Debates anb iprineetangs in laarliamEnt.

REGISTRATION OF ELF.CTORS.

Sir Jsrlins GRAHAM obtained leave, on Wednesday, to bring in a bill to amend the registration of Parliamentary electors in England and Wales ; and he explained the main alterations which it effected. The payment of a shilling on registration would be abolished. The salary of Revising Barristers would be fixed at 2001. a year, instead of the present payment per day, with travelling-expenses. The Chief Jus- tices of the Queen's Bench and Common Pleas and the Chief Baron of the Exchequer would appoint three barristers, who would constitute a permanent court of appeal : they would be paid so much a day, and would be removeable by the address to the Crown by both Houses of Parliament. Points of doubt also would be set at rest by declaratory clauses : a single registration of annuities would suffice, instead of the annual registration and registration by the Clerk of the Peace ; moving from a 501. to a 100/. house would not deprive the occupier of his vote ; mortgagees in possession would be entitled to vote; trustees would not, unless they had a beneficial interest ; distances would be defined by straight lines on the Ordnance maps. The third question at the poll would be abolished altogether as to counties ; as to cities and boroughs the simple question would be substituted, "Have you continued to re- side ?" Although residence would still be indispensable, the change of tenement would not affect the vote.

In reply to Mr. WYSE, on Wednesday, Lord ELIOT said that Govern- ment intended, next session, to introduce a bill for the registration of electors in Ireland.

FRUSTRATION OF THE CORRUPT COMPROMISES.

Lord PALMERSTON moved in the House of Commons, on Saturday, for "copies of any correspondence which has taken place since the 1st day of July last, between the Chancellor of the Exchequer and any Member of this House upon the subject of the Stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds." He referred to Mr. Goulburn's refusal of Lord Chelsea's application for the Stewardship, on the ground that he would not lend his assistance to complete the compromise disclosed by the late Committee. Lord Palmerston objected to that course, on two grounds—

It was a clear and distinct understanding, that if the parties whose proceed- ings were to be inquired into before Mr. Roebuck's Committee should make a full disclosure of what had taken place, and a full admission of any facts in which they were concerned, they should be completely indemnified and saved harmless from any injury which might otherwise arise from the disclosures. The refusal of the Chiltern Hundreds by the right honourable gentleman must have been considered as an inconvenience or punishment to some one—either to the individual to whom the Stewardship was refused, or to the individual who expected to come to the seat when it was vacated by Lord Chelsea. Now he thought that by retaining any person in Parliament who wished to go out of it, or by preventing another person from coming into Parliament who had an opportunity of so doing, Mr. Goulburn was violating the understanding upon which the Committee had proceeded. And it was a mistake to suppose that the refusal of the Chiltern Hundreds would defeat the terms of the com- promise. One result of that refusal would be, that in consequence of the agreement entered into by Lord Chelsea, he would have to forfeit 2,000/. It might be assumed that the same rule would be followed in the cases of Harwich and Falmouth ; but to those cases his objections would equally apply. By the practice of centuries, it had been an ordinary rule, that when any Member, whatever his motives might be, or to whatever party he might belong, wished to withdraw from the House of Commons he should be enabled to do so on application to the Government of the day, by having the appointment of the Chiltern Hundreds conferred on him. If, when a Member of Parliament wished to retire from his seat, Government were to take upon itself to inquire into his motives, an entirely new principle would be introduced, and one that would give the Government a most inconvenient control over public men. An Opposition leader might, for instance, have been defeated at a general election, and another Member might be willing to vacate his seat that his friend might be elected in his place : suppose, then, the Government chose to say, We will not be parties to such an arrangement, and to prevent its being carried out we will refuse the Chiltern Hundreds,

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER seconded the motion— When he was applied to for the Chiltern Hundreds, he felt that he was the individual who had it in his power to grant or withhold the appointment ; and he felt that he was bound to consider how far, by complying with the applica- tion, he should be making himself a party to transactions which the House of Commons had declared to be of an improper character. He had felt, after what had passed, that it was his duty to discourage such compromises ; and he lad thought that the knowledge beforehand that such compromises could not be carried out would be the most effectual check to them. The noble Lord had justly concluded that the course pursued in this case must also necessarily be pursued in the other two cases, those of Harwich and Falmouth.

Mr. HUME entirely concurred with Mr. Goulburn. Mr. VERNON Same thought that some better means should be devised than the bar- barous fiction of the Chiltern Hundreds to enable Members of Parlia- ment to retire. Sir ROBERT PEEL said, it had been the unanimous opinion of all his colleagues that the application should not be granted. The decision had been formed without any reference to Lord Chelsea : on the contrary, when the matter was under discussion, the expectation was that Captain Plumridge would be the first to apply for the appoint- ment. Mr. REDHEA.D YORKE approved of the course that Government had taken in the particular instance. Captain Pmmanme said, that when he had publicly applied for the Chiltern Hundreds in that House, he had done so in perfect sincerity. He had since been going about with a letter in his pocket containing an application for the Chiltern Hundreds ; but he had been advised by some friends not to send it. After what had now taken place, he thought it would be in the worst taste if he sent it. ("Hear ! ")

The motion was then agreed to.

THE IPSWICH Warr.

Mr. LEFROY moved, on Monday, that a writ be issued for the borough of Ipswich.

Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE moved as an amendment, for leave to bring in a bill for disfranchising Arthur Bott Cook and nineteen other elec- tors, " and for preventing bribery and corruption in the election of Members to serve in Parliament for the borough of Ipswich." The individuals whom he sought to disfranchise had been implicated in the corrupt proceedings of the borough. Mr. Arthur Bott Cook had figured in all the elections of 1834, '37, '41, and '42. Mr. Amos Goodchild, who gave evidence which unseated Mr. Wagon, was bribed in 1841, and again at the last election. Enumerating other cases of individual corruption, Mr. Duncombe offered a precedent for his motion, in the instance of Shoreham in 1771, where a society called the Chris- tian Club had enrolled itself for the purpose of putting the borough up to sale ; and that of East Retford in 1828, though the House of Lords had thrown out the disfranchisement bill. Sir Robert Peel professed a desire to make examples of great towns where corruption prevailed. No inconvenience could arise from postponing the writ till next session ; and the House would hardly permit those individuals to resort to the same practices.

Mr. &Ace:mice maintained, that but one case of bribery had been made out before the Committee ; and he protested against disfranchising the borough for the fault of a few.

Mr. FITZROY charged the Election Committee with prejudging the bribery in the borough : their first decision proved that they had pre- judged it : against all precedent they refused to admit a local agent on each side of the room. The cases of bribery had not been proved— What was the chief case of bribery ? Was it not that of W. Blythe, a free shipwright, who had received 30s. for coming from Harwich to Ipswich to vote, and who had to pay all the expenses of going and returning, as well as losing a day's work, and who had been turned away by his patriotic Whig master for having voted in the way in which he did? He was asked," Did you know be- fore you voted that you would be paid for loss of time ?"—" No, I did not, but I expected." "Before you went to vote, you expected to be paid for loss of time ? "—" I knew I could not afford to lose my time—.I have a large family ; daily labour to me is only daily bread; I could not lose my time." If this was the case—if a trifling remuneration of this kind was to be withheld—was it not an argument for raising the franchise ? Was it not, in point of fact, saying that no man should have the franchise who could not afford to lose a day's work to exercise it ?

Lord Desart and Mr. Gladstone had spent but 450L; but if they had_ spent 25,000/. their chance of success would have been just as great, for the Committee had prejudged the case— He did not wish to say any thing personal in that House but he must ob- serve, that if he was petitioned against, and the honourable Member the Chair- man of this Committee was elected to preside in his case, he would retire from the contest, and would not throw away any money. (Cries of " Order! ")

Mr. MoituAN Joim O'CoNNEm. denied that the Committee were pre- judiced.

Mr. PATRICK MAXWELL STEWART said, that the first decision re- specting the agents was a matter of arrangement among counsel. The question of general bribery was decided in the affirmative by the Com- mittee unanimously; so that that decision did not rest with the Chair- man. As Chairman, he had had to decide on the case of his most intimate private friend, Mr. Gladstone ; but if it had been his own brother, sworn as he was to do justice, he should have acted in the same manner. As to the case of Mr. Blythe, he said that he was sick of Ipswich, it was so fall of corruption. He was a Teetotaller • and yet he got 308. for coming from Harwich to Ipswich, when he had only occasion to spend Is. 6d.

The amendment was opposed by Mr. H. STUART, Mr. LEFROY, the ATTORNEY-GENERAL; and supported by Mr. WiLmems.

Mr. CHARLES BULLER observed, that among all the cases in which Members had been unseated in Ipswich for bribery, it appeared that the number who were convicted of receiving bribes was always very small in comparison to the extent of the borough. If they swept away only those electors of Ipswich who had been proved to be corrupt, they would sufficiently purify the constituency ; but by sending out the writ without Mr. Duneombe's bill, they would be inflicting great hardship upon the honest voters of Ipswich, besides holding -out an inducement to rich men to go down and bribe the constituency afresh.

Sir ROBERT PEEL turned from the particular case to the general sub- ject of election tribunals ; into which he was led by deprecating sus- picions of the motives of the Committee- " When the House of Commons admits itself to be so tainted with party- feeling that it cannot trust to its own Members, even under the obligation ot an oath, the decision of these questions, the House of Commons will have in- flicted with its own hand, against its own authority, such a blow as it will not easily forget. Is this 'some other tribunal,' always alluded to in that vague and indefinite manner, to judge by the strict rules of evidence? If so, pro. bably no severe sentences will be passed on bribery. Is it to have the latitude of judging on moral, and not strictly legal conviction ? If so, its motives will be called in question as much as those of the present tribunal : for I pregame the House woptil require to see the evidence ; and if they saw the evidence, it would be scrutinized, and then would come the inquiries, how the Judge voted at the last election, and how he was related ? These are the natural fruits of political contests ; and where, I would ask, are you to find the angelic judges who would be wholly free from political partiality ? Who are to appoint these Judges? There is another' consideration—the Government of the day ? Would that produce satisfaction ? Let us consider these things before we deal too severely with our own tribunal."

