THE MAGAZINES.

THE root idea of Mr. Arthur Adams's remarkable paper on "A Colonial View of Colonial Loyalty," which is given the place of honour in the October number of the Nineteenth Century, is to be found in the statement that " the Colonies are not loyal to England." " The feeling throughout the Com- monwealth and New Zealand," continues Mr. Adams, "is first an intense local patriotism for their own Colony or State ; secondly, a growing enthusiasm for the idea of Empire, and a pride in the conception that the Colony and the Common- wealth are part of that world-sway; and thirdly, a liking for•

and reverence for the country that is still called Home." What lends interest to Mr. Adams's paper is that he dissents equally from the Separatist teaching of the Sydney Bulletin and the preferential panacea of Mr. Chamberlain. Mr. Chamberlain's advocacy of a reciprocal tariff is, in his view, " entirely a leap in the dark, a step fraught with the worst possibilities for destroying the entente cordiale that at present exists between the parties to the proposed federation." Mr. Adams has his own solution of the difficulty, which is, in short, the establishment of an Imperial Federal Council comprised of two Chambers, in the Lower of which the State groups would be represented on the basis of population, while in the Upper the same States would be represented by an equal number of Senators apiece. This Council would "take over the Imperial concern of the business, and leave untouched the so•called Imperial Parliament to riot in the intricacies of its local party system." Mr. Adams suggests that to begin with the Federal Council might be purely advisory, but he believes that on its establishment the " local Parliament at Westminster would gradually dwindle in importance," while the Englishman of the far future must be prepared to see a suggestion made "for the removal from England of the seat of Government to one of the more populous centres of the Empire." There is some- thing refreshing in the perfect candour with which Mr. Adams rebukes the Englishman for his regrettable insularity.—Mr. Eltzbacher's " noticeable facts and extracts" bearing on the fiscal controversy are designed to show, first, that the industrial position of England before the advent of Free-trade was unique and her prosperity marvellous; second, that the genesis of the movement for Protection in Germany furnishes us with a helpful and stimulating example. In illustration of the latter point Mr. Eltzbacher quotes freely from the confidential docu- ments written or dictated by Prince Bismarck to German Ministers and Ambassadors between the years 1875-79, in which the principles of the lex talionis in regard to fiscal policy are laid down with a candour, a cynicism, and a naked materialism which leave nothing to be desired. Mr. Eltzbacher holds that the justification of Bismarck's views is found in the marvellous industrial development of Germany which has taken place since his "well-developed type of Protection was introduced." He is silent on the con- current and enormous growth of the Social Democratic party, whose leaders fought the last election on the " Brotwncher" platform.—Mr. J. A. Hobson contributes a striking paper on "The Negro Problem in the United States." He meets the familiar defence of lynch law by quoting the figures given in the Chicago Tribune which show that lynchings for alleged murder far outnumber lynchings for assaults on women, the latter in the years 1891 to 1902 being only 24 per cent. of the total. He refuses to admit, and gives good grounds for his refusal, that dread of miscegenation or physical repugnance underlies the protest against social equality. The Southern negro problem, in his view, simply expresses the clash between the sentiment of democracy in a free Republic and the senti- ment of masterhood, and he points to the survivals and revivals of slave-owning practices shown in the administra- tion of the criminal law—i.e., the employment of negro gangs under the Contract Labour Act in Georgia and Alabama—as evidence of the dominance of the slave-owning sentiment. While admitting that no final satisfactory solution of the problem is available, Mr. Hobson holds it is the plain duty of the Federal Government to insist that the administration of the laws of the several States shall conform to the principles of the Federal Constitution, and that equal political and civil rights shall be secured for all American citizens regardless of race and colour.

The attitude of the National Review in regard to the resignations and the fiscal controversy is certainly original. It predicts an irrevocable breach between Mr. Balfour and Mr. Chamberlain, on the ground that the former, as the enfant gdtg of British politics, will not consent to serve under any other man, and that public opinion will compel the latter to become Prime Minister whenever he gains his victory. As regards Mr. Balfour's pamphlet, the editor is bitterly disappointed with the Premier's conclusions, while admiring his destructive criticism of the policy of unrestricted imports. Mr. Chamberlain's policy, in the editor's view, is the only one which has any chance of gripping the country. At the same time, with a laudable impartiality, he finds room for a paper by Mr. Bell, M.P., on " The Reign of Labour," in which the writer dwells with satisfaction on the unhesi-

tating denunciation of Protection pronounced by the Trade- Union Congress. — Fiscal policy apart, the number is strong in useful and illuminative articles. It was a happy

thought, for example, which prompted the editor to reprint textually the recommendations of Lord Esher and Sir George Taubman-Goldie in regard to War Office reorganisation, in view of the fact that "the defective arrangements for the publication of all popular Blue-books make it difficult, if not impossible, to procure the literature of the War Commission."

