THE SPREAD OF CORRUPTION IN ENGLAND.
WE cannot but regret to notice the comparative in- difference with which the evidence taken before the Commission now inquiring into the charges against the Metropolitan Board of Works is regarded by the public. Many symptoms show that it is studied with attention by the House of Commons, and that the Board stands so con- demned in Parliamentary opinion, that a radical change in the government of London cannot be much longer avoided. The Members' conclusion, stated broadly, is that those sitting on the Board were either aware of the corrup- tion with which some of the business transacted in their name was tainted, or they were not. If they were, they condoned corruption ; and if they were not—as we that is wider yet. never lay a drain, or cut a road, or build a bridge, and to be perfectly plain. We English It is necessary are though he only steals 20 per cent., he disables the public getting rid in every direction of government by caste, and power of improvement by one-fifth. There is no severity substituting government by election. That is quite in treating him like any other criminal, or in enacting that the laws of evidence under which a coiner is con- right, as we believe,—though we are not so confident as we were before we witnessed the sudden conversion of ll .11 great party to Parnellism,—and, at all events, it is under inevitable ; but with the advantages of the change we which it takes a grand lawsuit fully to apply. It must accept also the disadvantages. One of these is nonsense to say that it is useless to rely on law an increased disposition among public men to sell them- turn in the road of life. It is law, not opinion, by which selves for money. The caste did not steal. It jobbed outrageously when it could ; but it jobbed for caste's sake, we check pecuniary offences ; and but for law, every bad man would thieve, every coin would be debased, and every and not for money. Many of the new men who are coming large commercial transaction would be prevented by fear of forward, hungry, astute, unbound by traditions of honour, • opinion formed by the proud, and not bred amidst an things, and ca desire money above all re little about the • source from which it comes. Some of them will take it in bribes, and they will get it, because their object will be to be influential when business is discussed, to know -exactly where the opportunities of profit lie, to compre_ We wish we could punish him in who desire to hend thoroughly the character of all legislators must face the facts of the world ; and one fact • is, that if we punish tempter and tempted together, no deal with the bodies they belong to. They will force evidence will be obtainable. Look at the scene before us -themselves forward till they command the paths between to-day. Here is all London being plundered, or supposed men of business and the local treasuries, and, like the robber-knights whom they resemble in all but courage, to be plundered, by some of its own servants, and in order levy tolls on every passer-by. Their diligence, their to obtain the whole truth, a Commission, composed of the " practical ability," their knowledge of detail," makes most honourable men in the land, is obliged to do — what ? Well, to go as near condonation of felony as it is them invaluable to any committee or public meeting—and every Board or Council, from the House of Commons possible for good men who intend to do good, to go to a bad . 'downwards, must be one of the two—they gain irresistible ra influence," and they let it be understood that the influence is for sale. Then their harvest begins. A proportion of all speculative men are unprincipled men, to go scot-free. competition for work grows excessively keen, a dis- -creditable tolerance of "commissions "—that is, moderate and, so to speak, customary bribes—has infected even honestrE House of Commons, by its vote on Tuesday night, traders, and gradually contracts, jobs, and beneficial con- expressed the dissatisfaction which so many thinking ,cessions are regularly sold, the public being plundered men are beginning to feel with the administration of the .either by over-charges, or by the loss of profits which Civil Service, especially in regard to the pension system. Mr. Jennings, in his speech, showed beyond a doubt that .qhould have gone to it, or, most frequent of all, by unsound work delivered for a full price. We have been free of this the present system is attended with the gravest and most villainy in Parliament for many years, because those who constant scandals, and often renders schemes for depart.. have governed have been indifferent to money ; but it will mental reorganisation nothing but new means for increasing appear in Parliament yet under the new system, as it has waste and extravagance in the public service. Lord George done in every other country. There is nothing in Englishmen Hamilton, on the other hand, declared that the apparent to guard them from the chief democratic poison any more scandals in regard to reorganisation could not possibly have than from any other ; and there is this to promote its spread, been avoided, but were the logical results of the system that of all races they hate least those who injure or defraud under which officials are admitted into the English Civil .do not doubt—they were incompetent public servants them. They alone among mankind would think it shocking "The judgment of the majority may be harsh, and to hang a contractor who supplied an Army with imitation we are not blind to the fact that the Board has not quinine, though he caused the deaths of a thousand men. been officially heard in its own vindication ; but this is, It is, however, in Municipalities that the plague will spread on the face of the facts, the ad interim and informal fastest. We are just about to cover the country with Local decision of the House. The public, however, is by no Councils. The tendency of the day is to heap powers, means so interested. Many of the papers condense the duties. and functions on those Councils ; and all those things reports till their true meaning is half lost, the comments are ultimately expressed, under our system, in large con- on them are rather conventional than excited, and of general tracts. As soon, therefore, as the Councils arise, men conversation about them there is none. Everybody who will seek to enter them for profit, will plead their busi- . cares condemns ; but very few particularly care. Yet the ness ability as lawyers, builders, " educationists," sanitary evidence gradually trickling out before the Commission is, experts, and will in those departments become trusted perhaps, the worst symptom yet noticed of a coming referees. They can always get in, for they will promise any -danger in English public life. Unless the evidence, thing, encourage any dream, swallow any fad, pander to any documentary and verbal, has been artistically cooked, " emotion ;" and they can always get power, not because the which circumstances show to be impossible, the most colleagues they will deceive are bad, or greedy, or stupid, but important of English municipal authorities has so managed because they are lazy and ignorant of detail, disinclined to its business that corruption has been rife in it, that bore themselves with vouchers, unwilling to seem sus- men influential in guiding its decisions have been paid picious, unable to detect that the contractors who have hard cash to misguide them, and that applicants seeking bought, say, the drainage of a district, are scamping all grants of sites and other favours have obtained them by the work. The employa, who generally know by mere bribing employs or others of influence with the Board. force of their appreciation of detail, what is going on, The Board as a Board may be, nay, almost certainly is, will be ill-paid, timid, and desirous of promotion, and perfectly innocent. Boards usually are. Jobbers who mean for years not a whisper will be heard. Two clever to pay actual cash know better, at least in Europe, than to scoundrels of this kind are enough to spoil the administra- try to buy popular bodies. They find it cheaper as well tion of a county and the reputation of a Council, and the as safer to buy those on whose opinion the majority candidates anxious to be such scoundrels will be as rely, as regards the individual job ; but the result numerous as flies and almost as persistent.
that is wider yet. never lay a drain, or cut a road, or build a bridge, and though he only steals 20 per cent., he disables the public getting rid in every direction of government by caste, and power of improvement by one-fifth. There is no severity substituting government by election. That is quite in treating him like any other criminal, or in enacting victed shall be applied to him. He can be punished now, but only, we fancy, der the law of conspiracy, is ca to prevent such offences, for we do rely on it at every forgery. The man who bribes to get a contract is a thief, and will, like the thief, be restrained by sharp penalties on thieving. And it is nonsense, too, though well-intentioned nonsense, to say we must punish the briber like the bribee.
He has broken no trust which he has voluntarily accepted. his proportion, but act. As we understand the matter, any rascal who has plundered the Metropolitan Board and the public Will, if he will only peach on himself and his confederates, be allowed
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