STATISTICS OF THE COST OF CRIME IN ENGLAND AND WALES.

FRO)[ A CORRESPONDEST.] V.

THE question which the present letter—the last of its series—proposes to consider, resolves itself into the following form :—How may we reason- ably hope to diminish the large and increasing cost of crime in England and Wales ? We have seen that the public expenditure on the criminal classes amounts to 24 millions annually ; that the estimated private losses, from individual depredators, amount to 131 millions ; and that the cal- culated expenses of some details, and the Civil Service Estimates of others, prove that, upon the whole, the cost of crime is very largely in excess of the outlay ten years ago, and shows a determined and steady augmenta- tion year by year ;—it only remains, then, to inquire what means and appliances we possess, to check this annual increase, and to permanently diminish the total expenditure upon that class of society which preys upon its neighbours.

Before, however, proceeding to the consideration of any method for the reduction of the cost of crime, it seems needful to premise that the follow- ing lines are indicative of no sort of desire to see any necessary expendi- ture intermitted or foregone, which would tend, either to the legitimate defence of society, or to the permanent well-being of the criminal. It is conceived that that would be the most short-sighted and fatal policy which, on the mere score of expense, would tamper with the efficiency of that establishment which, in the different phases of its many-sided cha- racter, strives to protect the mass of the community from the attacks of the minority, and the minority from outrages upon itself. The country ought to pay, and to pay cheerfully, for all criminal outgoings which competent authority pronounces to be essential—even should the expenditure be estimated on a generous and costly scale. No outlay ought to be considered reckless or extravagant which is necessary : and hence, no attempt will be made, in this place, to suggest the faintest ap- proach to parsimony, in all things needful. At this point, however, the economic statist, on the cost of crime, may justly be allowed to stop. If he conceives that a prodigal expenditure, to obtain the right man in the right place, and to secure what is done, to be performed in the best possible manner, be not only expedient but just ; he may surely venture to criticise, if things may be done in a cheaper manner than they are executed, with equal efficiency, when they not so performed,—and to utter a constitutional grumble, if more agents, and less effective ones, are employed in cases in which fewer men, with greater powers, might ac- complish the end desired more thoroughly.

Now, many ways suggest themselves, whereby the cost of crime may be reduced. Speaking abstractedly, and with no reflection on existing institutions, and considering secondary causes only, it is clear that, if our whole system of criminal management were more perfect, fewer liberated prisoners would return to a lawless career ; and hence, the ranks of the class would be gradually thinned, and the cost of crime would be mate- rially decreased. Again, if our police establishment was more extended, if its system was more organized, and if its influence was more felt at all the extremities of our complicated social system—crime would certainly be checked, and its expense lessened. Once more, if any means could be devised whereby that large class of society, which openly makes crimi- nality a profession, and the numbers and characteristics of which are now individually known to the police, could be completely broken up and effectually be dispersed—this would assuredly, and in the most speedy manner, reduce, at once, the amount of crime, and diminish its expense. To secure the same desirable end by one, both, or all of the above named means, would be, to a certain extent easy, by the adoption of measures which are quite beyond our reach. A Minister of Justice, or a Chief Secretary for Law, Police, and Education ; a total revision, on principles both scientific and philanthropic, of our criminal code a more perfect and more humanizing mode of dealing with our culprits within the prison-walls ; a large addition of, with increased powers to, our Consta- bulary force, to supervise our criminal population without the confines of the gaol ; more strict scrutiny of modes of obtaining livelihood, and less leniency in cases in which visible means of sustenance are not producible for the satisfaction of the agents of justice ; these are but a few of the ways in which, if imagination was the creator of the measure, one who sets up for a social reformer might absolutely, and at once—at least on paper—by diminishing the extent of crime, very sensibly decrease its cost.

