ALBANIA., THE ADRIATIC, AND THE BALKANS.
WHEN the Greek Government, in return for the grant of nuanerous islands, promised the Powers that Greece would evacuate Northern Epirus, otherwise known as Southern Albania, no undertaking was given that Greek subjects would be prevented from fighting against the newly established authority of independent Albania. Northern Epirus has been spoken of as the Ulster of Greece. She is being forced, according to this point of view, under an alien and mistrusted Government, instead of being allowed to enjoy the more natural destiny of being incorporated in the Kingdom of Greece. This is only a partial view of the matter. When the Powers decided to create an independent Principality of Albania they did not include Northern Epirus within its boundaries without any reason. It was partly, perhaps, that they could not agree on any other solution, and merely accepted the plan that divided them least ; but it was mainly that they perceived, justly enough, that without Northern Epirus the new Albania could not possibly be an economically self-maintaining State. Three towns where Albanians market their agricultural produce —Ipek, Djakova, and Dibm—had already been placed out- side the northern frontier of Albania. If Northern Epirus had not been added to the new State, the ruler of Albania would have faced the certainty of being compelled to put up the shutters and confess to an empty Treasury within a few months. It cannot be denied, on the other hand, that, as Northern Epirus is largely Greek in sentiment, the rising which is now embarrassing Prince William, and causing him to contemplate taking the field at the head of an Albanian army, was only to be expected. Greek gunners have joined the "holy battalions" of the Epirote insur- rection—having presumably first resigned from the Greek Army—and some Greek officials are supposed to be up to the eyes in the organization of the movement.
The Concert is discussing the problem with the harmony which betokens the recognition that no: effective solution can be expected. It is a wretched beginning to the reign of Prince William, the Mpret, and he has to thank, not the perversity or wickedness of Epirote firebrands, who are only behaving in the manner that could confidently have been predicted, but the Powers, who deliberately placed him in this bed of stinging-nettles without having thought out the next step for his safety. Prince William has as yet no army to lead. In a way every Albanian is a soldier, but there is no general organization. The only compact force that could be used at once against the Epirotes is the gendarmerie raised by the International Commission. It is a cruel situation for Prince William, but at least he has in advance the sanction of the Powers to make himself the ruler of Southern Albania. Theirs is the scheme ; they cannot object to having it put into effect by force. If it is true that men of G-reek race and speech in Northern Epirus are being cut off from their natural affinities ; it is also true that nowhere in the Balkans— so mixed are the races—could you do abstract justice by assigning any particular district to any particular form of rule. Moreover, from the sentimental standpoint, the little State of Albania deserves the sympathy that is usually allowed to small nations struggling to obtain a foothold in a great and difficult world. It will be seen that there is something to be said on both sides. We imagine that a solution might be reached by allowing the Epirotes some measure of local self-government, without destroying the unity of Albania. The Epirotes, however, appear to be demanding a more considerable autonomy than the Mpret could grant. They are said to want a Viceroy approved by the Greek Government; a promise that Greek shall be the official language for all administra- tive purposes, though Albanian may be taught in the schools; a local gendarmerie which may not be moved elsewhere; and exemption from military service. The Epirote organi- zation seems to lack funds, and, on the whole, though Prince William has an extraordinarily anxious time before him, we do not feel alarmed for the peace of the rest of Europe. Even if the struggle should bring Albania to ruin, it will probably remain local. We do not know what the next move of the Powers will be as the result of their present discussions, but we must assume that they have some embryonic plan. The last word in cynicism would be to abandon the Mpret, whom they themselves appointed, merely because his affairs became too tiresome, or because there was no particular profit to be got out of the duty of helping him.
We shall not go far astray if we say that on Italy and Austria-Hungary depends the solution of the Albanian question, even as the delay or abortion of every proposed settlement has been due to their jealousies. The Albanian question is only a facet of the whole Adriatic question. Italy for the time being is not actually asserting any inconvenient claim to a new port. It is possible, however, that her former adventure at Avlona might be revived. A few days ago she sent four men-of-war to Avlona. She explains that they are making soundings in the bay. Surely a too appropriate moment to become interested in the depth of the bay, just when Austria-Hungary is once more turning her attention to the plan of forming a naval base at Cattaro ! It is easier to sound the bay of Avlona than to plumb the depths of Italian suspicion of Austria- Hungary. Some evil star unfortunately seems to preside over the policy of Austria-Hungary. She is evidently anxious to test feeling at home and abroad about her former plan of acquiring, whether by diplomacy or force, the holy moun- tain of Montenegro, which overlooks the splendid harbour of Cattaro. The Montenegrin guns on the Lovtchen, or
holy mountain, command the harbour. How to get rid of those guns ? They alone prevent Austria-Hungary
from forming a new base where her ships would be two hundred and fifty miles nearer to the Straits of Otranto than they now are at Pols. Montenegro is in a bad way financially, and might conceivably be induced to part with Lovtchen at a good price. But at this point Austria- Hungary discovers the Nemesis of having outraged Serb sentiment. Servia would undoubtedly have something to say to any rearrangement on the Adriatic littoral. Her own way to the sea is through Montenegro. Many people think that the present intimate understandings between Servia and Montenegro are only the prelude to union. If the holy mountain were controlled by Servians with their modern and well-manned artillery, the position of Austrian ships at Cattaro would be quite impossible. This is not a fact, we may be sure, that Servians have forgotten. And if Sonia were drawn in against her arch-enemy, Austria-Hungary, it is not likely that Roumania would stand out. The recent demonstrations of Roumanian feeling against Austria-Hungary were very significant. Roumania, the one Balkan State which profited enormously by the war without suffering any losses, is becoming increasingly conscious of her strength. She openly champions the interests of what may be called Roumania Irredmda—the Roumanians who sigh under the Magyarizing ordinances of the Hungarian Govern- ment. Hungary is indeed unhappy in her dealings with her racial minorities. The South Slav question is not disposed of, and here comes the Roumanian question! Roumania, there is little doubt, has a secret Treaty with Servia. Thus Austria-Hungary is fenced round by people who might have been her friends, but are now her enemies. Roumania might even fly back to the arms of Russia, in spite of the fact that Russia forgot all her obligations' to Roumania after the Russo-Turkish War. But it would be enough that Roumania should press both Russia and Austria-Hungary for what she wants by keeping them both in constant suspense.
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