He would admit the decision of the Committee to be right, and that the proof of three cases of bribery should unseat the Members ; but it

did not follow that a whole constituency should lose its electoral rights; nor should the Legislature resort to such privilegia as a bill of pains and penalties against individual corrupt voters, except in cases of great emergency. No progress could be made with the bill this session ; it must be began with next session, and in the mean time the new mea- sure against bribery would come in force,- "Do not suppose I wish to defend these practices. I do not believe that two snore honourable men are living than the late Members for Southampton. I believe that there never wert two men who went to any place with a more firm intention of acting rightly than did those honourable gentlemen ; and I feel the utmost indignation and disgust at those parties, locally interested, who by their evil practices prejudice, not the honour, thank Heaven, but the Parlia- mentary interest of those who fall into their hands; and if the House of Com- mons in the Southampton case had considered it right that the individual who Lad been guilty of such conduct should be prosecuted, I for one would have had no objection to that course. The writ, I think, ought to be issued. You will, I doubt not, find that experience will introduce—I believe it has already introduced—improvements : I can't believe that any man in Ipswich will be found to sin again; because I think it incredible that any honest or prudent man will ever again trust himself to Ipswich without giving the most distinct directions that no person in any way acting for him was to be guilty in any way of bribery. I care not for what may be said upon this subject elsewhere ; for whatever steps we may take, if we do not go the full length of the proposition of political zealots, no credit whatever is given to us for the sincerity of our motives. My belief is, that we shall be ultimately much more successful in the attainment of our object by adopting. rational and moderate measures, con- sistent with the ordinary principles of Jurisprudence, than by shocking the public mind with extraordinary stretches of authority, which ultimately the public would not approve, and suspending the electoral rights of 1,600 men, in the hope that in the next session we may convict twelve of bribery."

The amendment was rejected, by 86 to 32; and the writ was ordered to issue.

INTERFERENCE OF POLICE AT PUBLIC MEETINGS.

Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE moved, yesterday, for copies of correspond- ence between the Home Secretary and the Mayor of Bridport, respect- ing a supposed Chartist meeting on the 21st of July. On the 1st, Mr. Manners Sutton wrote to the Mayor, requesting to be informed as to the nature of the intended meeting; and in the absence of the Mayor, on the 19th, the Town-Clerk replied, that a member of the Society of Friends had applied for the use of the Hall for a lecture on the Corn- laws, by the Reverend T. Spencer of IIinton. The meeting was a perfectly quiet one ; but Mr. Duncombe regarded Mr. Sutton's letter as evincing a disposition to interfere with public meetings ; and he charged Sir James Graham with employing a spy in the town.

Sir JAMES GRAHAM denied that Government employed spies in any part of the United Kingdom— It was a systen that he unequivocally disclaimed : he believed it was danger- ous in the extreme ; that those who employed spies were usually deceived by them • and that a Government honestly bent on putting down turbulence and disorder by the employment of spies. only promoted those evils. On the other h nd, he held himself responsible for the maintenance of peace and good order : he thought prevention better than cure ; and on the representation of some respectable inhabitants of the place, who called for his interposition, he inquired of the Mayor if at a lecture delivered in the Town-hall, Mr. Spencer Lad, as he had been informed, given expression to the following passage—" That that Government was corrupt in the extreme which could not exist if it did not get men base enough to inlist as soldiers, to be appointed as policemen, and to sit in the jury-box to deliver verdicts." It had been denied.

Mr. HAWES regretted to hear Sir James Graham announce, that a constable was to judge in the first place of the legality of a public meeting, and the Secretary of State for the Home Department was to superintend the report of the discussions of such meetings. Mr. HUME would move for correspondence respecting the "civil war" in Man- chester. Sir Thomas WILDE did not believe Sir James Graham enter- tained the principles that were to be deduced from what he stated ; but if he did, and acted upon them, he hoped they would receive the re- probation of that House. Mr. COBDEN called for some Ministerial announcement to produce a moral effect and restore hope for the people ; and he particularly cautioned Government against calling out the Cheshire Yeomanry Cavalry, rendered odious to th epeople of Man- chester and Stockport by the events of 1819.

Sir ROBERT PEEL repeated his admiration of the fortitude and pa- tience of the people, and strongly condemned those who sought to in- flame their minds. Mr. Cobden called upon him to say something to revive speculations : what if those speculations should not be realized ? He still entertained a doubt whether the Legislature had the power, by any measure it could adopt, to afford relief to the distress which pre- vailed in some parts of the country. But if the removal of commercial restrictions was the proper remedy for the distress of the country, had he not done more during the present session than was ever done by any preceding Minister ?

Sir Robert Peel was cut short in the middle of his speech, by the summons of the Commons to attend the Queen in the House of Lords.

ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE IN IRELAND.

Earl FORTESCUE introduced the subject of Irish administration of justice to the House of Lords on Monday. He quoted the monthly re- turns of the Constabulary in Ireland to show the recent increase of crime— From those reports it appeared, that during the first six months of 1841 there Lad been 2,449 offences, and that in the corresponding six months of 1842 they amounted to 3,551. Of twelve classes of outrages which he had more particu- larly selected as coming under the description of outrages against the person— such as homicide firing with intent to kill, maiming, firing into houses, violent assault, incendiary fires, administering unlawful oaths—there were 897 in the first six months of 1841, and 1,166 in the first six months of 1842. This statement he had no intention to make as a charge against the present Go- vernment: at the same time, he could not but think that the decrease of crime during the two years and a half that he was at the head of the Irish Govern- ment arose from an increased confidence on the part of the people in an im- partial administration ofjustice; and it became a fair subject of inquiry, to ask whether any thing had since occurred that might have had the effect of weak- ening that confidence.

He alluded to the topics which have recently been the subject of

remark in the House of Commons ; the trial of the Belfast Vindicator for remarks on the composition of Irish Juries, and the evidence of Hagan, charging Chief Justice Pennefather, who presided at the trial of the Armagh Ribandmen, with displaying the earnestness of an advo- cate rather than the impartiality of ajudge. He moved for the produc- tion of the returns.

The Duke of WELLINGTON remarked, that other circumstances over- looked by Lord Fortescue might have contributed to the increase of prosecutions for crime ; and he suggested, that among them the superior energy and activity of the constabulary in detecting offences might have had a considerable share. He defended Chief Justice Pennefather, as distinguished and respected in his profession ; and treated the accusation made against him as incredible. He understood that the charge against the Magistrates of having employed Hagan had been distinctly aban- doned before the trial closed : Mr. Fawcett, against whom the charge was levelled, when he found how Hagan had been employed, urged him strongly not to do so again— He must say, that if the Magistrates had really been guilty of the conduct laid to their charge—if they had sent a man among the people to incite them to commit crime, nothing could have been more base, more unworthy of the character of gentlemen, or more injurious to the administration of Justice. An inquiry into the facts of the case had been directed by his noble friend in the other House, (Lord Eliot,) and if they turned out to be as had been re- presented, the conduct of the parties would be noticed as it deserved.

The Earl of GLENGALL quoted previous returns to show that the increase of crime had begun during the late Administration : the amount of crime reported by the Constabulary in 1840 was 4,677, in 1841 it was 5,360. He cited some animadversions by Dr. M`Hale, the titular Archbishop of Tuam, on the Whigs, to show that that party did not enjoy the confidence of the Irish Catholics so fully as they supposed.

The motion was agreed to, without opposition.

REMISSION OF PUNISHMENT.

Mr. HU3IE drew the attention of Sir James Graham, on Monday, to the case of a Mr. Johnson, who, after being convicted of an assault on a maid-servant and sentenced to imprisonment for three months, had, to the surprise of every one acquainted with the circumstances, been found at liberty a very short time afterwards.

Sir JAMES Gaeuare gave the required explanation—

The allegation against this gentleman was, that he had committed an assault,

with a criminal intent, upon a female servant living in the house in which he occupied chambers in Piccadilly. The Jury found him guilty of the assault; and Mr. Sergeant Adams sentenced him to three months' imprisonment. Some circumstances afterwards came to the knowledge of Mr. Sergeant Adams which led him to doubt the propriety of the sentence he had passed, and also to doubt whether the circumstances of the case had been fully disclosed and brought to light at the trial. Sir James read a letter from Sergeant Adams, which went to show that Mr. Johnston had acted with great violence to the prosecutrix, towards whom he had a personal dislike ; but that he had at- tempted no personal indecency. Sir James added, that it would be unfair to disclose other facts which he had ascertained respecting the woman : he him- self was quite satisfied with respect to her character. -Under all the circum- stances, as the defendant had already undergone a confinement which was a tolerably severe punishment for a common assault unaccompanied by criminal violence, the remainder of the term of imprisonment was remitted upon the payment of the 301. fine to the Crown.

BANKRUPTCY LAW.