—Sir Leslie Stephen continues his deeply interesting " Early Impressions," enriched by personal reminiscences of Maurice, John Stuart Mill, Fawcett, and dealing in the frankest manner with his own abandonment of the orthodox for the agnostic standpoint. A propos of academic reorganisation, Sir Leslie

Stephen has some instructive comments on the changes in Cambridge in the last forty years:— "One of the chief changes which strikes an old student on returning to the scenes of his youth is the presence of woman. In my day we were a society of bachelors. I do not remember during my career to have spoken to a single woman at Cambridge except my bed-maker and the wives of one or two heads of houses. Those exalted ladies belonged to the upper sphere of severe dignity which formed a separate section of society. We were beginning to propose some modification of the absurd system of celibacy which meant in practice that every official teacher of youth should speedily become discontented with his position. Yet proposals to alter it excited horror. Fathers of families, it was known, were capable of everything; and married Fellows, it was thought, would use the college endowments as patronage for their sons. I remember a pathetic sermon preached upon that subject by a gentleman who, as soon as the law was altered, took advantage of the change by himself marrying and becoming, I may add, a most useful official, and the more useful for his charming wife. But to admit women to lectures was regarded as outside all practical possibilities. An American gentleman, Mr. Moncure Conway, I think, who came to Cam- bridge about 1883, told Fawcett in my hearing that we should admit female students within a generation. Fawcett, a most ardent advocate of women's rights, replied that such a revolu- tion might happen in a century. Within ten years Girton and Newnham were beginning their successful careers. Fawcett would have been startled could he have foreseen that his daughter was to be the first female senior wrangler."

—The most striking passages in Mr.. Maurice Low's American chronicle—always a strong feature in the National —relate to the lynching question. Professor William James's remarkable letter, in which he expresses fear of general massacres of negroes with collective reprisals by negroes, forms Mr. Low's text. He quotes the Philadelphia Record

as saying that " the really dangerous classes in the States are not imported ; they are natives " ; and the New York

independent, a journal which appeals solely to a cultivated and highly intelligent circle of readers, as witnessing to the spread of the moral tyranny of the multitude over the indi- vidual, of which lynching is only the extreme manifestation.

On another page Mr. Maurice Low emphasises a danger of the subsidised University which may be easily overlooked.

Professor John Bascom in the Atlantic Monthly writes that "institutions which eagerly seek their resources from the commercial world must be lenient critics of its methods. Ethical, social, and economical truths cannot be urged in antagonism to the source of supply. The growth of expense, the increase of salaries, the magnitude of endowments, all tend to make educators pensioners of the money power."

