendment, as it completely expressed his own ideas.

The division then took place-

1t.' the (IdIT"44

For the Amendment

Tory and Whig majority ii it)

The House rose at twelve o'clock.

The report on the Address was brought up on Vi-cdnesday by the mover and seconder, and read by the I '1,:rk tit the table.

A desultory conversation ensued ; which had reference chiefly to the Hollundo-13eigie question, and the siate of Ireland. Mr. O'Coxsrm entered into a long statement of' the negotiations to which Holland, Belgium, the Five Great Powers, and the German Cmifederation had been parties, with a view to show that great injustice had been done to Belgium and the inhabitants Of Limburg and Luxemburg:, .1)), the transfer of those territories to Holland. He then advcrted to Lord Brougham's remarks on Lord Norhury's murder, and the insinuation in that speech that lie had circulated the report of the murder being com- mitted by Lord Norbary's son- " 1 understand it has been somewhere else observed that I suggested that it was the son of Lord Norbert. who had perpetrated this horrible outrage; and my conduct in this reslaal Ii is been censured in terms as immeasured as they would be deserving it' they had any founda■ ion. Now, the fact is, that such a thoneht never crossed iny mind. In a speech of mine delivered in Dublin, after correcting some misrepresentations of the press, I go on to of ate that though the ni,oi 310 i (the Impel. on which I Was etnninentIng) was re-

markable atrocious lying, it was the most atrocious and ritlieulous lie of the five millions of lies which they 11:10. already circulated, to say that it was I who suggested the idea that Lord NorIntry fell by the hand of his son. That I Sttll %IS Si.011 the calumuy appeared. It appears, however, th;i1 there are others, a; cep-tide us the authors of the five !Minims of lies, of ee.ti lig such an imputation ; mid 1 fluid that, by what may be coils:tiered the jedieb:l :leeision of a grave personage, on the heariug tit (toe side only, it nil ti it it alf ■• for waiting to see whether there we: any answer to the (harp:, jodgn.. ;s pronounced

perpetrated. It is not ttillicult it) eon:dude that he person (if any smell tit( iv be) capable of sock cowl ;ivt, inlet be one of the worst judges that ever existed ; Ihougla he nety condline the ledierous character of a court- jester, with the p.evity which belongs lo a judicial pail ion, and \1110 WaS SO unfit the his sittleti,111 lbat he was tun deprived of it by all adverse party, but got rid of as 'la incionina lice IT his fe.ea I rienths. who cauld not allow him any louger to remain in an °Wee, for the performance of the duties of which he exhibited a total disqualification. They had Iiirtmettely found an excellent person to succeed him ; hut that did not diminish the contemptinots notion which was entertaitted respecting ltim by the party whieh so treated him. I Mk ye that a judge of' that description must hove been the ridicule if the bar

and flue terror of elients—one who mi,took y for the doe adininisfretion of justiee, and who Made deerees which served not as examples to he imitated, but as landmarks to he avoided by all future Chancellors."

The FfrEstant here interrupted Mr. O'Connell- " I mast throw myself on the indulgence II011S0 WililSt I pot it to the honourable and learned Member, whether it is right that lie should take the

course which he is nuiv pursuing. The luar!INI gentleman has the dullest right to go into every statement which can liver upon any part of the Address; but I am ante 1 need not state the great inconvenitmee which must arise from having a war carried, on between the two Bott,cs—in it was true, but still very intelligibly. I think it is very reasonable and desirable that the honourable and learned gentleman should give a correct statement of the

si;

facts to which he has referred; but I am sure the honourable and learned gen- tleman, and the whole House, will feel that we at least should set a good ex- ample in our proceedings." (Cheers.)

Mr. O'Coxstnts. resumed-

" I am quite willing to agree, Sir, to any decision which you may pronounce. I only regret that you had not the power of preventing the attack. I have known attacks made in that House on much higher persons than the humble individual who now addresses you, without any possibility of reply. As to the attack which has been made on myself, I shall not further refer to it. I despise its malignity; I have demonstrated its fidsehood; awl, having done both one and the other' I admit I should ask myself what right I have to corn- l)15111corn- l)15111when even maiden modesty cannot protect her who holds the highest

stile in the empire from the obscene slanders of those who have dared to pol- lute her name by coupling it with an insinuation too base to mention. '.1.'he sycophant of one monarch and the slanderer of another, I admit that a charge coming from so foul and pfflluted a source, is best treated when it is despised. He may call himself the ' Friend of the People '—he may be the enemy of the Throne. I don't envy I the notoriety which he has acquired in either character."