The House of Commons proceeded with the Committee on the Bank- ruptcy Law Amendment Bill on Monday, and there was a long discus- sion on the 49th clause, which appoints the Official Assignees. Mr BENJAMIN WOOD moved some verbal amendments, the object of which was to make money payable, not to the Official Assignee alone, but to the creditors' assignee jointly with the other. In the course of the discussion, Sir JAMES GRAHAM attributed the opposition to the bill to the 740 Local Commissioners under the existing law ; all lawyers pos- sessing great influence. Mr. JERVIS retorted, that the bill had been introduced into the House so late in the session in order to evade that opposition. Sir THOMAS 'WILDE supported the bill. Mr. Wood's amendments were rejected, by 52 to 16. Sir THOMAS WILDE divided the House against clause 64th, which defines the jurisdiction of the Courts, on the ground that it reposed in one Commissioner powers for- merly intrusted to three. The clause was carried, by 59 to 21. On clause 74th, Mr. BENJAMIN WOOD proposed to reduce the salaries of the London Commissioners from 2,000/. to 1,8001.; but the amendment was negatived without a division. An amendment moved by Mr. MARK PHILIPS, to reduce the salary of the Country Commissioner from 1,800/. to 1,500L, was rejected, by 78 to 13. The remaining clauses were agreed to, and some amendments were made ; and the House resumed.

When the report was brought up on Tuesday, Mr. MARK PetruPs moved a clause to enable the Commissioners to declare a man bankrupt without striking a docket or suing out a fiat in bankruptcy : but, after some discussion, the amendment was withdrawn. The SOLICITOR-. GENERAL inserted a clause to oblige the production of accounts before Parliament yearly. A number of other amendments being made, the report was received ; and the bill was ordered to be engrossed. It passed on Thursday.

LAW REFORMS.

Lord BROUGHAM, on Thursday, alluding to the bill for the amend- ment of the law of insolvent debtors, expressed, in his own name and that of the unfortunate persons who were affected by it, great gratitude to the Government for the hearty, steady, and most efficient support which they had afforded to that most important amendment of the law— They had happily succeeded in mitigating the harsh features of personal arrest, without in the slightest degree diminishing, but rather augmenting, the security of the creditor's just and lawful demands. They had taken part of this law from the cessio bonorum of the Scotch law, which had long and suc- cessfully prevailed in that country ; but they had made this great improvement, that whereas in Scotland this step was taken after the debtor suffered impri- sonment, the same relief was given in this country without accompanying it with.imprisonment at all.

He then glanced at other reforms which had been effected— The extension of the system of Bankruptcy all over the country, he thought, would be a measure of the greatest importance to our jurisprudence, and he had no doubt would be found to work admirably. There was another bill in- troduced by his noble and learned friend, the Lunacy Bill, which he believed to be of great and vital importance, and he hoped for great advantages from the good working of it. These improvements of the law were not only a great good in themselves, but they were the seeds out of which still greater good was likely to spring—giving hopes of a richer and more abundant harvest. It did, however, chance that some of these seeds were found to fall among thorns, and which sprung up and choked them. This had happened to some of the most satisfactory of the measures of his noble and learned friend. Those base weeds of self had interposed ; he might well call them thorns, for their motto was the motto of the Thistle, "Touch us who dare." Nothing bat the firmness of his noble and learned friend and his colleagues, and the mode- ration of Parliament, could have secured the passing of these importan. mea- sures. His noble and learned friend had been exposed in his reforms to the self-same influence which was used to thwart the progress of his own 'measures when the present Bankruptcy system was originally introduced, eleven years ago. The charge brought against the bill in 1831 was, that it would prove ruinous to bankers by letting out so much of the money of bankrupts' estates, which had remained locked up there owing to the neglect of assignees. Cer- tain it was, that within two or three years from the passing of the act upwards of 2,000,0001. sterling was obtained through its operation, and distributed among the creditors in the administration of bankrupts' estates ; and he had no doubt his noble and learned friend would next session have to delare a simi- lar result from his bill as applied to the country districts. Unhappily, his noble and learned friend's other measure—the County Courts Bill—had for the pre- sent yielded to the like interest. Individuals having a personal, peculiar interest in courts of request, courts of hundreds, and other local courts, had proved too many for them ; and for the present they had failed. He differed from his noble and learned friend as to one feature of the local tribunals which should be established—his noble and learned friend recommending an ambula- tory court, while he preferred one of a stationary character ; but that there ought to be County Courts, no one who had considered the subject without the bias of sinister interests could entertain a doubt. He hoped, when next he brought forward this important subject, his noble and learned friend would not have to encounter any more selfish and interested opposition ; and that soon they would have a system introduced for bringing home cheap, effectual, and pure justice to the doors of the people of this country.

MINES AND COLLIERIES.

In the House of Commons, on Saturday, the order of the day having been moved for taking into consideration the amendments of the Lords to the Mines and Collieries Bill, Lord ASHLEY entered into a statement of some length to explain the nature of those amendments, and to de- fend himself against the attacks made upon him. There existed no longer any security against the employment of females ; for if they were admitted into the pits, it would be impossible to guard against their being made to work. The system of apprenticeship would be retained, and the restriction on the time of working for boys above ten years of age was removed. His assertion that the coalowners of the North were not opposed to the bill had been described as "chicanery," but he read letters to the House to prove the truth of that assertion. He would, however, accede to the bill as it stood, because it still affirmed a great principle.

Lord PALMERSTON twitted Ministers with not having given that cordial support to the measure which Sir James Graham had promised— Ile would not accuse them of backing-out of their intentions ; but their re- luctance to object to these amendments proved that there was a power greater than their own which exercised a sort of coercion over them. When the members of the present Government were in opposition, they were in the habit of taunting the late Government with allowing themselves to be coerced by a portion of their supporters; but it appeared that the present Government was subjected to the same kind of coercion : the late Government, however, when they yielded to such a pressure, did so only to go forward in the progress of improvement; the present Government allowed themselves to be coerced to abandon improvement. Sir JAMES GRAHAM vindicated his own consistency, and maintained that the principles of the measure were untouched. The employment of boys under the age of ten years was still prohibited ; there was a limitation of the period of apprenticeship, and the employment of fe- males in mines was also prohibited. All the great principles for which Lord Ashley had contended stood as they were originally meant.

Mr. CHARLES BULLER renewed the taunt— The fate of this bill would deprive the Government of one great source of strength, namely, the belief hitherto entertained that the Ministry possessed the confidence of the House of Lords. What trust could they have after hear- ing the support given by the right honourable gentleman opposite to this bill, when they heard one member of the Government in that House say that the Government was passive, and another most illustrious member of that Govern- ment sneer at the evidence upon which it was founded ? True, the House of Lords had passed the Income-tax and the Tariff; although he believed they would have made the latter infinitely worse if they had not been prevented from doing so by the rules of the House of Commons, which precluded any alteration in the bill. He feared that they would alter the Bribery Bill.

Sir ROBERT PEEL ridiculed Mr. Buller's inference— The House of Lords had during the present session given their ready assent to the Corn-bill and the Tariff, two measures making greater changes that any which had been introduced of late years. Yet all that was no avail ; but because the House of Lords had made some alteration in a bill which had not been brought in by a member of the Government, this circumstance was im- mediately assumed to be a sign of disunion. He believed that the Bribery- bill would pass the House of Lords without amendment ; but he would not pledge himself that the House of Lords would adopt all the details of any bill. The House of Lords was a deliberative body, and had a perfect right to make any modifications in the bill which it might think desirable.

Ultimately the amendments were agreed to.

NAVAL MONUMENTS.

The House of Commons having resolved itself into a Committee, on Tuesday, Sir ROBERT PEEL moved resolutions for addresses to the Crown, requesting the Queen to direct monuments to be erected to Viscount Exmouth, Lord De Saumarez, and Sir Sidney Smith. It was difficult, he said, to select among the gallant defenders of the country employed in the Navy objects for distinction. He found a powerful illustration of the wholesome effect produced by acknowledgments of public gratitude for distinguished actions, in the enthusiasm which Commodore Napier displayed on a previous evening when some one objected to the present motion. This was the cheap defence of nations. Sir Robert rehearsed the principal deeds in consideration of which the monuments were proposed— He recalled Sir Sidney Smith's defence of Acre; when Sir Sidney inspiring his little band, a small number of Turks and a handful of British troops, with the spirit of his own valour, was enabled to baffle all the efforts of the great- est military commander of the time, with an army of 17,000 veteran troops at his back. He animated the Turkish forces by his conduct and directed them with his skilL He fought at the head of a few British seamen for more than sixty days in succession, in defending a breach against the whole French force, headed by an enterprising general. Although the force employed was small, he doubted whether in the history of the world a more important service was performed. This gallant officer had in the course of his life met with many difficulties, and there was a time when some persons who did not know him talked lightly of him. To those who could talk or think so of such an officer as Sir Sidney Smith, he would say nothing : be would leave them to the con- tempt they deserved, and to the remorse they must now feel in contemplating the character of that officer. Perhaps the services of Lord De Saumarez were less familiar to the public mind than those of Lord Exmouth and Sir Sidney Smith. In July 1801, Lord De Saumarez attempted to cut out three sail of the line under the batteries of Algesiras with a superior force. In that attempt he failed. He met with a reverse ; having six sail of the line under his com- mand, he lost one of them. Be retired discomfited, but not subdued. Within three days he repaired the shattered condition of his fleet ; returned to Algesiras; attacked the combined French and Spanish fleet e ten sail of the line ; blew up two three-deckers, captured another, and allowed the remainder to escape only with great difficulty. Lord De Saumarez then received the thanks of the House of Commons ; having received it as the commander of a line-of-battle ship in Lord Rodney's action, in Earl St. Vincent's action, in Lord Bridport's action, and in Lord Nelson's action of the Nile : he had thus five times re- ceived the thanks of the House. Lord Exmouth's life was one continued course of distinction in the naval service : the very day that he fought the battle of Algiers he had completed a public service of forty years : he entered the service in 1776; and for his gallant conduct as a Midshipman on the Lakes of America, he was promoted to be a Lieutenant before he was nineteen years of age.

Sir Robert Peel requested Mr. Hawes (who had given notice of a motion to add the names of Herschel], Watt, and Davy to the addresses,) not to press his motion, in order that the House might give its unani- mous consent to the proposition which he had made ; reserving for further consideration the claims of those of whom Mr. Hawes stood forward as the advocate : be did not think that the House, by consent- ing to the present proposal, would be showing any indifference to the claim which scientific men had upon the gratitude of the country.