The German Emperor is always good " copy," and most readers of the new Contemporary will turn first to the un- signed paper devoted to an analysis of the personality of William IL The writer, who from his style should be a German, after dwelling on the superiority of the Kaiser's will over his intellect, enlarges on his capricious and exuberant impetuousness, an essentially un- German quality, " which makes his personal actions, and therefore the actions of the German Government, so extremely uncertain and in- calculable." Having early made himself the only power in the State, the Emperor has attracted one set of self-seeking parasites after another, and soon began changing his favourites as rapidly as his Ministers. Protests against his policy have not been confined to Socialists. That fiery patriot and Anglophobe, von Treitschke, denounced the exaggerated theocratical cult shown to majesty as a "dark stain on our Monarchy," and vehemently combated the Kaiser's claim to the absolute obedience of the Army. The antagonism between the Kaiser and the Berliners is traced in detail, the writer asserting that the inhabitants of the capital indulge in lively Schadenfreude at every failure of the Emperor's policy. Of the Kaiser's bourgeois taste in art and letters the writer has a poor opinion, while in the sphere of action he contrasts his barren achievement with his brilliant ideas and striking speeches. In this ceaseless activity and ambition resides, in the writer's opinion, a grave menace to the peace of the world. —Dr. Dillon's monthly paper on foreign affairs is interest- ing for his memoranda of conversations with Dr. Christ() Tatartsheff, the insurgent chief, and with General Petroff, the Bulgarian Minister-President. Dr. Tatartsheff said, inter alia : "Extermination gave the Sultan peace in Sassoon and in Old Servia too. It would be equally effective in Macedonia, but we shall try hard to hinder it." As to the " balance of crimi- nality "—a phrase as unfortunate as Sir Henry Campbell- Bannerman's " methods of barbarism "—he observed : " Do not speak of the balance of criminality without having first carefully perused the official consular reports, and more par- ticularly those of your Consul in Salonica." The paper also contains a sympathetic survey of the career, achievements, and fall of M. de Witte. According to Dr. Dillon, his fall was precipitated by the conflict between Capital and Labour produced by the spread of education which he bad fostered for purposes of industrial development. His great mistake was that he forced the pace and tried to crowd too much into the space of a few years. But Dr. Dillon does not hesitate to say that he " has accomplished more than any servant of the Tsar who has ever received the title of Minister since it was -first created in 1802." Besides, he was "such a convinced and effective enemy of war that his tenure of office was an absolute guarantee of peace."—Mr J S Mann in his examination of Mr. Balfour's pamphlet emphasises the important point that, so far from Free-trade having had a fair trial on the Conti- nent and having been abandoned solely on economic grounds, the fact is that " the greater Continental nations have never actually reached it (with the exception of Italy) and have turned back to gain new revenue, to annoy or placate some other Power for other than commercial ends, to placate powerful interests at home or to consolidate a newly-made Empire."—Professor H. E. S. Fremantle sends an eloquent vindication of the policy and aims of the new South African Party at the Cape, which, he contends, represents by far the greater part of those who regard South Africa as their permanent home, which has attached to itself the best of the Moderates, and which is, in his view, a far truer friend to the Imperial connection than the Progressives, of whom the writer speaks in terms of the most scathing contempt.

The "raging, tearing propaganda" of the fiscal question is carried on with impartiality by the Fortnightly Review, which prints both sides. The first article this month is by " Autonomos," and deals with " The Unionist Plunge into Protection." The writer discusses Mr. Balfour's pamphlet, criticises his statement that our exports are diminishing, and points out that this decision is arrived at by important omissions. Mr. Vince is the expert on whom the Prime Minister relies, according to " Autonomos." On the question of "dumping," the writer shows that even Protection is not a safeguard against that nightmare of the new financial reformer. We are told that "the German Cartels have planted their surplus products in Protected America, Austria, and Belgium, as well as in Free-trade England"; also "that English manufacturers have dumped their goods on foreign markets before now, if it suited them to form rings and combinations .to lower the price abroad instead of keeping it up at home." The present paper was written before Mr. Balfour spoke, but sub- sequent events have fulfilled its prophecy,—that the Chamber- lain scheme is merely postponed. The origin of the whole crisis is traced to the success of the Irish Land Act, in spite of Mr. Chamberlain's dislike of it; the loss of glamour sustained by Imperialism ; the unpopularity of the Education Act; and the exposure of the incompetence of the Cabinet by the War Commission. A new policy was the way of escape. This Mr. Chamberlain realised; also that if the new policy was rejected by the country, he, outside the Government, "falls much softer than his friends. If, however, the disaster should be averted, then the victory will be for Protection."

Professor Hewins sums up his contribution to the fiscal problem in a series of eight propositions, which, he considers, unless they can be overthrown, prove Mr. Chamberlain's case. We have only space to notice the last :—" That a rise in the price of corn, if it occurred, would be compensated partly by remission on other commodities, partly by the in- crease of our Colonial trade." If foreign corn is taxed, will not Colonial corn rise in price till it equals that of foreign corn ? But if the tax is very small, the foreigner will improve his methods of production and be still able to compete. This will go on till the tax is raised higher and higher. As to compensation by remission on what Professor Hewins vaguely calls " other things," is there anything important in the way of food, except tea, that can be made cheaper than it is now by reduction of taxation? But will the possible saving on tea equal the rise of bread P—Mr. Harold Spender writes a brilliant summary of the conversion of Sir Robert Peel to the repeal of the Corn-laws, and his success and consequent overthrow. The story as it is here told is highly dramatic.