Lord PALMERSTON explained the proceedings relative to Belgium. He stated that Belgium having signed a treaty with the Five Powers, based on the Twenty-four Articles, had thereby renounced any claim on the territories of Luxemburg and Limburg. True, Holland had not ac- cepted the Twenty-four Articles when Belgium took that step ; but that did not release Belgium front her engagements with the Five Powers. It was said that Belguma had been put to a great expense by the hostile atti- tudes of Holland. That also was true : but then a deduction had been made from the money to be paid to Holland by Belgium, partly on that account. Luxemburg and Limburg belonged to the German Confe- deration, and the Five Great Powers had not pretended to assign them to Belgium or Holland : they remained us they were placed the ;treaty of Vienna. He had infigmation, which ledhim to believe, that the people of those territories were not much dissatisfied with theis allilVK- ation to Holland. The Great Powers would enforce the arrangement -which the King of Holland had finally accepted, and which was in accordance with the treaty by which Belgium was also bound.

Mr. SHAW thought it important to explain how the mark of the neat boot was found on the spot where Lord Norbury was nturdered- Lmnediately after the murder, no trace of any boot was discovered; but some time subsequent to it, a voting boy, who was now at Eton, a son of Lord Norbury, brut held a paper whilst a drawing was made on the spot, and of course left the mark of his boot there. But something more remained to be explained ; for he must say t tat it struck him, as it did many others, that the honourable and learned gentleman opposite, though he abstained from mentioning names, still insinuated, and endeavoured to have it spread through the country, that the murder was committed by some member of the tinnily. Now, though the murder was atrocious, wanton, and unprovoked by any motive which usually influenced the commission of crime, it was exceeded by casting on a familic plunged in the depth of affliction by the bloody outrage, the cruel, inhunian, and unmanly insinuation, that the hither of the tinnily fell by the hands of one of his children. (Opposition cheers.) lie owned that this conduct struck hint as eractised for the purpose of drawing away public :Mention from the real cause ot demoralization, and from the real' criminal by whose act the country had been so foully disgraced. lie was confirmed in this view by recollecting, that very shortly before a Protestant clergyman was shot at, and that when the assassins were pursued, they rushed to a crowd which was collected before the doors of a chapel, and when these.people saw that the murderem had their coats off, they took off theirs, and by that means their escape was effected.

Mr. O'CONNELL hoped he might be permitted to say, that the learned Recorder had. given a very satisfactory- explanation of the mark of the boot. But this explanation was now giveu for 'the first time; and it was astonishing that it had never been published in any Irish paper.

Mr. PLUMPTRE thought that the free use of the Scriptures was all that was required the Ireland.

Mr. LANGDALE protested against the doctrine that a distribution of the Bible would be a panacea for Irish evils. It was to be presumed that nowhere were the Scriptures to extensively disseminated as in Mr. Plumptre's own county of Kent; yet there was no county in the kingdom so deeply disgraced, as recent events proved, by the disregard of Scriptural truths.

Some conversation occurred between Sir ROBERT PEEL, Lord JOHN RUSSELL, and Mr. LEADER, relative to the affairs of' Canada ; the result of which was Lord Jons: RUSSELL'S statement that Ministers in- tended to bring fbrward a measure in relation to Canada ; and that they did not intend to suppress Lord Durham's Report, though they required time to examine befbre producing, it.

Sir Joitx HonnousE promised Sir Robert Peel, to lav before the House papers which would elucidate the proceedings of the Indian Government.

The report was received, and ordered to be presented to the Queen by the .whole !louse.

SUFFRAGE EXTENSION RESTRICTION OF NOTICES.

On Wednesday, Mr. Hustu rose to give notice, that on Tuesday the lath of March— The SPEAEER■" You can't do that."

Mr. Ilt:311:—" Oh but I call, Sir. (A laugh, and cries q( " Order : ") 'There is no rule mule on the subject." The SPEAKER—" There may be no rule ; but the question is, whether the honourable Member will do as other Members have done."

