There have been two Anti-Poor-law " manifestations " iii the

menu. factoring districts this week,—one at ;Manchester, on Monday; the other at Bradford, on Tuesday.

The NIancliester manife.station was in the form of it dinner to Mr. John Fielden, M. P. for Oldhatn, ut the Bywater Hotel, in Peter Street. Mr. J. D. Hodgetts was chairman. The number of the party was about four hundred. The language of the speakers deserves especial notice. Mr. Fielden said, that, since Mr. Cobbetes death, he had been left to fight the battle of the people in the House of Commons almost single.handed. Adverting to the condition of the hand.loom weavers-

" Up to 1815, the close of the war, they had never received less than 4s. tid. fur weaving a seconds' fabric, which WAS then worth 18a. ; but, shortly after the pashing of Peel's bill, it fell down to 6s. and then the weaver received Is. lid, for weaving it ; so that his labour lost its value, though the piece would make the sante quantity of shirts as hem, e. It was clear, then, that something Wai in operation which reduced the value of this man's labour 75 per cent, on his means of ohitiiiiin the necessaries of life, lie could only have oue gallon of wheat, one bushel of potatoes, where before he received three. That cam an unfair protection to the dealer, and a want of protection to the weaver—a great neglect on the part of the Legislature."

Speaking of the Poor-law, lie said—" I see a tyranny of the worst description at a distunce; and if the people do not rouse themselves, they will be placed in greater tyranny than the Poles or Russians." His advice was "register," and return good men to Parliament— lie saw no chance of stopping the progress of tyranny, without working men obtaining the franchise; and he believed there was more intelligeuce among the working men than among the shopocrocy. Another and more desirable mode of attack would be, to make the Chancellor of the Exchequer poor in his coffers, Ity abstaining from the use of exciseable arti,clets; and if the people only had sufficient virtue, and would act with unanimity, prudence, and perieve. tance, for two years, refraining from the use of all exciseable articles, he had as doubt they would get annual Parliaments, universal suffrage, and vote by bal.

lot. Another and more effective mode than many were aware of, was petitioning.

The Chairman gave " Speedy destruction to the new Poor.law, the Ministry that concocted it, (the company rose, hallooed, and waved their huts and handkerchiefs, ) and the Factions that supported it."

Mr. John M. Cobbett said, that some of the parties who supported the Poor-law, if not destroyed, were at least laid on the shelf— The proud Northumbrian, Lord Grey, ceased to be Prime :Minister, if not the very night the bill was biought into the House of Lords, a night or two after. wards. Lord Spencer very soon afterwards, as Lord Morpeth expressed it in Latin, retired from office " to fatten oxen, sheep, and pigs." Ile was as safe as any man, excepting always Lord Brougham ; and he was so completely and fitly sprawling on the shelf, that no man over expected to see itim alive again. (Cheers, hisses, and /a Fighter. ) He hoped they would try a little more petitioning— If not, what must they do? Why, very few men liked to pronounce the neat word—(A voice, Fight t that's it.") Then, if they ceased to petition, they either tlid nothing, or something very grave.

The next toast was " Universal Suffrage, the only means by which labour can be protected against the power of capital."

Mr. Feargus O'Connor would not give a pin for any other measure than Universal Suffrage : any other measure would be like putting a little bit of sticking.plaister to a mortal wound. He would be leory to differ from Mr. !Heiden, who was " Oldham's pride and England's glory ;" but when next he signed a petition to the Legislature, might his fingers cleave together !— At length the great makeweight, Dan O'Connell, bad thrown himself into the arms of Sir Hobert Peel and Lord John Russell ; so there was the Pop, the Devil, and the Pretender. (Cheers and laughter.) The People,/ wo no law ; wan more honoured in the breach than the obserrance ; and ererg who fell in opposing it ought to hare a nionutnent erected to his memory.

'rho Reverend J. R. Stephens said— et I bold it not now to be the duty, as at all times it is the privilege, of the people of England, from Canterbury down to alanthester, from Peados uP to the spot now tinged with blutel,-1 hold it to be the duty of entery Log166. :nen to provide hiniself with arms for his own defence, and that of his family. I have taught this doctrine in my own neighbourhood. Mr. O'Connor has said that I shepherd my flock well ; and the way in which I shepherd my flock is, by teaching them that it is their du, to provide themselves with pistols, muskets, daggers, and other weapons o defence ; and to hang them up over the mantelpiece, or in some other conspicuous place, and let the whole country know that they are prepared for the very last extremity. I have great pleasure in holding it up to the notice of Mr. Power, or any other Assistant Commis- sioner, or the three Chief Commissioners, and the Government themselves— and I wish distinctly to state it to-night—that to the best of my knowledge, within about three miles of my own house, there are not less than about .fire thousand implements of deadly warfare in the houses of the people. (Int. ',sense cheering.) And I only wish that the five thousand were fifty times five thousand. ()?enewed cheers.) Why, Sir, do I thus speak ? Is it, as a former speaker has asked, to provoke or excite the people to deeds of blood? God forbid ; would not have a drop of blood shed-; but neither would I have those deeds done of which Mr. Fielden has spoken as only the mere dust in the balance, the sand on the sea-shore. Then, whilst Mr. Fielden is the Ulysses of our enterprise; whilst we listen to his words of advice, and give attentive and child-like attention to his wisdom, (and none is more ready to do this than myself); still, though we give to him, and to men like him, the province of counsellors to our army, I do think the country needs the stalwart arm, the 2nightg tongue, and the powerful energetic movements of brare people with arms in their hands, to say, We will shed the last drop of our blood on the field rather than submit to that law of devils. Unless the people of England arm, and use their arms, if need be' there will be no doubt of the fact, that the new Poor-law Bastiles ate intended to be a chain of barracks round the country, each capable of holding from five hundred to a thousand men, and each in- tended to be garrisoned in part by the regular military, and in part by the Russellite Rural Police."