In the Monthly Review Sir Henry Drummond Wolff gives a curious description of the diplomatic intrigues which went on behind the scenes of the Berlin Congress. The part played by England and Austria was a sinister one, as is now seen in the light of recent events in the Balkans. The account of the end- less intrigue is difficult to follow when given in full, and it is impossible to condense it. The writer describes the Com- mission for Eastern Roumelia, of which he was a member. The Commission drew up the Organic Statute, and at the instance of M. de Kallay the decisions arrived at had to be unanimous. The effect of this was that, although a slow process, all parties were pledged to the Statute, and the Turk respected his signature and carried out his agreements. Later

on changes were made, and,— "Unfortunately, the principle of unanimity was sacrificed to rapidity and replaced by that of a majority. Hence the Turks, finding the decision forced on them, considered themselves exempted from the adherence they had given to the Eastern Roumelian Statute, thus showing the wise foresight of M. de Kelley. From that day to this no change has been introduced in the administration of Macedonia, which ought to have received an organisation similar to that of Eastern Roumelia."

—Sir Edward Grey's article on " Mr. Chamberlain's Fiscal Policy " is straightforward, clear, and telling. He quotes the statement of Mr. Fielding, the Canadian Finance Minister, which gave an account of the proposals made to the Imperial Government by Canada. Mr. Fielding says :—" In return for the preference which we sought for Canada we were prepared to so rearrange our tariff as to give Great Britain a further preference, not over the Canadian manufacturer, but over the foreign competitor." Sir Edward Grey truly says that Free- trade within the Empire is as far off as ever. He also points out very clearly the imposture of the notion that dear bread can be compensated for by cheap tea. Apart from the un- desirableness of cheap tea, as compared with cheap bread and meat, the system must be wasteful,-

" for while the people will pay more on every loaf and every pound of meat, the revenue will benefit only by every foreign loaf and every foreign pound of meat consumed, which are to be a diminishing quantity; for the object of the whole policy is that we shall cease to consume food of foreign origin. Unless, there- fore, the policy fails and the Colonies are disappointed, the revenue will rapidly fall off, and while continuing the taxes upon foreign corn, meat, &c., we shall in time have to replace the old taxes upon tea and other things."

With regard to manufactures, Sir Edward Grey quotes a significant statement by a Protectionist, Sir Thomas Wrightson, who has written : "The enhanced price for their home consumption will enable than [i.e., the British manufacturers] to keep their prices low for export, exactly as our competitors in foreign countries are now doing." It would seem from this that it is not the people of this country who are to benefit, but the manufacturers are to be able to amass great fortunes at the public expense.— An anonymous author writes a pleasing fable of the two sheep-dogs Goff' and Brum,' who try to drive a flock, which goes on "browsing and bleating and passively resisting" in spite of the tempting offer of a " complete diet of pre- ferences and hedgehogs (tariffs) ":—

" Look here,' he (Goff) said to Brum, 'this will never do ; we must get them in before February.' Very well,' said Brum. You go on where you are, crying hedgehogs with all your most urbane effrontery ; I will go outside and conduct a raging, tearing propaganda for birds of Paradise.' And if—and when—we succeed,' said Goff, 'then you will come inside again and help me as before ? "Help is no word for it,' said Brum, and out he went."

The paper in Blackwood," What I Saw in Macedonia," by Mr. Reginald Wyon, is a terrible description of what is going on in the Near East. The sickening story does not differ from what we have heard already. These accounts by eye- witnesses of the horrors do, however, make us feel disgust at the sophistry of Mr. Balfour when he talks of " the balance of criminality," or writes verbal poultices to an Archbishop. Mr. Wyon describes the arrival he saw of the Salonica train at Monastir. On this train were a dozen closely barred vans, in which were a miserable set of Bulgarian peasants. These people, the officers explained, were insurgents captured in a recent fight. In truth they were nothing of the kind, but were unarmed people, the remnants of some village that had been burnt. The Turks find it impossible to fight the real armed insurgents in the mountains, so they content them- selves with unarmed villagers.—" Sigma" brings to a close his amusing recollections, and his last instalment is as good as any. He gives an account of a musical party which was interrupted by an organ-grinder who had been hired by Lady Jersey to amuse some children. The musical hostess- " indited a polite note to Lady Jersey (whom she did not know) requesting that the organ might be sent away, as she had a musical party ; but all the satisfaction she obtained was a message from Lady Jersey through a footman, that when they stopped their fiddling she would stop her hurdy-gurdy.'" The incident seems to have come straight from Thackeray's Book of Snobs.