Those means, however, of producing the same result, are undoubtedly

the most desirable, which, making the most use of instruments within reach, produce the least disturbing influences of social revolution. Hence, he who desires the most attention to his plans, will first of all consider what appliances he really does possess to produce the result pro- posed ; and, when it is evident that they are altogether unequal to com- pass his design, he will then only east about for other measures to supply

the obvious tbfficiency. Such is the method to be adopted in the present instance. It is confidently entertained that the means already in exist-

ence are more than sufficient to reduce the cost of crime—and the result will, it is hoped, confirm such an opinion. That the expenditure on the criminal classes may be diminished to a minimum under the present re-

gime, is not credited, and will not be urged. When sufficient experience has been gained by the emploment. of the means within our grasp ; and when we perceive satisfactory results from the adoption of appliances at our command, it will then be sufficiently early to apply for fresh powers, to procure fresh amendment.

It may be remembered that, in the last letter of the present series, it was stated that, in a period extending over the last five years, whilst the Civil Service Estimates disclose an increase in the expenditure of the

English convict services, to the extent of nearly 60,0001., the last offi- cial report of the directors of the Board of Convict Prisons in Ireland—

in addition to former large reductions, and in anticipation of still further diminution—returns the sum of 12,0001. a year saved to the National Revenue in that country. Hence, it is evident, that, cteteris paribus, the Irish system of convict management, to a very large extent, performs its duties in a manner far more economical than the system which obtains in England. And this result is not at all affected by the question of numbers. England has, doubtless, a larger criminal population, both at large, and in prison, than Ireland : and, although statistics could be pro- .

dared to show that the annual discharge from the Irish establishments, have, in some years, fallen but little short of the discharge from, the

English convict prisons; yet the comparison employed is not a compari-

son of actual expenditure, but of respective loss and gain. It is proved that, in a certain time, the English convict depats increase their expen-

diture to the amount of 60,0001. ; and that, in the same time, 12,0001. represent only a portion of the savings of the Directors in Leland,— but one opinion can be formed upon the subject. The Irish system is by far the least expensive. But expense is not the only criterion by which to judge the merits of rival systems of convict management. It were but an indifferent policy which reduced the amount or the efficiency of supervision, at the cost of augmenting the numbers of the prison population. Hence, there is still another element in the question to be considered before we can safely pronounce the Irish system to be the more truly economical ; and this assumes the form of a question. What are the results of the Irish ma- nagement, either in themselves, or when compared with the system which prevails in this country ? It is of course beyond the limits of the pre- sent inquiry to enter into the details of this subject, either positively or by proportion. Let it be sufficient that the following statement be made, with respect to the number of convict prisoners respectively in the two countries. In England, in 1858, there were 8500 convicts, or 300 more then there were five years ago ; the numbers for the intervening years being 8299, 8099, and 7857. In Ireland, on the other hand, during the same period, the numbers decreased from 3900 to 1808 ; and the num- bers for the intervening years prove a gradual diminution from 3900, to 3462, to 2776, and to 2298. In addition to these details from the official Reports of the Irish Board, further information is gained, that, coinci- dent with so marked a decerease in the numbers of the prison population, the numbers convicted to the convict &pats have been diminished, and the numbers discharged have been increased. A moment's reflection will show, even to those unfamiliar with the subject, the bearing of these figures. They prove that crime in Ireland is steadily diminishing ; and that —compared with five years ago—the convict prisons are absolutely half empty, consequent upon large discharge, small committals, and neces- sarily few recommitments. Such is the case on the other side of the Channel, when, in England, the Government establishments—with a similar comparison—present no signs of vacuity, but rather the contrary ; and when, upon the last year's return, it appears that, for 1858, there was an increase in the number of offences proceeded against by indict- ment, to the extent of nearly 600 cases, and in the number of offences proceeded against summarily to the extent of upwards of 34,000 cases. If to these details, the further consideration be added, that, during the same period, England increased her expenditure on the convict services by 60,0001., and Ireland diminished her estimates by a sum very inade- quately represented by 12,0001. a year, it will force itself upon the con- viction that the Irish system of convict management, be it what it may, at the least combines these two essential features of any system which deserves the title of successful—and that in a manner altogether antago- nistic to the English system—a diminution in the amount of crime con- temporaneous with a decrease in the expense. And what is the Irish system of convict management? Even if the more prominent features of this system were unknown at home, the pre- sent would not be the occasion on which to explain them. But, truth, no modern social improvement has ever obtained so wide a discussion amongst those interested in the scheme, or has secured so general an ap- proval from those qualified to give an opinion, than the system, now in