Mr. Fielden said, undoubtedly the law of England recognized the right of every man to have arms in his house ; but fire.arms were

dangerous weapons—(Laughter)—and if every man had destructive weapons in his house, he feared that instead of peace and good.will, there would he nothing but anarchy and confusion— Mr. Stephens was a teacher of morality and religion, and must have read in that sacred volume which he consulted, that those who used the sword should

perish by the sword. He could not recommend such a doctrine as that of Mr. Stephens to those present ; he could not be found identifying himself with any man in this or any other part of the country who recommended the people to

provide themselves with arms to defend themselves ag iinst the Poor. law. Nor

could he coincide with Mr. O'Connor, or any man who advised the people not to petition. What had we to gain by being all armed ready to fight ? Why,

we might shoot one another, like the madman and his party in Kent ; and if

there a madman, let loose from confinement, could immediately collect sixty men, who might be esteemed madmen too, that was enough to alarm both the House of Lords and the House of Commons. We did not want the destruction

of life in order to obtain the means of making life worth enjoying. When you

hold out inducement to the people to arm themselves, instead of forwarding the

object you have in view, your acts retard it in the most alarming manner. Nothing would please the opponents of Universal Suffrage and N'ote by Ballot better than the announcement made that night that five thousand men were armed.

The Chairman concurred with Mr. Fielden. The toast was " Uni- versal Suffrage "—(Exclamation by some, " That will never be without physical .fi»re!")-uthe next toast was " The Radical Press.' Mr. lThittle would urge the people to petition ; but certainly, a con- stitutional if not prudent or wise, a means of pursuing their ends, was by force of arms. Mr. James Paul Cobbett concurred with Mr. Stephens and Mr. Whittle respecting the right to use arms ; but it was a question of policy, expediency, and duty— It should, however, be alw lys understood, that the man who advised the people to resist by physical force, should not only specify the grievance which led them to resist, but the mode of going to work to remove it, and should appoint a day when they were to begin to go to work. Moreover, he should intimate in the most unqualified and unquestionable language, in rernia not to be misunderstood, who was to take the lead. It would nattually occur to the !ninth of the listening advisees, that the man who advises ought himself to take the lead. (Cheers.)

" Success to the Birmingham Union, the Northern Union, anti the Glasgow Union," was given from the chair.

Mr. Smith, member of the Liverpool Working Men's Association, replied to the toast— Ile believed that the House of Commons did not contain one honest man, with the exception of Mr. John Fielden : he saw in him an honesty of purpose and a simplicity of action which he saw in no one else. As to the moral power of the people, it could not prevent the infernal Poor-law from being forced down the throats of the people of Huddersfield. As to what Mr. Stephens had said, he had heard nothing but what the theory and spirit of the British constitution declared he had a light to do; and in doing that, and in the manner in which It was recommended, he saw nothing to make the most timid fear. In conclu- sion, he recommended the working classes not to trust to the wealth of a chair- man, or to the exertions of such men as Mr. Fielden ; but if they wanted help, let them help themselves; and if a display of physical power were necessary, they should all know when to begin.

The company did not separate before midnight. The meeting at Bradford consisted of about three thousand persons. It was summoned by the wurking.people themselves, without any sug- gestion from the Anti-Poor-law agitators of the neighbourhood. The place of assembly was an open piece of ground, near Ings Hall, in Bradford. Mr. Clarkson, the chairman, said that they had met to " remonstrate," not to petition—for petitioning had failed—against the new Poor-law. The " remonstrance " stated, that the meeting bad re- solved to " offer a passive resistance to the law," should Parliament resolve to enforce rt. Mr. 13ussey, who moved the " remonstrance," declared that the object of the authors of the Poor-law was to get bodies for dissection. He considered it as only a part of a system for oppressing the poor. They had Sturges Bourne's Act; then theCom- mons Enclosure Act ; then the Dead Body Bill; and then the Poor

They got Mr. Warburton to bring in his Dead Body Bill, which provided that all the bodies of the poor not claimed by their relations should be given to the surgeons for dissection ; and that was their treatment of them. If they were poor, they imprisoned them, then starved them to death ; awl after they were dead they butchered thetn. Would they stand it? (" No, nu ") They were slaves if they did, and ought all to be dissected. A young doctor who was walking the Hospitals of London, whose name was Jackson, and who came from Westtnorelawl, told hini some time ago in London a very important fact. He asked him how they got on with regard to subjects now ? He re- plied, " They bring us so many from the Woe khouses, that we do not know what to do with them : so many die in the Workhouses, that they bring ne hundreds more than we want." (" Shame, shame! ") That was what aer all might expect who died in a bastile.

He would tell them what the Workhouses were intended for— They were to be converted into barracks to place soldiers in ; and when they could not get bread, they would put bayonets into their stomachs. Would they submit to this? (" No, no! ") No! sooner than do so, he said, overturn the entire fabric, and let it rest upon its own foundation. Mr. Bussey also alluded to "nine incendiary fires" which had re- cently occurred, as evidence of popular discontent. The Reverend Mr. Stephens harangued the meeting in his usual inflammatory style ; of which sufficient specimens have already been quoted from his Man- chester speech.

After the meeting, there was a banquet, with more speechifying; but no report of the dinner oratory is given.