INDEPENDENT JOURNALISM.
Br MAJOR J. J. Asroa, M.P.
In polities, as in every other sphere of the national life, the Press has moved from strength to strength. Every successive extension of the franchise has con- tributed to enhance the political importance of the newspaper. The exact power of the Press in politics is difficult to calculate, but the enlargement of the sphere within which that power is effective is beyond dispute. The larger the electorate has grown, the less the influence of the orator, the preacher or the writer of serious political works and the more journalism has counted. The more the spread of political responsibility has outpaced educa- tional preparation for it, the more vital the educative function of the Press has become. The Representation of the People Act of 1918 had the effect, not intended and probably unexpected, of exalting the journalist still further above the politician and the schoolmaster as the supreme political teacher of the new electorate. He can henceforth, if wise enough, play the first part in creating and sustaining that intelligent interest in national affairs which alone produces political competence. This task would at any time have been formidable ; but, in view of the complexity and difficulty of present economic questions, the information of the electorate calls for a wisdom of a prophetic quality and comprehensive scope.
In addition to its continuous service as a mirror of public thought, the activity of the Press in politics has always been twofold. First to interpret events and elucidate problems ; secondly to arbitrate upon issues. These functions arc distinct, and, indeed, the more rigorously the distinction is observed the more adequately will both of them be discharged. In the former of them it depends upon public confidence ; in the latter upon the single authority of Reason. Its power is neither less nor more than that wherewith the trust of its readers invests it. These are indeed truisms, and would scarcely be worth repeating if it were not that their very simplicity causes them sometimes, though most unaccountably, to be overlooked. Even in this country, where they are generally recognized, they arc not always carried to their logical conclusions.
Once we realize the dimensions of the task, the manner in which our Press can most competently discharge it becomes of profound interest. It would, no doubt, be possible to paint to weaknesses in an institution which, on the whole, reflects the best elements in our racial character, and of which no Englishman need be ashamed. The Press has its peculiar temptations, and all newspapers have not always had the wisdom to resist them. Where, moreover, sins have been committed, the discredit may, to some extent, have fallen upon journalism as a whole. It is not, however, necessary to elaborate the various types of offence that mistaken judgment or unworthy purpose can perpetrate. Nor, however interesting the subject, need we attempt to calculate here the respective influence of journals who write for the narrower public that seeks to be informed, and those that owe their larger circulations to the universal desire to be interested. It will be more profitable, as it will be far simpler, to con- sider the principles by which journalism can most effectively discharge its duty to the nation.
Before all else a newspaper should endeavour to give its readers the best and most accurate news, presented in the form that is most attractive to the public for which it writes. A " popular " style need not necessarily be an offence, unless it be based upon an underestimate of the taste and intelligence or those for whom it is intended. The question at issue is one of principle and not of form. It is submitted that, in this matter of principle, the first consideration is independence. The party organ, however honourable its allegiance, can count politically for no more, and may easily count for less, than the party to whose fortunes it is attached. The second, though more than equal in importance, is honesty—not only in purpose, but in facing and frankly accepting unwelcome facts. Every case must be stated impartially, its dark cornem illuminated, and its adverse aspects disclosed. Thirdly, there must be patriotism in the sense that no personal or business interest should stand for a moment in the path of the national welfare. A Press corruptible by con- siderations of self-interest is even a greater peril to the community than a purchasable judiciary. Fourthly-, there must be courage, if need be to confront prejudice, passion or authority. If these four principles be firmly established then, and only then, will judgment carry its full weight. For instance, in any controversy in the field of economics in which the Press may have to take sides, its policy may be to some extent discounted on the false ground that it has been dictated by interested motives. Against that danger irrefutable proof of inde- pendence and open-mindedness is the only safeguard.
To win the confidence of the public is for a newspaper to incur an honourable obligation to its readers to be right in its decisions and predictions, in so far as human capacity can insure infallibility. So high a standard, however, can only be aimed at, and could only be reached, through the soundest and most perfect organization. In general conduct, and in the maintenance of traditions and continuity, there is no place for arbitrary or capricious direction. Every available source of value in that national life must be drawn from impartially. Every pronouncement must be weighed as fairly and fully as that of a Court of Justice. Thus only can the reader be assured that his newspaper gives him all that a newspaper can give, and that, as it speaks, so also will a great body of contemporary thought believe.
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