the fifth year of its existence, inaugurated by the present Board of Di- rectors in Ireland. All that public discussions, meetings of philanthropic

men, speeches, charges, pamphlets, reports, reviews, statements, and articles could effect, to make public any social measure, has been done to ventilate the question of the Irish prison system, Nor have these efforts been in vain. For it may be confidently asserted, that privately, the

highest authorities on the subject-of crime, including those who have de- voted their lives to its suppression, have uniformly, and after a patient

and thorough examination of its details, given their adhesion to the truth and soundness of the principles on which it is based. Whilst, publicly, there may hardly be found a member of the more thoughtful portion of the press who has not stoutly advocated the system in its columns. Such being the case, it seems a work of supererogation to allude to the more well-known portions of the Irish system. It is possible, however,

that there may be elements at work which, humanly speaking, ensure its success, which being less prominent to a public examination of the system, are consequently, the less realized. And it is to one or two of such integral parts of the system to which attention is now desired.

The " registration of criminals" and their " conditional liberation," are features in the Irish system, which, although they attract less public notice than the Irish method of classification, of individualization on which the system is based, and of intermediate establishments by which it is worked, are no secondary causes in the results attained. These terms sufficiently explain themselves. The registration of criminals upon release is a precautionary measure of the very simplest sort. A person once convicted of a crime sufficiently grave to ensure commit- ment to a Government prison, is thus for ever marked—not to his de- triment, if he become reformed, but for the protection of society should he again relapse into crime, when restored to freedom. The registration is effected by a memorandum in the official records of the convict esta- blishments, and by a communication with the police into whose district the culprit is discharged. The results of this proceeding are obvious. A re- commitment upon insufficient evidence, or upon evidence gained by acci- dent, would be improbable—or at the least, might be avoided. Hence, the haphazard manner in which the majority of our criminal cases are decided would cease ; and the calamitous practical working of Acts—of which the Criminal Justice Act is a painful example—by which adjudi- cations proceecLon the question of former committals, or previous inno- cence, would discontinue to disgrace our criminal jurisprudence. And these measures have been taken, and these results have been secured in a country which—notwithstanding the high efficiency of its constabulary force—possesses advantages incomparably less than those we have the prospect, and are in progress, of enjoying. Our new police force has been established on a scale which well nigh gave it maturity at its birth; and is increasing, both in numbers, and in efficiency, with strides which leave little to be desired. The recently published details of Judicial Statistics give us an insight into the work performed by our police. The results are not leas alarming than full of encouragement :—for, if we ascertain that the country swarms with a population of 135,000 members of an organized criminal class—which gives a proportion of 1 to every 137 persons in the entire kingdom—we are also assured, that we possess a police force to which such a criminal population is personally known, in all the individual characteristics of the lawless profession. With an esta- blishment thus organized, and with results thus obtained, it is morally impossible that a system of registration for our liberated convicts could fail to tend, to a certain extent, to diminish our criminal population.