HUME—" I do not choose to do as other Members hive dime. (Laughter, and cries of" Order ! ") It is in the power of time I louse not to allow an improper motion to be put on the books, and if there is any objection to ntv motion let it be discussed. I beg to gin, notice, that on Tuestay the 12th of 'alarsh, I shall ask for leave to bring in a bill to extend the franchise in this country to House- hold Suffrage and a little further." (Great laughter.) The SPEAKER remarked, that if an individual Member chose to depart from a general understanding, it would be impossible to preserve order.

PUBLIC PETITIONS.

On Thursday, Mr. \Vann rose to present a petition signed by 13,000 of his constituents fbr a repeal of the Corn-laws. He said that he in- tended to travel out of the record of the petition, and make a statement to the House ; not being aware of any order which prevented him.

The SPEAKER interrupted Mr. Ward; and said that he considered that ths proper time to state the rule respecting the presentation of

petitions. Mr. Abercromby proceeded to explain, that, according to the practice of the House, as established by the majority, speeches could not be made on presenting petitions.

MY. WARD listened with the utmost respect to the Speaker's obServa- tions ; but, unless fortified by a clear rule of the House, he doubted whether The Speaker could check individual Members in the discharge of what they deemed to be their duty. On a subject of such impor- tance, there should be no appeal to any thing but a clear and definite expression of the will of the majority. At present there was nothing but an understanding—no record on the Votes or Journals—a mere shadow, by which lie did not conceive himself bound, when he claimed and asserted the high privilege of being heard in support of the peti- tion he presented. Mr. Ward described the novel practice of treating a petition. The Member presents it ; it is read in the shortest possible (he might say unintelligible) manner, consigned to a bag, carried out of doors, and never seen in that House again. He would not make any motion on the subject, but he claimed distinctly the right of speaking not only on petitions he himself presented, but on those in the charge of other Members, *which he had been requested to support.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL expressed his entire concurrence with the Speaker. Mr. Ward proposed to restore what he called the aucient practice of speaking on petitions ; but he recognized no such practice. He believed the ancient practice was to state the substance of the peti- tion, the number of the petitioners, and the class of persons from whence they came. He did not think that any member could be allowed to speak on petitions, unless the House agreed by motion to alter the practice which had lately prevailed.

Mr. Hawes suggested, that the general rule might be not to speak on petitions, but that petitions on the all-absorbing question of the Corn- laws might be presented without any restriction whatever.

Sir FRANCIS Buisosscr wished the House to adhere to the ancient practice. He recollected when a Member scarcely ventured to do more than open his petition. state its subject, and perhaps refer to the re- spectability of its signatures.

Sir Ronuter Ixoiss dwelt on the time which the readily.,r. of petitions would occupy. If the House smut for a hundred days, six hours a day, morning and night, it could not dispose of the petitions that would be presented. In 1833, 10,394 petitions had been presented. Not one could be read in less than a minute and a half, and some would take three or flair minutes ; and he asked 3Ir. Hume to calculate how long it would take to read 10,3t14 petitions at that rate.

Mr. HustE would demonstrate by the rule of three, that Sir Robert Inglis was wrong. He would ask Sir Robert Inglis, who had sat with luta on the Petition Committee, whether on several occasions they had not found two (Sr three hundred petitions identically the same except the signatures ? That, he fancied, broke down the whole of Sir Robert Inglis's olneetion, because by the rule of three he would put down these three hundred petitions as one. (Roars of laughter.)

Sir ROBERT PEEL believed that Members generally concurred in approbation of the rule enforced by the Speaker in reference to the pre- sentation of petitions. He called attention to the various duties which devolved upon the House, and the necessity of securing time for dis- charging them. It was the duty of the House to receive and consider petitions, but it was for the House to determine the manner of per- fbriuing that duty. If the strict constitutional rule were adhered to, every petition must be read by the Cleric at the table. In the eye of Parliament all petitions were on an equality—all petitioners on an equality—all subjects on an equality ; and he would not allow any one class of petitioners to claim exemption front rules which were made to apply to all others.

Mr. Want) said that Sir Robert Peel had met the observation of a man who seldom trespassed on the time of' the House, in a very unfair andoincourteous manner ; but he would not be deterred by such conduct films doing his duty. Ile begged to say that he broke through no esta- blished rule, and wished to see a clear and intelligible rule laid dowu by which all might be guided.