Mr. HAWES certainly felt, that while the House had from time to time erected monuments to commemorate the merits of naval and mili- tary heroes, they had overlooked the less brilliant but as useful ser- vices of men of science ; and therefore he had selected the names of three contemporaries of Lord Exmouth, Lord De Saumarez, and Sir Sidney Smith. Of 132,000i. expended (from 1764 to 1838) for public monuments, but 14,000/. had been applied to monuments for civil ser- vices; and out of forty monuments thus erected, only four were for civil services—those to Lord Chatham, Mr. Pitt, Mr. Perceval, and Captain Cooke. After what had fallen from Sir Robert Peel, however, he should not object to leave the matter in his hands.

Sir ROBERT INGLIS pointed out one great advantage in the delay to erect the proposed monuments, which Sir Robert Peel had deplored— that it led to a better selection : of the forty-one persons to whom the monuments in question had been erected, only twenty-eight had a single claim to such a distinction. The House once came to the resolution that every Major-General killed in action should have a monument. He trusted that an opportunity would soon occur for taking Mr. Hawes's suggestion into consideration.

Sir GEORGE COCKBURN thanked Sir Robert Peel in the name of the Navy ; and reminded the House of two claims which the gallant Pellew had upon their gratitude,—first, by his bombardment of Algiers, the first victory was gained over slavery ; second, One of our merchantmen was coming home to the port of Plymouth, and when near the Breakwater it was wrecked. Lord Exmouth was at that port, and hastened to the spot. He got a rope put round him, threw himself over the rock, and got on board the vessel ; and he did not leave it till every indi- vidual on board was safely got on shore. Mr. HUME would not oppose the grant ; but he spoke a word for making public monuments accessible to the public at all times. Sir FRANCIS ButtiaE'rr mentioned another claim of Sir Sidney Smith's—his humane care of the sick whom Bonaparte abandoned in his retreat. Mr. BROTHERTON suggested that some honorary order, title, or medal should be devised as a reward for civil merit ; and he recommended that point to the consideration of the present Administration. Sir JAMES DUKE furnished laudatory anecdotes of Lord Exmouth, to whom he had been private secretary. Dr. BOWRING urged the claims of the discoverer of the mule-jenny, and of Mr. Taylor, who had applied steam to navigation before Fulton. Captain PLUMRIDGE supported the motion ; mentioning that he had served under all the three naval com- manders in question.

The resolutions were adopted unanimously.

ALLEGED WITHDRAWAL OF THE AFGHAN ARMY.

Lord PALMERSTON asking, on Monday, for an explanation respect- ing the report that Lord Ellenborough had issued orders to withdraw the force beyond the Indus, Sir ROBERT PEEL replied thus-

" The House will recollect that, in consequence of the increased facility and rapidity of communication, any answer which I should give to the noble Lord would in six or seven weeks be conveyed back to the scene of operations. It is therefore important that I should maintain such a reserve, in any public communication which I may make, as to preclude the possibility of prejudice arising. Candahar and Jellalabad may at this moment be the scene of nnlitary operations. The death of Shah Sujah has placed this country in a new position with respect to the treaty contracted by Lord Auckland. The relations in which we stand are also, by his death, made the subject of diplomatic communications. I must therefore decline answering any question as to the in- structions that have been given or the views which are entertained. The facts as to how things actually stand, I have no objection to state. At this moment our troops occupy Candahar. I have reason to believe they also occupy Jellalabad ; and there is at present no probability of their immediate retire- ment. This is all the information which, consistent with my sense of duty, I can now give."

MISCELLANEOUS.

A NEW WRIT was issued yesterday for South Hampshire, in the room of Mr. Fleming, who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds.

PUBLIC REMONSTRANCES. Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE brought into the House of Commons, on Wednesday, documents passed at public meetings in Bury, Bradford, Hythe, Dundee, Halifax, Aberdeen, Wood- side, Sheffield, and other towns, which he called "remonstrances," con- demning the rejection of the Chartist petition, and stating, that as no hope whatever was held out of a mitigation of the remonstrants' sufferings from the House of Commons as at present constituted, and as they dreaded the awful consequences of a continued disregard of their sufferings, they should proceed to take such peaceful and legal means to remedy the evils of their condition, as the wellbeing of society and their ex- treme suffering imperatively demanded. Alter a conversation, it was decided that the remonstrances, not having any prayer to make them pass as petitions, could not be received ; and they were withdrawn. INCOME-TAX. In reply to Captain FITZROY, on Monday, the CHAN- CELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that he interpreted the law as not im- posing the Income-tax on foreign dividends payable in this country,

unless the recipients live here. EXCHEQUER BILLS FORGERY. In reply to Mr. CHARLES BULLER, on Tuesday, the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER stated, that in con- sequence of the late period at which the Commissioners on the Exche- quer Bills Forgery had completed their Report, Government had been unable to give consideration to the subject, and therefore he could not state their intentions this session. Some of the cases would need fur- ther consideration ; and Government would require every claim to be strictly investigated.

Mr. Goeuxtrns added yesterday, that he thought many of the cases of the claimants were entitled to the favourable consideration of Par- liament, and he had no wish to avail himself of technical objections.

LIMITATION or ACTIONS IN IRELAND. The bill to assimilate the law of Ireland to that of England with respect to the limitation of actions, was opposed by Mr. HAWES, on Tuesday ; and it became a dropped order by the adjournment of the House. On Thursday, Lord Bnouomtra, who observed that some ascribed the opposition to the influence of interested parties, gave a pledge for Lord Denman that the bill would be reintroduced early next session.

PRESBYTERIAN MARRIAGES. When the Presbyterian Marriages Bill went through Committee in the House of Lords, on Tuesday, itwas explained, that the bill did not alter the law respecting such marriages in Ireland, (which is in a state of doubt,) but that it merely confirmed marriages already contracted, in order to prevent the evil at present arising from the desertion of wives by husbands in great numbers. Lord LYNDHURST stated that next session he should move for the re- appointment of the Select Committee which had sat on the bill, in order to the consideration of the whole subject.

THE NEWFOUNDLAND BILL was read a second time in the House of Lords, on Tuesday, without opposition ; the Earl of RIPON briefly ex- plaining its provisions ; Lord CAMPBELL taking exception to the pro- vision which gives to the Crown the power of altering the franchise ; and the Marquis of CLatinicannE observing that the feelings of the colonists appear to have been overlooked.

Mr. Burge was heard at the bar, on Thursday, against the 6th clause (authorizing the union of the Legislative Council and House of Assembly); and the bill was read a third time. On the motion that it do pass, Lord CAMPBELL moved the omission of the 6th clause ; bu the amendment was negatived ; and the bill passed.

THE MAINE BOUNDARY. Lord PALMERSTON inquired, On Monday, for the last Report of the North American Boundary Commissioners. Sir ROBERT PEEL immediately rose, and amid considerable laughter brought up the Report ; which was ordered to lie on the table of the House.

CAPITAL PUNISHMENT. Mr. EWART gave notice, yesterday, that next session he should make a motion that the punishment of death in Scotland be for the same offences as in England ; also, that transporta- tion be abolished in certain cases.

SHORT PARLIAMENTS. Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE gave notice of a bill to repeal the Septennial Act.

LORD ASHLEY'S MEASURES. Lord ASHLEY gave, on Wednesday, a string of notices for next session— To move for leave to bring in a bill to compel the registry of all accidents, casualties, and deaths, occurring in the mines and collieries of the United Kingdom.

Also, to move for leave to bring in a bill to make regulations respecting the labour of boys, to fix the age of the engineers, and totally abolish apprentice- ships in mines and collieries.

Also, to move an address to the Crown, praying that her Majesty will be graciously pleased to take into her instant and serious consideration the best means of diffusing the blessings of a moral and religious education among the working-classes of her people.

EDUCATION. Mr. WrsE gave notice, on Tuesday, that he would move, early next session, for a renewal of the Committee to inquire into the system of education in Scotland ; also, that he would move for leave to bring in a bill to provide for the better regulation of founda- tion-schools in Ireland.

THE ROYAL ASSENT was given, on Wednesday, to the Bonded Corn Bill, Bribery at Elections (No. 2) Bill, Mines and Collieries Bill, Municipal Corporations Bill, Designs Copyright Bill, Rivers (Ireland) All, Fisheries (Ireland) Bill, and other public and private bills.

Yesterday, assent was given, by the Queen in person, to the Canada Loan Bill, the Ecclesiastical Leasings Bill, the Bankruptcy Act Amend- ment Bill, the Insolvent Debtors Bill, the Municipal Corporations Bill, the Newfoundland Bill, and others.

RETROSPECT OF THE SESSION.

