THE PRESENT CRISIS AND IMPERIAL FEDERATION AS ITS SOLUTION.
[To 711. Enema or Tu. ..SrEcrwroa."]
Stn,—I am sure that everyone will welcome any suggestion coming from so high an authority as the Archbishop of York with reference to the present crisis, although I, for one, should be still more grateful to him if he had made any definite pro- posal as to how the two parties could meet on common ground ; but unless he suggests that the Opposition should sacrifice what they consider to be vital principles, I fail to see how that is possible, as no offer has yet been made by the Government which would in any way meet the objections of Ulster, and even if we did accept them the result could only lead to greater disaster in the future. I do, however, agree with his Grace that the question is capable of a statesmanlike solution, and I would venture to lay before you the lines upon which it might be brought about.
In addition to the Irish Parliament, there are other questions of most serious import which are equally pressing, and amongst them I would name : (1) The restoration of the Constitution by setting up a Second Chamber in fulfilment of the Preamble of the Parliament Act; (2) the linking up of the various parts of the Empire for the purpose of defence and general organization; (3) the fact that, owing to congestion of business in the House of Commons, great Imperial questions
are often shut out, or are, at any rate, inadequately discussed, chiefly on account of prolonged debates on purely local questions ; (4) the question of redistribution of seats and equalization of votes; (5) the seating accommodation in the House of Commons, which now makes it impossible for a large proportion of Members to obtain seats in the House when important questions are being discussed.
In connexion with these problems, I think it will be admitted, first, that the so-called Imperial Parliament, although elected by Great Britain and Ireland alone, legislates for the whole Empire, and receives contributions either in money or in kind from the Colonies, although the latter have no representation in that Parliament; and, secondly, that the Colonies have now outgrown their childhood, and should be admitted as sister. States with Great Britain and Ireland, unless we wish to drive them out altogether.
My suggestion is that we should eliminate, once and for all, all purely Imperial questions from the present House of Commons, and hand them over to an Imperial Parliament consisting of two Houses—an Upper Chamber of, say, fifty members, and a Lower Chamber of, say, a hundred members, to be elected by the whole Empire, each Federal State being allotted a proportional number of representatives; the work of this Imperial Parliament to consist of (1) Imperial Ex. chequer; (2) Imperial Navy; (3) Imperial Army; (4) Foreign Affairs ; (5) Imperial Affairs generally. Isolated parts of the Empire, not yet formed into Federal States, might for this purpose be grouped together for the object of electing repre. sentatives. Great Britain and Ireland also to be formed into a Federal State (as in the case of, and with exactly the same powers as, Canada, Australia, and South Africa), consisting of a Federal Parliament of two Chambers, an Upper and a Lower, of, say, one hundred and fifty and four hundred and fifty members respectively, to deal with (1) British Exchequer; (2) Home Affairs (including Judiciary and Police); (3) General Post Office ; (4) Local Government Board; (5) Board of Trade; (6) Health Board; (7) Board of Agriculture; (8) Board of Works ; (9) Board of Education.
Under this Federal Parliament local Parliaments could be established in each of the States of England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales, one or more in each State as thought advisable, and to these local Parliaments, in addition to the existing powers of the County Councils (which they would take over), would be allotted all local questions such as Gas Bills, Water Bills, Railway Bills, &c., &o. Under this scheme Great Britain and Ireland would have exactly the same powers (no more and no less) as the other Federal States, which have recently been formed in other parts of the Empire. Have they the right to ask for more ? And, since England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales would all be treated exactly alike and would be given equal powers with all the other States throughout the Empire, surely none of them would have any just cause to complain.
At the present moment the electors of Great Britain practically rule the Empire. Is it not time that our great self-governing States throughout the Empire had a voice in its management If they were invited to become partners, I feel convinced that not only would they welcome the sug,gea. Lion, but also that their great Imperial ideas would strengthen the deliberations of the Imperial Parliament to an enormous extent, and, with that, our position as an Empire; and I feel equally confident that if any leading statesman were to make an appeal to this country on such a policy, he would meet with a very welcome response. I admit that it means a (hustle change in our Constitution, but it is one that is amply justified by the present critical state of affairs. Is not some such scheme possible ? If so, would it not solve all the problems above enumerated P—I am, Si,', &c., RICHARD CHALONER.
House of Commons.
[That when the time is ripe the daughter nations will share the burdens of Empire with the Mother Country must be the hope and desire of all good citizens. To dissolve the bonds of Union in the United Kingdom is another matter altogether, and will work, not for, but against, the larger Union to which we all aspire. The New Federalists will, we believe, find their schemes wrecked on the rock of finance. No newly created State such as Wales will be content with "living on her own." But if every fragment of the United Kingdom is to have Irish terms, who will ultimately pay the tribute F—ED. Spectator.]
Previous page