Mr. Portam Ttionsox approved of and defeuded the present prac- tice of referring petitions to a Committee.

Mr. V, LLIEHS was astonished to see the way in which the subject was treated by the House. Though a question of every-day business, lie never saw Sir Robert Peel use more vehement gesticulation. 'Very great dissatisfaction was caused by the present practice. 'Much was said of the necessity of attending to public business ; but he wished to know what public business was ? The time of the House was tsken up by acrimonious and personal altercations.

Sir DE LACEY EVANS said that debates on petitions were inconvenient ; but to prohibit them was going too far.

Mr. IlitoTutotTox denied that petitions were treated with disrespect, and said that formerly about a dozen Members, by constantly making long speeches, effectually shut out a person like himself', unskilled in public speaking, from taking part in the discussion of the House.

Mr. Pamssat thought that some new plan might be adopted, but in the meanwhile wished the present practice to be adhered to.

Mr. Wants said he could only present his petition. ' The next night other Members would raise discussions—the only alternative, since Lord John Russell declined to make a motion on the subject.

Lord JOHN Russets, thought that Mr. Ward should either submit to the rule laid down by the Speaker or make a motion himself; but, for the convenience of the House, and that the Speaker might have some rule to go by, he would move- " Tied this House adhere to the established practice with respect to the pre- sentation of petitions, as laid down by 3fr. Speaker."

Mr. LEADER said, the Home would still fed this difliculty—what was the" established practice ?" If the House, did not attend to the petitions of the people, they would be driven to unconstitutional' modes of ex. pressing their views.

Mr. Hum: and Mr. HORSEMAN told Lord John Russell, that his mo- tim would be construed into an attempt to restrain the liberty of speech; and to stifle Corn-law petitions, not petitions in general.

Lord STANLEY suggested that the Speaker should lay down the rule, so that Lord John Russell's motion might read thus—" Mr. Speaker having laid down the rule so and so, this House is determined to abide by the rule." The SPEAKER then rose and spoke as follows- 6, I can have no hesitation in stating the substance of what I collect to have been the practice of the House dining the several sessions that I have filled this chair. As to the particular words in which it ought to be described, I cannot be so secure. The first rule is, that in the event of any petition being offered to the House, complai ll i ll g of individual grievance, and requiring. immediate redress, it should be immediately entertained and discussed. That inthe event of any Member offering a petition relating to any matter which he wishes to bring under the consideration of the 'louse, the course followed is, that he gives notice of his intention to found a motion on the petition on a future dor, which be names. The petition is printed with the Votes, and iinmediately afterwards placed in the hands of Alembers. The great .proportion of petitions is con- nected with subjects befine the liouse, either in the shape of notices or bills. These are presented hy honourable Aleniliers, simply stating the place whence they came, the number or signatiwes, and also by stating as folly as they pleased, but tvithout reading (for 'that is contrary to the rule) We material con- tents. It was then laid on the table, rethrred to a Committee, classed with others of similar import ; and in the report was given the number of sinntuves. the ibject id; and the place whence the petition came. This report v.'as placed in the bands of -Members three or four days subsequent to that on which the presentation took place. Now, haviag staled what I understand to b the practice, 1 hope I may he allowed to make one or two observations upon it. I can never forget that 1, as the servant of the House only obey the in- structions which I receive from the House ; but, so far a.3 'depends oit me. I have anxiously tindeavowol, ever since I was placed in this position, to con- tribute by all the means in my power to introdoce order and method info our proceedings, and to &ford, as fn as it was practieshle, equal justice to all per- sons. (Cheers frna both sid,s.) The advantage of the present system, its it seems to me, is 'first. that all petitions are presented promptly ; that their con- tents. the number of tlwir signatures, and the places whence they come, are Presently in the possession of the NYI10112 House ;.,and next, that it places all members nn an equality, fr, twcordino- to this practice, all Members have an opportunity of preeenting- putitions, and all classus of persons of forwarding, them." (Cheers.)

Lord JouN RUSSELL then postponed his motion till Friday.

Tim CORN-LAWS. •

On Thursday, Mr. CHRISTOPHER asked Lord John Russell Irina coin-se he intended to take on the motion of which Mr. Villiers had given notice tbr the 111th instant : would he meet it by an amendment proposing a moderate fixed duty, or with a direct negative ?