Viscount PALMERSTON moved, on Wednesday, for a return of "the names and titles of all the public bills that have been brought into the House of Commons during the present session of Parliament, the date at which the order for bringing in each bill was made, and also the dates at which the said bills passed through their several stages": taking the occasion to make some observation on the state of public affairs at home and abroad ; and on the close of the first Parliamentary session of that party who had been ten years in active opposition and twelve months in power. He went back, for some of the causes which are still in operation, to the long war which closed in the peace of 1815—

--------„,In that war, all the passions, all the feelings, and all the energies of the nallot k s of Europe, were roused into action ; and it was vain to think that men who ad been so long discussing their rights and their wrongs could at once go bac to the same state of almost comparative political slumber to which they were accustomed at the breaking out of hostilities. Nevertheless there were persons who indulged in that dream ; but the delusion was soon dis- pelled. Italy, Spain, and Portugal made frequent though unsuccessful efforts to wrest from their governments free institutions ; which at length Spain and Portugal, under the auspices of England, obtained. After the peace, the public mind of this country directed itself with great intensity to our own domestic concerns—to civil and religious disabilities under which the people laboured; and in 1829, Catholic Emancipation was carried, mainly through the energy, the wisdom, and the firmness of three men,—the right honourable Baronet opposite, now at the head of her Majesty's Government ; the Duke of Wellington ; and a person whose name is not often associated with theirs, the right honourable and learned Member for Cork. (Cheers and a laugh ) Lord Palmerston hoped that the Duke of Wellington would add another wreath to the laurels which grace his brow, and attain commercial emancipa- tion for his country. The events of 1830 in France produced a crisis in this country. The interval since 1829 was too brief to allow the reseatmen which Catholic Emancipation had produced among the supporters of Minis to subside ; and by resigning on a subordinate question, they expressed their conviction that a time was come when a complete measure of Parliamentary Reform must take place, although they could not undertake it. Lord Pat. merston's colleagues succeeded to power, and brought forward a measure more extensive than had been believed possible. The present state of the House, however, proved how groundless were the fears of annihilation entertained by Sir Robert Peel and his party.

There was this difference between Parliamentary Reform and Catho- lic Emancipation—the one was complete in itself, the redress of a spe- cific grievance ; the other was a means to a further end-

" It was idle to suppose, when you admitted into this House a due propor- tion of direct Representatives of a great manufacturing and commercial com- munity, that those Representatives would not state so effectually and with such force the various evils under which that community laboured by reason of your prohibitory and restrictive system, that in the course of a short period of time Parliament would not be induced to make great and important changes in that System. But there were many who did not look deep enough into the course of things to be convinced of that. The large party who honestly and conscien- tiously—for I will not attribute improper motives to them—think that the system, which we call monopoly and restriction, is not only calculated for their own benefit but for that of the country, believed that these great stages of social improvement depended not upon the action of great and wide-spread- ing causes, but on the accidental opinions of particular men who happen from time to time to be in possession of power. They thought, therefore, when from time to time we announced improvements of one sort and another, that if they could only contrive to dispossess us of the power which we held and place it in the hands of the leaders of their party, they would be safe, and that the system which they had cherished for so long a period would be maintained. They had a majority—a large majority—in the House of Lords; all they wanted was a majority in this House. They set to work, steadily and systematically labour- ing in the Registration Courts ; and gradually they rose upon us, until it be- came obvious, from session to session, that their numbers were increasing, and that the time would probably come when they would have the command of this House as well as of the other House of Parliament. The last session of the late Parliament brought matters to a crisis. Their numbers were, at all events, equal to, if not greater, than ours; and the measures which we an- nounced—those great measures of commercial reform—some of which we ac- tually brought forward, showed that the time had at length arrived when they must give us battle, and they prepared vigorously for the fight. They fought the battle in this House and in the country. Their victory was, undoubtedly, com- plete; and our defeat, I am ready to acknowledge, amounted almost to a rout. (Laughter.) Great was the triumph, loud was the note of exultation. But, alas, how vain is human wisdom, how short the foresight of even the wisest men! when a few months passed over their heads the songs of triumph were changed into cries of lamentation. The very parties whom they had selected to be their chosen champions—the very guardians whom they had armed with power for their defence—turned their weapons upon them, and most inhu- manly, and with unrelenting cruelty, struck blows, which, if they have not already proved fatal, must in all probability lead sooner or later to their utter extinction."

The triumphant party had been deceived : but by whom ? by them- selves. It was not to be supposed that the late Ministers had so impreg- nated the air in Downing Street with Free-trade principles that their successors caught the infection as they would an epidemic ; still less, that those recently propounded doctrines and opinions were the result of studies since Ministers had entered office when it is known that every hour of a Minister's day must be devoted to the current business of his office— It is not to be supposed that her Majesty's Ministers applied themselves be- tween the 3d of September, when they entered office, and the 3d of February, when Parliament met, to the study of Adam Smith, Ricardo, WCulloch, Mill, Senior, and other writers of the same kind. (Laughter.) No; it is clear that the opinions which they have so well expounded in the present session must be the result of long meditation—of studies deliberately pursued during the ten years of comparative leisure, which even the most active opposition affords; and that they must have come into power fully imbued with all those sound principles, the enunciation of which has excited so much admiration on this side of the House. In one respect the conduct of right honourable gentlemen opposite, before they entered office, is open to animadversion. The right ho- nourable Baronet opposite accused me, upon a former occasion, of too much assurance : now I am going, not to retort that charge, but to complain of his over-modesty. I complain of the over-modesty of the right honourable Ba- ronet and his colleagues, in this, that upon many occasions when, they being out of power, matters came under discussion in this House, to which the prin- ciples they have lately avowed were fully and plainly applicable, their modesty— for it was that, no doubt—prevented them from doing themselves full justice, inasmuch as, by practising an over-scrupulous reserve, they really concealed from the public the progress they had made in their studies. (Laughter and cheering.) For instance, when we proposed a moderate reduction of the Timber-duties, they objected to the measure upon mere grounds of technical form. It is true that they did not enter much into the question; but they did injustice to themselves ; for they left people to imagine that their objection to the measure was that it diminished too much the protection to British timber' whereas we now know, from subsequent experience, that their objection was that the measure did not go half far enough. (Laughter.) When we announced our intention of making a material reduction of the Corn-duty, they took an objection ; not, indeed, because they disliked the introduction of foreign corn at a duty of Ss., provided that duty were arrived at by means of a sliding-scale, but because, as we supposed, the duty was to be fixed and unva- rying. They did not let us into the secret, but confined their objection to that point ; and every one supposed them to be acting on the old country gentleman's adage of' down corn down horn.' Now, however, we find that their serious objection to our measure was, that it was not accompanied by proposal for a large reduction of the duties on the importation of cattle.' (Cheers and laughter,)

Lord Palmerston contrasted the promises of the Speech from the Throne with the performances of the session-

" The points connected with domestic affairs' to which Ministers invited the practical attention of Parliament, were, the deficiency of the revenue, the Corn and Provision laws, the Bankruptcy law, improvements in the law of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, the law respecting the Registration of Electors, and the existing distress of the country. With respect to the financial deficiency, the first thing Ministers did was to increase it, by, what we think, an unneces- sary sacrifice of a large portion of the duty on timber. Bat, after having in- creased the deficiency, I must admit that they completely made good the whole, with a vengeance, by imposing the income-tax; and I am, Matsui to think that that tax will be found much more productive than th3 it to be, not only of revenue, but of discontent. At tht that people would save the tax by the additional cheapm con gumption which would be occasioned by the Tariff; bat 1. formed that the changes proposed by the Tariff would es expect were told of con- after in- differ- enee in prices. If, however, those who pay the tax cannot save the amount by redaction in the price of articles of consumption, they will save it in the ex- tent of their consumption : and, depend upon it, the Government will not act wisely if they rely upon all they receive under the Income-tax as a clear addi- tion to the revenue. The alteration in the Corn and Provision laws, though insufficient, was no small step in the way of improvement. The Bankruptcy Bill, copied from Lord Cottenham's, with an important part omitted, was men- tioned in the Speech on the 3d February; it was introduced into the House of Lords on the 18th February; till the 18th July it remained in a state of ina- nition, when it could not receive that attention from the learned profession that its importance demanded. The improvement in the Ecclesiastical Juris- diction has been altogether passed over. With respect to the Registration of Electors, we are, I believe, to be indulged with a statement which may enable us, between this and the next session of Parliament, to meditate on what the in- tentions of the Government are with respect to registration. One point, how- ever, has been gained: the right honourable Baronet has said that he could not, as a Minister of the Crown, take upon himself the responsibility of bring- ing in the bill for the registration of electors in Ireland ; which his noble friend the Secretary for the Colonies was formerly so anxious to press upon the House. Then comes the most important topic of all in the Speech—the dis- tress of the country; which had also been referred to in the Speech from the Throne in the preceding autumn : I may say that not only has no effectual measure been proposed by the Government for the relief of the distress, but, in point of fact, they prorogue Parliament, leaving that distress more exten- sive, more severe, and harder to bear than it was when Parliament met and they directed its attention to it."

The language of Government had been admirable, although their conduct had not been deserving of such entire commendation. In re- gard to foreign affairs, however, he found fault with both their language and their acts; beginning with an attack on Lord Stanley, the only Member of the Cabinet who had said much on foreign affairs-

" The noble Lord made a good off-hand speech; for the noble Lord is what may be called a good off-hand debater : but, like most off-band debaters, he is sometimes apt to say what comes first into his head, without considering, as he would if he had time, whether what he says is consistent or not with the facts to which it applies. (Laughter.) The noble Lord's conduct brings to my re- collection that of a celebrated Foreign Minister, who lived in the middle of the last century, when giving instructions to one of his agents as to the acts of another Government : the agent having listened to his instructions, ventured, in a most submissive manner, to insinuate that the language he was ordered to hold was not, perhaps, strictly consistent with the fact, and might, indeed, be said to be rather at variance with it. What was the Minister's answer ?—' Oh, never mind that : what in the world does it signify ? It is a very good thing to say, and mind you say it." (Much laughter.) That Minister would, I am sure, have made a very good off-hand debater. (Laughter repeated.) How- ever, I assure the noble Lord, that I do not accuse him of having, on the occa- sion in question, or any other, stated that which he knew and believed was not consistent with fact ; that of which I do accuse him is, of speaking about facts of which he happens to be wholly uninformed." (Cheers and laughter.)

