Vrouiurial.

Mr. Bright made a epeech at the Lancashire Reformers' Union in the Free Trade Hall on Thursday, of which we have a summary by tele- graph. The question of the evening was the Reform Bill ; Mr. Bazlev, Mr. Henry Ashworth, and others, spoke i - but Mr. Bright was the!' " lion " of the evening. If the summary be correct, it will be seen that Mr. Bright has again ventured to make, in the provinces, those accu- sations which be abstains from making in Parliament.

Mr. Bright said though it was holiday time both for hard-working people and for Members of Parliament, he thought it was never inoppor- tune for the citizens of a free country to meet and discuss questions of public interest and importance. We were now arrived at an interval or sort of half-way house in the session of Parliament, and it would be an advantageous opportunity to survey the past and glance at what is' in store for us in the immediate future.

Looking back to the last two months in Parliament, he was glad to be able to say that what we beheld was highly satisfactory. If it was not for the enormous, the needless, and he might say the guilty military expendi- ture he would have been willing to express unmixed approbation of Mr. Gladstone's budget. We should probably have had a good budget from Mr. Gladstone even if there had been no commercial treaty with France, but that treaty made it doubly, valuable. By means of the two, every vestige of protection had been swat from the tariff. The treaty would come into full operation in three years from that time. He believed we should find the tariff of France much more liberal than the present tariff of the United States. If we now exported to the extent of twenty-three million pounds annually to the United States, how much should we export to France, a country more populous and much nearer to our shores, when we had a more liberal tariff than that with America ? BOW were this budget and treaty received ? The treaty was received with marked coldness by both houses, and hotly opposed by a large party in the Commons. They said it was not according to precedent, and that the chief apostle or free trade did not know his own business. (Laughter.) They said the French tariff ought to be lower, and that it ought to come into operation at once. Well, that was to the loss of France. They said it had not re- ceived the sanction of the French Chambers, but that it was carried into effect on the sole will of the Emperor. If it was passed in accordance with the French constitution, and the mode of enacting it was sufficient for France, it ought to be sufficient for us. They said the duties were chiefly taken off luxuries. The truth was we had not many articles left except luxuries, the duties on which could be abolished.. The Time said we ought to have left the treaty to be negotiated by an experienced diplomatist. We had diplomatists in all parts of the world receiving enormous salaries, yet we should look in vain for any service by them to English industry equal to the service done by the unpaid and inexperienced diplomatist, Mr. Cobden. But the true reasons against the treaty had not been given in the House of Commons. The budget abolished severalsoure.es of indirect taxation, and had tied up the military expenditure by a tax from which hereafter there would be no escape. Henceforth these two things would go together. If Parliament raised the military expenditure to twenty or thirty millions, that increase must be defrayed by an income-tax, or by an income-tax coupled with a property-tax. He (Mr. Bright) thought it a moat happy thing that this result should have been brought about. This treaty promised peace and confidence with France : but there were persons connected with the oli- garchy and the military service who wished for a different policy. Out of the 125 years previous to 1815, we were at war with France during 68 years. When the system began our taxation amounted to two millions. In 1815, it had reached to 72 millions, and we had an accumulated debt of 800 millions. All this took place under a system in which only the " select " were al- lowed to vote, in which the great aristocratic Republic stood supreme, un- interfered with by the breath of public opinion. The treaty concluded with Francemenaced this patrimony of taxation, and hence the concealed oppo- sition to its being carried into effect. Besides those questions of the budget and commercial treaty, Parliament had been called upon to consider the question of parliamentary reform. Lord J. Russell's bill must be taken for what it was, viz., a bill for the extension of the franchise. It only remotely touched upon the redistribution of seats, and did not comprise the ballot. The borough voters in England and Wales now on the register numbered 440,000 and he believed the new bill would only add 167,000. Was that a measure likely to give an ignorant and excited mob a preponderating power in all the boroughs of England? In 1832 it was said, the hew voters en- franchised by the proposed Reform Bill would swamp the old constituency, and the same argument was being used at the present time; yet the ten- pound householders had never conspired, so far as he knew, to swamp the power of persons of property and education. Mr. Whiteside, in a recent de- bate, had tried to fnghten the House by reference to the strike of the Lon- don' builders. Now, it had never been proved that strikes were bad ; a strike was the reserved power in the hands of the working man. Mr. Bright would tell working men never to surrender their right to combine with their fellow men in support of their interests. He believed Mr. Disraeli would be glad to allow the present bill to pass, so that the question of reform should no longer obstruct his battles with his old antagonists, the Whigs. Others among the Tory opposition would also willingly give it their support ; but he feared the policy of lukewarm Liberals. He, however, gave credit to Go- vernment for bringing forward the measure, and hoped they would take care it was not damaged in its passage through the House. If it should not be passed this session, or was much longer delayed, he would recommend the working classes throughout the country to appoint delegates from their trades unions and societies to sit permanently in London to act upon Parliament, and to tell it that they did not longer intend to be put off and trifled with, and cheated of their just expectations. (Cheers.) Mr. Bright then drew a parallel between the present time and that of Mr. Pitt, with regard to the Reform Bill and Commercial Treaty with France. In 1784, Mr. Pitt's re- form measure was rejected, and his commercial treaty was got rid of by war with France. He warned the people to see that the same course was not adopted now. There was a party in this country who systematically en- deavoured to arouse an ill feeling against the French nation. The Times was following in the wake of the Morning Advertiser, and in the same pot- valiant style, perhaps ; but with a malignity, if possible, more Satanic, trying to arouse a spirit against the French nation. From week to week, and from month to month, it published leaders, one day insulting France, next day alarming Germany, and another time exciting England. (Cheers.) He knew what would be said in reply to this, but he was not writing anonymously. He was an Englishman like themselves, caring nothing for the reviling. of the press, but caring dearly for the solemn interests of his country. His warnings were not unnecessary. He spoke not to the court; for though honest, his speech was scarcely tuned to courtly ears. He spoke not to the aristocracy who, wrapt in luxury, cared not to listen to his ap- peals ; but be addressed the great body of his fellow-countrymen. In a few years this treaty would become a bond of perpetual peace. It might yet be wrested from their hands. With peace the progress of reform could not be arrested, and political power in this land would be transferred from a clique of families to a great nation.