To become effective, however, to diminish our criminal population, the registration of habitual offenders must be supplemented by a system of convict management which shall carry out, as well as decree, the "con- ditional liberation" of the released culprit. The subject of liberation upon conditions, is one too large for discussion, at length, in the present place. To the extent permitted by law, it has effectually played its part, with the completest success, in Ireland. To its machinery, organized by the Convict Prison Authorities, and carried out through the intervention of the police, the results before quoted, from official sources, to a very large extent, owe their origin. With a police force that finds its way into the remotest parts of the country, and whose influence is felt to the ex- treme ramifications of society, there can be little doubt that Ireland's success in her management of crime, would soon replace England's all but hopeless failure. How very far we are from so desirable a result, legislation, which is only now coming into play, too plainly tells. From the month of January, criminals of all grades, from the hardened and habitual offender, to the culprit for the first time detected, will be launched upon society without the slightest supervision of conditional liberation. This retrograde movement results from a Home Office me- morandum issued to guide the executive in the working of the Penal Ser- vitude Act of 1857. Its effects cannot fail to be observable on Society— and that at no distant date. By degrees, the 25,000 criminals who now form our gaol population, will be emptied upon the country, to return, for the most part, to swell the ranks of the 135,000 from which they have been temporarily withdrawn, without the slightest effectual supervision from the police; with no other registration than accident supplies ; and apart from any sort of arrangement by which such liberation becomes conditional. The consideration of this lamentable prospect for the future of our criminal policy, may well fill thoughtful minds with alarm and grief:—for, although there is much on the horizon of crime—more espe- cially in measures of private influence—to inspire gratitude and hope,

there is much likewise- in our public measure—upon which we can only look with unmixed feelings of despondency and fear. The " conditional liberation " contended for in this country, as it is practised in Ireland, simply amounts to this ;—It is the supervision of the criminal, at the hands of the police, for that portion of his unex- pired sentence which has been remitted for good conduct in prison. Thus, if a person, sentenced to twelve years penal servitude, conforms himself to prison discipline, the law permits his detention for three- fourths only of his original sentence. Hence, he is forced to undergo nine years imprisonment ; whilst, for the three remaining years, he is comparatively a free man. Practically, under the present regime, he is absolutely free. But, with the provisions of the Irish system in force, although the criminal would be at liberty to do and act as he pleased, his liberty would be circumscribed in exact proportion to his inability to prove an honest and harmless mode of life. So long as he continues to avoid the just suspicion of the police—so long are the police not only not interfering with; but positively helpful to his well being. But, as soon as he shows a disposition to decline, directly he frequents the society of those known to be professional law-breakers, so soon is his liberty re- stricted, and he is once more re-consigned to confinement for the remain- der of his original sentence. It thus appears that " conditional libera- tion" applies only to that portion of the original sentence of a prisoner, which, having been remitted upon previous, and in anticipation of future, good conduct, remains unexpired. And it is difficult to conceive a sys- tem of convict management at once so simple and so efficacious, which so approves itself to the judgment in theory, and so completely justifies its theory by its results. Of course, the cost of crime will materially be diminished, if, in ad- dition to these external aids for its reduction, internal management be regulated according to more approved designs. If an equally efficient supervision can be obtained, within the prison-walls, at a less cost than heretofore, the system which supplies such inexpensive measures, pos- sesses great advantages over all others. The Intermediate Establishments, between the prisoner and the public, under the Irish system, does supply this deficiency. It has been calculated, officially, that a body of one hundred agricultural convicts, in the last stage of confinement under the Irish system, can be made to pay its expenditure without any

approach to risk. This, however, is, in comparison to other features of the system, but a matter of detail. The fundamental principles which guide the Board of Directors of Convict Prisons in Ireland, are suf- ficiently sound to produce in this country, what they effect in their own —a diminution of the cost of crime. Amongst these principles, none are second in importance to those here alluded to, which find their prac- tical application in the Registration of Criminals upon release, and the discretionary continuance of Conditional Liberation. The legal adoption of these measures, and the conscientious enforcement of their pro- visions, cannot fail, it is molt strongly entertained, to break up the barriers which unite the criminal class ; and hence, by the diminution of the extent of crime in England and Wales, to decrease its cost.

INQUIRER.