Lord Stanley had charged the late Government, and Lord Palmerston in particular, with having created embarrassments for their successors in every part of the world : a charge which displayed not only want of information, but the grossest ingratitude-

" I had indeed hoped, that, in regard to foreign affairs, it would be admitted that we had bequeathed only facilities to our successors. (A laugh from the Ministerial benches.) What, do you laugh at that ?—why, you have been ab- solutely living on our leavings. You have been subsisting upon the broken victuals left upon our table. (Renewed laughter.) Gentlemen opposite re- mind me of nothing so much as a pack of people who have made a forcible entry into a dwelling-house, and sat down to carouse on the leavings in the larder. Hardly a month, nay hardly a week has passed, since the beginning of the session, without Ministers bringing in some measure which they have ac- knowledged was proposed by their predecessors." Ministers came into office on the 3d of September; the Speech from the Throne was delivered on the 3c1 of February ; yet the whole of the Speech, with a single exception, was a record of what had been done by their predecessors : it made no complaints of embarrassment, but con- tained only expressions of satisfaction at what was passed, and happy anticipations as regarded the future— It mentioned the treaty concluded with the Four Powers for the sup- pression of tho slave-trade ; "a treaty," said Lord Palmerston, "concluded by so." It next mentioned a treaty concluded with the same powers for opening the straits of the Bosphorus and Dardanelles ; to which the pre- sent Ministers gave a more imposing title, for they described it in the Royal Speech as " having for its object the security of the Turkish em- pire and the maintenance of the general tranquillity." That was saying in other words, that we had succeeded in fixing an important element in the balance of power. The next point was the restoration of friendly in- tercourse with Persia. Then the Speech said, that the Government were engaged in negotiations with several powers to extend the trade and commerce of the country ; negotiations carried on for some time by the late Ministers, with Spain, Brazil, and Naples- the negotiations with Portugal having been concluded in a recent treaty. Exception had been taken to the policy pursued respecting China; but on that head he would appeal to the declarations of the Duke of Wellington- in the House of Lords; and he must himself observe, that if our hostilities with the Chinese should terminate in a satisfactory arrangement of commerce with a nation containing 200,000,000 of people, a greater benefit to British manufactures could hardly be conceived. Ile would take some credit also for the settlement made with Denmark respecting the tolls of the Baltic ; and he should be glad to know how soon the present Mi- nistry would be able to produce a like settlement with Hanover respecting the tolls of the Elbe. if, as he had been informed, they meant to sacrifice the rights of British subjects to the interests of the King of Hanover, then the settlement made with Denmark by their predecessors would indeed be an em- barrassment to the existing Cabinet. On entswing office, the late Ministers found eighteen treaties: they concluded fourteen, two of them, those with Austria and Turkey, of great importance. He included the convention with France to regulate the fisheries of the two countries. One point in that was not concluded—it respected a demand by the French Commissioner, that French boats should be allowed to anchor within three miles of the British shore,—evidently in order that a French fishery on the coast of England might be made a nursery for manning the French Navy : he did not know whether the present Government meant to concede that point ? There was one instance in which the late Ministers failed—the settlement of the Portendic claims : their successors would know how that question was beset by difficulties. Lord Stanley said that they had bequeathed their difficulties in America. The Boundary question grew up before they entered office—be- fore Lord Stank himself grew up : but they bad done what it had occurred to no previous Gov rnment to do—they appointed two Commissions, who had ascerteined tha+ the boundary-line claimed by Great Britain did correspond With the trf sif the treaty of 1783, and that the line claimed by America ,.did not Tlie cond Report, just issued, showed that part of the American nay, lite ours, pmceeds from the due North line ; but from a point further North, and although it does go along a range of high lands, and so far would. fulfil the terms of the treaty, yet that line of high lands, instead of going to the head of the Connecticut river, as it ought to do, goes twenty-five miles wide to the North, and is separated from that head by a large tract of swampy plaits, and not a part of the range of highlands. In the Right of Search question, Ministers have adopted the arguments of their predecessors. Lord. :aliment= then claimed credit for extending British commerce by opening new markets on the coast of Arabia, and on the coast of Abyssinia, (whence comes the " Mocha coffee,") by laying the foundation for the commerce which must take place in China, and in the countries to the West of the Indus, a river navigable for 1,200 miles from its source. The late disaster, which had nothing to do with the original measure, he attributed to the want of "ordinary militaty precautions?' He interpreted a reply. which he received from Sir Robert Peel, to admit that orders had been given by the Governor-General of India to evacuate the countries West of ti • Indus, whatever may have been done to defeat those orders by the misappre nsion of the orders themselves, or by the fortunate arrival of an overland deal, •h, to save us from the eternal disgrace. Hewould submit what the late Minis s bad done for commerce to the test of figures : the declared value of our exp. 's rose from 37,000,000/. in 1831, to 50,000,000/. in 1841 ; the exports to 'a arkey, Syria, and Palestine, front 838.000/. in 1831, to 1,461,000/. in 1840; the trade with India and China, from 3,377,000/. in 1831, to 6,547,000/. in 1840.

In regard to home affairs, he found the prospect was rather cheering than otherwise : Government was pledged to the principle of Free Trade : they could not recede—they could not stand still—they must go on ; and if they should be deserted by any powerful body of their own friends, they would have the cordial support of the Opposition in their

march of improvement. As to foreign affairs, he looked with. considerable apprehension and fear to a Government acting upon a system of timidity, of apathy, and of compromise. Whether it be in reference to the King of Hanover, or to the French fishery Com- missioners, or to the United States, or to Akhbar Khan, they seemed to be prepared to act on a system of submission : but in that course they- would be jealously watched by the same Opposition.

Sir ROBERT PEEL rose to second the motion !--which Lord Palmer- ston, he said, had copied, even in the very wording, from one by Colonel Sibthorpe on the 25th of May 1841 ; though without giving credit to his predecessor for the example. He thanked him for the opportunity of comparing the efforts of the two Governments. Following Lord Palmerston in the historical review of the state of parties since the peace, and beginning with Catholic Emancipation, he said- " The result of that attempt was perfectly known to us when we felt it our duty to propose that measure to Parliament. We were aware what its inevitable result must be : it was foreseen that it must cause a temporary forfeiture of confidence among those who had been our supporters. When, however, the noble Lord reflects on his own conduct respect ing Parliamentary Reform—conduct which I am sure was dictated only by the most honourable motives—I think that the noble Lord ought to be one who would have some toleration for changes of opinion. (Cheers.) The noble Lord, till the death of Mr. Canning, the bitter opponent of Parliamentary Reform, was the faithful adherent of that right honourable gentleman. In 1832, the noble Lord was as faithful an adherent to Lord Grey, the great Minister of Reform. If the noble Lord did not, under Mr. Canning, see those clear indications in the country that Parliamentary Reform was close at hand, he ought at least to have some toleration for those who with only equal blindness overlooked the coming necessity."