Mr. Bright concluded amidst great cheering, having spoken one hour and twenty minutes. The meeting broke up immediately afterwards.

The Ipswich Farmers' Club has taken ground against the Malt-tax, alleging a great variety of reasons against its continuance, and especially pointing out that it is unjust to admit French wines aneforeign malt at lower duties, while the duty on home-produced malt is not reduced. They talk of establishing an Anti Malt-tax Association, and hope to find an efficient advocate of their views in Sir Fitzroy Kelly.

The Liverpool Improvement Committee have presented to the Town Council a plan of improvementa in various parts of the town,.involving the widening of many old streets, and the construction of 'several new ones at the north, south, and east sides of the borough. The scheme also comprised improved approaches to the landing stages. The esti- mated cost of carrying out these improvements was 3011,0001, and the committee recommended the council to apply to Parliament for powers to borrow this amount.

Murderers' confessions are not often very pleasant reading, but for the student in human nature they will always have a peculiar interest. Two have been published this week, and we quote parts of both. The first is that of Joseph Castle, who killed his wife, and who was hung at Bed- ford on the 31st of March. We invert the order of the confession for the sake of continuity. Castle said:— "My wife left Ware on Monday morning, the 8th of August. After she had been gone about three hours, I started to the Hartham Railway station, in Hertford, in pursuit of my wife, but, finding she was not there e I went to the Hatfield station, thinking to hear something of her there. Not hav- ing beard of her, I pitoceeded to Cromer Hyde, at which place I heard that my wife (according to the description I gave of tier) had been there, and had gone on to Luton. I walked on to Luton, and arrived there at about ten o'clock the same night. I thought they were all gone to bed, so I did not disturb them, but intended to sleep in a plait dye-house belonging to my father-in-law. Shortly after, I heard some one at the door of the house going in. I went out of the plait-house and walked up to the door, think- ing it was my wife had just arrived. I laid hold of the person, but, finding the voice was not hers, I let her go and ran away. I walked round the town two or three times, and asked a policeman ftir a night's lodging. I then returned to the plait-house, and remained there the whole night, and until seven-o'clock the next morning. When I left the plait-house, I went to my futher-in-law's house, and, finding the door on the latch, I walked into the house and asked Emily if her father was at home ? She replied that he was not, and, at the same time, requesting her to allow me to sit down, which I did, I asked her if Jane, my wife, was there. She said she was in bed. I asked her permission to go up-stairs, which I did, and found my wife in her mother's lied. Some one of the family came to me shortly afterwards, and told me to get up—I could not stop there. After some per- suasion from them, and threatening to throw me out of bed, I got up, al- though against my will, feeling very. tired, having walked from Ware to Luton, and having walked ten miles in addition the previous morning. in quest of work—in all not less than thirty-four miles, and without having anything to eat. I got out of bed about nine o'clock on the Tuesday morn- ing, dressed myself, and came down stairs. I found breakfast was over. I sat down about an hour, and had a pipe of tobacco before leaving the house, about ten o'clock that morning. My wife had some bread and pork, which she ate in my company. My wife afterwards urged me strongly to leave Luton, and promised to go part of the way with me. I told her I would drop down dead and die of starvation before I would leave her behind me in Luton. My wife still pressed me to leave Luton, and at last I unwillingly consented, she promising to accompany me part of the way. Before we left, one of her sisters said, • If I were you, I would get a divorce.' In reply, my wife said, ' How can I get a divorce ? It wants money, money, girl.' After leaving her father's house, we entered into conversation, and she told me she was ashamed of me. I asked her if she thought she was doing her duty in saying she was ashamed of her husband ? I told liar I meant her to leave Ware in a week or two, when the Militia came out. She reminded me they were coming out on the 9th of Sep- tember. I said, You are wonderful particular in finding it out.' I asked her if she would live with me again, for the way in which we were living made me sick of lire ; and I told her so. She said, 'If you are, I am not.'