Mr. Vu.r.tnits begged to state, that it was not his intention to raise the general question upon the motion of which he had given notice. He would merely move that the House do hear evidence in support of particular petitions ; and it was his intention subsequently to move the House upon the general question.

Lord JOHN Itussnt.i. said, he did not intend to propose a fixed duty as an amendment to Mr. Villiers's motion— Lord JOHN Itussnt.i. said, he did not intend to propose a fixed duty as an amendment to Mr. Villiers's motion— Be was not libely to commit himself absolutelv, so far ns that with re-tard to a motion which he had not heard s4ated. 13ut the ilnprosion on his Mind wits, to oppose the motion of the honourable Member for Wolverhampton tie ti In.ning evidence at the lar, lie hail not ns yet found s.ollicient l'C';1:111.5 or preced.mts to induce him to adopt that course. At the sane time, Ii mast say., that as there would be a great deal of discussion relatibg to fliers, when a mode was proposed which he thought conformable to prece■lent, and not ineim- renient to the Moue, by which these fitets cmlii l!,.• ascertained, he should be willing, although not ready to propose it himself, to support a motion so to ascertain the huts. As the honourable gentleman had referred to this question, perhaps he would be permitted to add, with reference to the observations that had been made elsewhere, and which had startled him, that since the formation of, and some time during the Ministry of Lord Grey, this question always was an open question with the members of the Government. Lord Althorp stated in 1834, that the members of the Cabinet were right in resisting any alteration of the law • but he stated, at the same time, that his Gwn opinion . was in thvour at' Aeration, anti that he then objected to alteration on a question of thne only. His opinion was, like Lord Althorp's, in favaur of alteration •, but he agreed with his noble friend, that in 1::4:34 alteration was unlimmtrable in point offline. He. however, thought 1839 favourable, in point of time, fir entertainhoz the question.

In reply to a question from Sir RODERT Nu, Mr. VILtiEns said, he should positively bring on his motion on the 19th instant.

NOTICES OF MOTION.

The more important notices given during the week are the following. Bill for the better ordering of Prisons. Lord JOHN it ussELL. (11th February.) Bill to improve the Criminal and Civil Jurisdiction of County Courts. Lord

Lord Jou N ss cr.. (11th February.) Bill to regulate and enlarge the summary jurisdiction of Justices. Lord JOGS RUSSELL. (11 February.) Committee on Church Leases. Mr. VERNON SMITH. (11th February.) To present papers relating to Education. Lord JOIIN RESSELL. (12th February.)

Bill to amend the law of Copyright. Mr. Sergeant TALrourtn. (12th February.)

Bill for the Regulation of Municipal Corporations in Ireland. Lord MDR- PETIL (14th February.) That in the trial of Controverted Elections, the objects of justice. uniformity, and despatch, would be hest attained by a tribunal not consisting of Mem- bers of Parliament. Bill to carry thie foregoing resolution into effect. Lord Viscount MAITON. (14th Fe.bruary.)

Bill to amend the Jurisdiction of Election Petitions. Sir lionmre PEEL. (14th February.) Select Committee to inquire into the Laws respecting Lunacy. Mr. HAwns. (18th February.)

To receive Evidence at the Bar of the House with the view to a total Repeal of the Laws restricting the importation of Foreign Grain, Mr. VILLIERS. (19th February.) Bill to regulate payments of First Fruits and Tenths. Mr. BAINES. (19th February.)

Registration of Voters in Ireland. Mr. Sergeant JACKSON. (12th February.) NEW IV tuTs.

On Tuesday, the SPEAKER informed the House, that in consequence of the death of Lord Carrington, and the elevation of Mr. Robert John Smith to the Peerage, lie had issued a new writ for Chipping Wycouthet and that in consequence of the death of Mr. Cutlar Fergusson, he had issued a, new writ thr Kirkcudbright. Writs were also issued for Sandwich, in the room of Sir James Carnac, Lieutenant-Governor of Bombay ;

. Tower Hamlets, in the room of Dr. Lushington, Judge of the High Court of Admiralty ;

Clonmel, in the room of Mr. Nicholas Ball, Judge of the Court of Common Pleas in Ireland ; Buckingham County, in the room of the Marquis of Chandos, now Duke of Buckingham; COMM County, in the room of Mr. Henry Maxwell, now Lord Farnham.