He denied that the necessity for Commercial Reform originated in the change produced by Parliamentary Reform— In years long prior to that, Mr. Huskisson and others maintained the true principles of commercial reform. Nay, in the ten years preceding the Reform Bill, there was a greater application of commercial reform, and much larger abolition of monopolies, than took place during the ten years which followed the Reform Bill. But if from the era of Parliamentary Reform ought to have been dated the necessity for commercial improvements—if that be trite, then the noble Lord passes the most severe censure on those to whom the Re- form Bill gave political power. (Loud cheering.) " Why, when you were strong—when you were, as you would represent, convinced of the necessity of commercial reform — when you saw, as you say, that Parliamentary Reform necessitated a new course of commercial policy, not only by the reason of the thing, but by the coincidence of great events—how can you justify yourselves for having left commercial reform to utter neglect at the very time when you had most power to secure it ? (Loud cheers.) Then. when you had powerful majorities, you might have disregarded any opposition of ours to measures you proposed. Parliamentary Reform had nearly anni- hilated the Conservative party : you, who tell us you had been long convinced of the necessity for such a course—why, you neglected it altogether for the first five years of your predominance in political power ; and when you were in the last conjuncture of distress—the direst emergency of difficulty, distress, and despair—then you came down with your tardy, penitent-like confessions. (Long-continued cheers.) How were you spending then the leisure of the re- cesses ? In reading Adam Smith and Malthus ? in trying to reconcile the opinions you professed during the first fifteen years of your public life with those you have declared in the last? (Great laughter and cheers.) But if you were to thoroughly convincing yourself of the wisdom of the doctrines promulgated by the Smiths and the Ricardos—if you, at the time you were possessed of the predominance of political power, were satisfied of the neces- sity of setting the example of liberal policy in commerce—how can you new account for your own conduct in having then utterly neglected all these things ? (Long-continued cheers.) How have you registered your own condemnation ! You have shown that either you were not convinced of the truth of the principles, and that you had not made progress enough in the doctrines of political economy ; or else, that having mastered those principles and embraced those doctrines, you, when you had perfect pos- session of the requisite power, neglected the opportunity of effecting that which you now represent as having been of such vast moment." (Long-contixteed cheers.) Even when their power began to wane, the late Ministers did not act on the principles to which they now professed such adhesion- " When Mr. Robinson or Mr. Hutt brought forward the Bonding Corn Bill, you taunt us with having opposed it : you opposed it, and the leader of your Government in this House voted against it. Why did not the noble Lord, if be had then become a convert to the philosophy of the free trade writers—why did he not then come forward to read us a great lesson in political economy? Then again on the sugar question, you, who now can't tolerate a doubt as to the propriety of admitting slave-grown sugar—you who call it hypocrisy to pro- fess a dread of encouraging the slave-trade—you opposed Alr. E wart and when, even in 1839, he proposed to reduce the duties on foreign sugar, he divided with some twenty-five and the whole strength of the Government against him." Sir Robert turned to the fulfilment of the declarations in the Address at the opening of the session. He presented proposals for equalizing the revenue and expenditure, for reducing the duties on foreign corn, -for removing the prohibition on foreign cattle, and for making exten- sive shentions in the Tariff : all those measures gained the approbation of the House. He was charged with having proposed measures that bad taken his agricultural friends by surprise, and which they believed would undermine agricultural prosperity ; and then it was made a charge, that his measures were utter delusions, and that the agricul- lurists were not alarmed : which of the two accusations was it intended to urge, for the two were clearly inconsistent with each other ? Lord Palmerston seemed to insinuate that Sir Robert Peel had deceived his friends as to the conditions on which they were to give him their support- " I deny that I ever received support in such a manner. My public opinions were distinctly put on record in 1835: I have ever avowed the same principles; Auld no one can justly accuse me of having deceived my friends by measures in- consistent with what I formerly have held. Why, when last in office I was taunted with being more liberal than my colleagues ; and alien I have pro- posed in office measures in accordance midi the very principles I then avowed, I ought not to be charged a ith inconsistency or deception. The noble Lord talked, forsooth. of my having adopted his principles: why, where could I have found them ? (Cheers and laughter.) I never will deny the credit that is due to those who called attention to the state of the Import-duties ; and the ho- .nourable Member for Montrose was the man that did FO. The late Ministers are always quoting some miserable attempt they made in 1833 to reduce the duties to a small amount on foreign timber; but when the Committee moved for by ;the honourable Member for Montrose was proceeding with its inquiry, low many members of the Government attended upon that Committee ? Was there a member of the Government in the chair ? was your President or Vice- President of the Board of Trade a member of the Committee ? I believe that a member of the Government holding a subordinate office did give something like an attendance, but little foreseeing the consequences of the disclosures that were to be made. There never was a more preposterous or unjust claim than the attempt to take the credit due to other men for those investi- gations. What is your defence for having abstained from calling the at- tention of the country to great plinciples of commercial policy ? Your defence is, that you were not strong enough to enforce them : but if you were convinced of their truth, why did you not risk office in the enforce- ment of your principles ? (Loud cheering.) You say that parties were so nearly balanced that we had the power to obstruct your progress: but if it be true, as you say, that you were backed by public opinion, why did you not _risk a dissolution or a resignation ? You declare that the public feeling was with you : why then did you not depend upon it ? That is the true way of carrying out principles. But now, whc n you have lost office, you come forward and take credit, forsooth, for courage and resolution which you might have _shown, but which you did not show. (Laughter and cheers.) Your not laving made any sacrifice in vindicating the great principles you had, it should seem, adopted—does not this convict you of having been satisfied with being merely in office, and with having, while responsible for the exercise of power, referred the retention of place to the assertion of your professed principles? It was not only the being passive; you did all the evil you could possibly do by retaining place without taking any pains, or risking any sacrifice, to en- lighten the public mind, or enforce principles you pretend to have believed interwoven with the prosperity of the country. You feared even to appeal to _public opinion in behalf of principles you say you believed just. I saw the Member for Stockport's countenance fall wofully when the noble Lord was occupied full a quarter of an hour in proving that the Corn-laws had nothing to do with preventing the progress of national prosperity. (Laughter.) The noble Lord, in his enthusiastic defence of himself, attributed every thing to the exclusive merits of his administration, and referred every improvement in the social condition of the country not so much even to general administration as to his own labours at the Foreign Office. (Laughter.) I will give the amble Lord all the credit of his 'Mocha coffee,' and for thinking that the send- ing armies to ravage and waste a country is the hest way of engendering a taste for the peaceful intercourse of commercial relations. But what did the noble Lord prove ?—that under the old system of the Corn-laws—such is the omnipotent effect of a really good Government in correcting the defects of legislation—the noble Lord was enabled to augment our exports by millions."

Some forty-eight nights had passed in the consideration of the three great measures of the session. They might now try to depreciate those measures, or underrate the difficulties of carrying them ; but he should have liked to see them essay such an achievement. He did not see why he should not take credit for a contrast which his Govern- -ment presented to theirs-

" When I was last in office, I was threatened with the defection of one hun- dred and fifty of my supporters on the Malt-tax. I said directly, ' This tax is necessary for the maintenance of public credit, and I must go down to propose It.' I risked my Government upon it ; and what was the consequence ? My -friends were generous when they saw I was in earnest : difficulties vanished, and I carried the tax by a triumphant majority. I do not wish to deny it was with some support from gentlemen opposite, but not enough to have secured success had there been defection on the part of my own followers: and I made alp my mind, in the face of the risk of failure. That is the course which a public man ought to adopt when he has satisfied himself as to the justice of any course—he should determine to abide by the issue : that this is the only course by which a Government convinced of the soundness of certain prin- dillies can ever carry them. Then, upon the importation of cattle, if I bad been told by a hundred of my supporters that they must with- draw their support in the event of my pressing forward that measure, I might, following certain examples, have said, Here is a plausible proposition about taking duty by weight instead of per head : I can manage, perhaps, to make an escape by means of this.' Or when Members from different parts of the country were prepared only for the admission of liberal principles in all ether cases but their own, I might have yielded : but I should have compromised the principles for which I was contending. I adhered then to my propositions, and carried them, partly by the support of gentlemen opposite, because they were aware I was acting honestly, and that while I was dealing with small in- terests I equally grappled with the great." With respect to the taunt that they had not proceeded with the Eccle- siastical Jurisdiction and Registration Bills, Sir Robert said- " We were prepared to proceed. There surely were no difficulties in our way, compared to those which we had overcome. (Cheers.) But I was sure that after the labour of the session the measures mentioned could not have se- cured proper attention. Was I not right in that ? W hy, when the noble Lord has been passing his panegyrics on his late colleagues and himself, where are they ? (Cheers and laughter.) Where have they been for the last months? All the important business of the session, after the three first great mean* s, has been carried on during that period. Do you say that the absence of such 'nen, during all the press and sweat of Parliamentary business, argues indiffer- ence as to their public duties? No. But it argues entire, unqualified confi- dence in the Government. (Loud and long-continued cheers.) They have left the noble Lord, as was once said of another gentleman here- ' The last rose of summer, all blooming alone, His lovely companions all withered and gone '- (Roars of laughter)—left him 'to waste his sweetness on the desert air'-

Sibthorp, and move for returns which the most jealous and s

a mxeae lectiievdpgeoeti:pcm Minis.

et4 iaon obi:on:lee;

(Laughter)—with the injunction to 'bottle up a great spc laughter)—no matter how thin the House—(Laughter)—let i X end of the session all of itself.' (Continued laughter.) . Y BR Lord, ' but am I to move a vote of want of confidence, or something of distrust ?" Oh, no! ' said his colleagues, 'follow the alp tars could not find it in his heart to oppose—(Laughter and cheers)—but, for Heaven's sake, don't risk a division I Speak about America and Afghanis- tan. and every thing else; only avoid any motion which may issue in a division of three to one against us.' (Great laughter and cheers.) Now, surely the ab. sence of the noble Lord's friends properly precludes our bringing forward the measures referred to. Were we' for instance, to bring forward a Registration Bill in the absence of the great luminary of Reform' what would be said? But let us take another case, that of the Bribery Bill. We heard of enormous and universal corruption, and the necessity for instant reform. ' Let us,' it was said earnestly on the other side, 'let us have a measure to shame these cor- ruptors of public virtue.' I promised every assistance. Well, the first intima- tion I received was from the noble author of the bill, 'I'm off.' (Laughter.) Then the Attorney-General of the late Government was to have the bill—and in the eulogy pronounced on his eminent abilities I entirely concur—but soon it was ' I'm off !' with him also. (Laughter.) Then the Chairman of the Committee ; and he was to be found on the Continent. Then, at last, the bill came to the learned Member for Liskeard, not a member of the Committee, and certainly here I found it necessary to give that energetic support which I often gave the late Government to insure the passing of their measures. And when the learned gentleman, with iufantine simplicity, when called upon to defend the main clauses of the bill, looked round and said, • I suppose I must say something, but I've nothing to say '—(Roars of laughter)-1 began to fear this measure was in danger of miscarriage when committed to such innocence ; till at last the honourable Member got up and said, 'For God's sake give the bill to Sir Robert Peel, if you wish it should pass this session.' (Continued laugh- ter.) What confidence in the Government, to overcome even parental affec- tion. (Laughter.) Flesh and blood could hardly have deserted such a bantling. (Great laughter.) I feel, then, deeply the ingratitude of the noble Lord in getting up on the last day of such a session to talk about the postponement of the Registration or the Ecclesiastical Courts Bills, of both whereof, I believe, he would prove upon examination entirely ignorant."

He now came to the financial measures. There was a deficiency of two millions and a half, an accumulated deficiency of ten millions, and three wars, in Syria, China, and Afghanistan. The Income-tax had been debated sixteen nights ; during which Lord Palmerston maintained an absolute silence ; and now, on the very last day of the session, he

came down to the House to fire his small popgun ! The Bankruptcy Bill had no doubt been deferred to a late period of the session ; but it had been carried ; and the intermediate delay of it had been mainly in deference to :the wishes of Lord Cottenbam, who desired to take it in conjunction with the County Courts Bill—, " But the amount of what we have done will be laid on the table of the House ; it will become matter of record; and when any impartial man comes to consider it, if he be possessed of a generous and forbearing spirit, he will pass over what has been left undone, and give us credit for what we have effected. As the noble Lord has said, those only who have been in office can have any idea of the enormous amount of duty that is connected with it. The number of despatches that a Minister receives from every quarter of the globe, and which he must of necessity read, would alone suffice to convince any one de- sirous of forming a correct judgment on the subject, how difficult a thing it is for a public man to reconcile the performance of his duties in the House of Commons with the conduct of official affairs."