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She repeatedly upbraided me for coming after her. I asked her why she had left me in that sly manner ? She said it had been planned a week. I told her if I had intended to run away from her I would have told her and would have acted more straightforward. I then asked her again if she would live with me. She said, 'I am afraid.' I told her she need not be afraid. I held up my hands and said, I hope they may wither if ever I lift up my hand against you again.' I asked her to kiss me. She would not do so. I then kissed her cheek. We walked close together across the fields along the footpath beyond the Model Farm leading to Summeries Castle. I put my arm round her waist to help her up the bill, and said to her, I'll carry you up, tired as I am.' We walked together to the top of the hill (she being on my right side), when she said to me, 'Surely you cannot want me ; you have a mother who can do for you.' On this, I with- drew my arm. She immediately lagged behind me, and kept uttering some words which I did not understand. I did not speak to her for some yards i after I took my arm from her waist. I stopped in the way while she came up to me. She walked then on my left aide. I then put my left arm round her waist and endeavoured to kiss her, but she did not seem willing. I still kept my arm round her waist waking along the road, until we came near to the place where I afterwards heard she was found. I then asked her again if she would lire with me. She said in reply, You don't want me.' I said, If I had not wanted you, I should not have come so many miles after you.' I made no more propositions to her and cared no more for life, as life seemed a burden to me. I then laid hold of her (she being then on the side next the bank) and kissed her there. The deed then was done as I have previously related. Dated the 30th of March 1860. . . . . As soon as she found she was wounded she said, I'll punish you' ! She was standing up at the time I did it. I seized hold of her the second time, and entered the knife under the ear, and thrust it in the direction of the wind- pipe. As soon as she had received the second wound she said, Joe, you have done it at last.' I do not know what else she said. She walked to- wards the dell-hole, and she there tumbled in ; she was not dragged. I saw her in the dell-hole, on her knees, in the attitude of prayer, with both hands lifted up towards Heaven. When I left her, she was alive in the dell-hole If she had only said, ' Have mercy ou me,' I should not have done the deed. I was afraid she would have me punished. The second confession is that of George Cass, the man who killed Ann Sewell, a servant, at Embleton in Cumberland. It is to this effect. " She made me mad you know, and I was coming from righting the ewe. She was in the passage, coming out of the front door leading into the yard, op- posite the stable. She wanted me to do something with her caulkers, and, as I would not, she began to bother with me, and call me. She had a knife in her hand, which, as I was standing between the stable and the house- door, she threw at me and the haft just catched me in the left cheek, just below the bone. I clicked it ujiin my madness and threw it at the deczased Ann Sewell, and it stuck in the apple of her throat, as she was standing at the edge"of the door, and she' ran from there to the bottom of the passage. She did not scream out. Oh, dear,' she sass, come here and put me away altogether.' She said she sofa not find. it of her heart to go out again. Well, then, I said I did not bite, and then she begged of me twice or three times to do it. I took up a knife which Iliad in my hand, and just came a stroke across the left side of her neck. When I was coming a second time, she put up her hand to the left aide of her neck, and said it did not seem to go far enough, ' Give me another.' I gave her then a second one when she

asked me, and then she stood a little I

and, she dropped. came into the kitchen and took the knife with me, sad thou it I would wash it, and then I rued I would not, and went and iiut it into her hand." The con- fession proceeded to state that he washed the blOd from his waistcoat and hands, after which he returned to lus—workin the 'field until ke was sum- moned thence by the announcement that the deceased hadlaied herself. Cass further stated that on the night after the murder he went into Sewell's room, and took out .of a bag belonging to her her purse, containing ls. 6d. and a sovereign, and from her frock-pocket half-a-crown. On Wednesday, he went to Eaglesfield and paid a debt which he owed to his relatives there with the sovereign, spending the half-crown in drink, and part of the ls. 6d. in tobacco. He states that this confession is voluntary, and that he had no accomplice.

A double murder has been commmitted in Cumberland. The victim in. this case is a German. He is supposed to have been killed by a man in whose company he set out from Penrith.

The Spaniard, Serafin Manzano, who was convicted at the recent Wilts assizes for the murder of Anastatia Trowbridge, at Ashcombe, was executed on Wednesday in front of the new prison, Devizes.

Another murder has been committed at Pendlebury, near Manchester. William Scholes and one of his sons have been slain. The room in which they were was locked. When it was opened, Miss Scholes, an idiot, was found sitting in a chair, and her father and brother dead on the floor. They had been strangled. Joseph Scholes, another son, is in custody.

The Derbyshire police have captured Heenan the American pugilist, and a---

have bound him over to keep the peace. This is a strong measure, said not a very wise one. Sayers and Heenan will fight, it is certain, if they can possibly elude the police, recognizances notwithstanding. The English and American fighter are both hunted from county to county by the busybodies who instigate the police.