He adverted to the foreign part of Lord Palmerston's speech ; a reply to a speech delivered three months ago by Lord Stanley—who could hardly reciprocate Lord Palmerston's compliment for his skill in "off- hand debate" !—

The noble Lord referred to such treaties as that with Mexico and those about the slave-trade: but look to the great countries of Europe. Sir Robert's own Government had recognized the dynasty of Louis Philippe ; and for four or five years their successors boasted of their strengthened bonds of amity. In 1836 and 1837 they found France disposed to friendly relations ; the world has been at peace ; this country has no feeling of hostility towards France ; what then had happened to disturb those friendly relations? Sir Robert continued—" I say more; we have no feeling of rivalry with France, except the generous rivalry of the race of civilization. I believe I speak the feelings of the people of this country when I say that we view with pleasure—we rejoice to see the advance of civilization and improvement in that Country; and we do it disin- terestedly; or, if we entertain any selfish idea in the matter, it is because we know that the improvement of France will react on our own, and must have done so long ere now if the slightest steps had been taken by the Government of the noble Lord to encourage and maintain relations of amity between the two countries. But what was the cause which is assigned as sufficing to alienate and disturb the spirit of amity which ought always to subsist between two countries, whose amity would give peace to the world ? The Turkish empire ! 'What! was that one of the 'facilities' which you bequeathed to her Majesty's present advisers? You restored the Turkish empire, you say. You restored the appearance of empire; you left anarchy behind you.', Sir Robert deprecated the spirit of Lord Palmerston's remarks re- specting the questions with the United States, because it compelled a disclosure which had better for the present have been kept out of sight— "1 am sorry that the noble Lord tried—I will not say that the attempt is likely be successful—but tried to put in jeopardy the settlement of a question be- tween that Government and this, for the settlement of which attempts have been making for forty years. Why, such is the blindness of your hostility to her Majesty's Government, that every word you have used is a two-edged sword which may be used against yourself. You came into the Government in in 1931. Did you, when you so came into office, knowing nothing about the question, manfully confess your ignorance? No, you were ready to assent to the I rms proposed. (" Hear, hear I ") Is it not true that you were then ready to assent to a boundary which you now denounce as an unjust one ? You talk of the necessity of supporting the honour of the country. I hope I am pre- pared to go as far as any man to vindicate the honour of this country ; but er the United States I say, as I say of France, that the differences between this country and each of those two countries ought, forAbe interests of humanity, to be settled with the least practicable loss of time As to Portugal, so little had Lord Palmerston's diplomacy succeeded in "goSciliating even Portugal, that it had become necessary to pass an act of Porflement authorizing English cruisers to search Portuguese vessels suspected of alave-trading. Respecting the Stade duties, Lord Palmerston had *It them ten years of negotiation without a step towards a settlement ; the oklypoirstA issue being the question, whether this country should go to war, or whether ; i r: anover should reduce the duty to one sixteenth per cent. Sir dobert shotail trcat the claim of the King of Hanover in the same way as that of any other ern ; and he believed that which must give rise to revelations concerning matters on W . lis e. hj mi lt the the treaty when laid on the table would not be. Lad inconsi4

not- be-

of England. " But I tell the nobk, - that he, 4*

should take care how he enters upon subj- nature, that silence should be preserved at present, and which lay the ground for others to press further inquiries upon in the ensuing session."

The noble Lord left for his climax—Afghanistan 1— ,4 The noble Lord presumed much on my forbearance in what he said with respect to the Afghan war ; and I will not be betrayed by any language of his to forget what I owe to the public service in replying to him. It is easy to say why don't you move troops to Candahar, and why don't you move other troops somewhere else. The noble Lord finds no difficulty in this ; but does be recollect that 26,000 camels, carrying the baggage of the troops in Af- ghanistan, were sacrificed before they reached it ? The noble Lord says, Who contemplated the abandonment of Afghanistan? ' I could tell the noble Lord. Beware, I say, let the noble Lord beware, of indiscriminate reflections upon those now in office. (Repeated cheers.) The affairs of Afghanistan shall undergo serious consideration. When the noble Lord put a question to me respecting them the other night, I did give him a cautious and a guarded answer; but why did I do so? Look at the circumstances by which I am surrounded. Look at the public press in India—its sources of information, and the facility with which it gives it to the public. Look at the despatches creeping out by piecemeal ; and then look at my position when I am asked if such and such orders are given, and if such and such reports are true—orders and reports which I cannot explain, and which the noble Lord ought not to ask me to explain, knowing as he does that my answers may be read in Af- ghanistan in the short space of six weeks. The noble Lord, I say, knows that I cannot answer his questions ; he knows that I must lie open to his inuen- does, and that I must submit to his imputations: but let me tell him this, that I will rather submit to all the inuendoes and imputations he may bring against me, than I will compromise the safety of one man engaged in the service of his country."

Sir Robert did not know even now what it was that was laid to his charge. He had not changed the principles which he aided Mr. Hus- kisson in carrying out ; be had no hope of reward for the cares of office but the hope of future fame-

" It is to that reward that I and my colleagues aspire. If there be another reflection which cheers me onwards in my course, it is that, much as I may have disappointed, much as I may have dissatisfied the honourable friends whom I see around me—much as they may asperse me in private parties, to which the noble Lord has access and I have not—still I have found through all the difficulties of the session, that they have not withdrawn from us in power that confidence and support which cheered and inspired us in the blank regions of Opposition. Next to the hope of that fame which is the sole reward to which we aspire, their kindness and confidence has been our li siding impulse. It is a matter of great congratulation to me to be enabled to compare their strength in 1833 with their strength at present ; and to be permitted to entertain the hope, that in pursuing the course I believe to be best, not in deference to their fears or opinions if I believe them wrong, I shall still, despite all anxieties and all disappointments, hold that place in their esteem which I value more than I do their political support." (Loud and long-continued cheers.) Mr. COBDEN said a few words after Sir Robert Peel sat down. He asked whether the leaders of parties had nothing better to do than getting up these quarrels between Whig and Tory, saying to one another, in vulgar phraseology, "You 're ar.other." He cited documents in confirmation of his assertion that Mr. Clay bad no chance of being elected President of the United States, and that the Free Trade party in America would soon be in the ascendant. He warned the two disputants, who had said but little on the distress of the country, that it would haunt them in their retirement. He urged Sir Robert Peel further to carry out his commercial policy ; and assured Lord Palmer- ston, that there is a growing opinion in the country that we have meddled too much in the affairs of foreign countries.

Mr. HOME and Mr. Ewenx concurred in Mr. Cobden's views. The motion was agreed to.

PROROGATION OF PARLIANDENT. '

The Queen prorogued Parliament in person, yesterday. The House of Lords was splendidly fitted up for the occasion ; and from noon it was crowded in every part. On the right of the Throne was placed the Prince of Wales's state chair ; on the left, Prince Albert's ; and at the foot, a little to the right of the Prince of Wales's, were two chairs for the Prince and Princess of Saxe Coburg Gotha. Among the crowd of illus- trious spectators were the Prince and Princess, the Duke of Cam- bridge, Dwarkanauth Tajore and another Hindu of rank, the Foreign Ambassadors, and hosts of ladies. At five minutes to two, the cannon, and then a flourish of trumpets, announced the approach of the Queen ; who, after having robed, entered the House in state, handed by Prince Albert, and preceded by heralds and pursuivants, and the Lord Chan- cellor, the Duke of Buccleuch, the Earl of Shaftesbury, and the Duke of Wellington, bearing respectively the Great Seal, the Crown, the Cap of Maintenance, and the Sword of State.

The Queen having taken her seat on the throne, the Commons were summoned. The SPEAKER delivered a short address, compactly enu- merating the chief deeds of the session. The QUEEN, having given the' Royal assent to several bills, delivered the following Speech- " My Lords sod Gentlemen—The state of public business enables me to re- lease you from further attendance in Parliament. I cannot take leave of you without expressing my grateful sense of the assiduity and zeal with which you have applied yourselves to the discharge of your public duties during the whole course of a long and most laborious session. "You have had under your consideration measures of the greatest impor- tance connected with the financial and commercial interests of the country, calculated to maintain the public credit, to improve the national resources, and, by extending trade and stimulating the demand for labour, to promote the general and permanent welfare of all classes of my subjects. "Although measures of this description have necessarily occupied much of your attention, you have at the same time effected great improvements in seve- ral branches of jurisprudence, and in laws connected with the administration of domestic affairs.

I return you my especial acknowledgments for the renewed proof which you afforded me of your loyalty and affectionate attachment, by your ready and unanimous concurrence in an act for the increased security and protection of soy person.

"I continue to receive from all Foreign Powers assurances of their friendly disposition towards this country. "Although I have deeply to lament the reverses which have befallen a divi- sion of the army to fae westwati of the Indus, yet I have the satisfaction of reflecting that the gallant defence of the city ofJellalabad, crowned by a deci- sive victory in the Sell, has eminently proved the courage and discipline of the European and native troops, and the skill and fortitude of their distinguished commander.

" Gentlemen of the House of Commons—The liberality with which you have

granted the supplies to meet the exigencies of the public service, demands my warm acknowledgments.

" My Lords and Gentlemen—You will concur with me in the expression of humble gratitude to Almighty God for the favourable season which His bounty has vouchsafed to us, and for the prospects of a harvest more abundant thasa those of recent years.

"There are, I trust, indications of gradual recovery from that depression which has affected many branches of manufacturing industry, and has exposed large classes of my people to privations and sufferings which have caused me the deepest concern. " You will, I am confident, be actuated on your return to your several counties by the same enlightened zeal for the public interests which you have manifested during the discharge of your Parliamentary duties, and will do your utmost to encourage by your example and active exertions that spirit of order and submission to the law which is essential to the public happiness, and:- without which there can be no enjoyment of the fruits of peaceful industry,. and no advance in the career of social improvement."

The Loon CHANCELLOR declared Parliament prorogued till Thursday the 6th of October next ; and the Queen left the House in the same order as when she entered.