MR. FAWCETT.
WITH his grave scarcely closed, it is difficult for those who knew Henry Fawcett well to write calmly of the remarkable qualities which he brought to bear both upon the conditions of his own life and upon public affairs. His strong, cheery presence is still with us ; and it is difficult to realise that the friend so free of access, and so ready with words of warm interest and wise couhsel, is silent and beyond our reach. Few men probably have at once inspired so warm an attachment in those about them, and attracted in so large a measure the good-feeling of the country. Men with a devoted following often have equally determined foes. On the other hand, there may be a wide-
spread admiration for the able statesman without much affection for the man. In the case of Mr. Fawcett, the same qualities which gained the regard of the country held the affection of his friends. This was probably due to the fact that his most remarkable characteristics were those which we associate with the heart and will, rather than with the head. No one will question his possession of a singularly lucid intellect, of the ability to think-out a problem, and, what is perhaps more rare, to state the result and the process by which he had attained it in such a way as to impress his hearers with the simplicity of the whole matter. In this respect he had something of the same power which made the late Sir John Holker so convincing an advocate before a Jury, the power of speaking as one plain man would speak to another, of divesting an intricate question of all appearance of intricacy. This is an entirely different thing from talking-down to an audience, a practice in which Mr. Fawcett never indulged. No one, probably, has more uniformly maintained a high line of thought in his platform and after- dinner speeches. So thoroughly did he hate clap-trap, and the mere repetition of platitudes, that he seemed sometimes to err on the side of not utilising, for a cause he had at heart, a prevailing popular wave. In his last speech at Shore- ditch, for instance, he laid comparatively little stress upon the main question of the Franchise and the attitude of the Lords, but discussed at length proportional representation and the claims of women to be admitted to the Suffrage. But this peculiarity proceeded, not from any intellectual arro- gance, but from one of those traits of character which placed him apart from the majority of men. The breadth of his sympathy with his fellow-men prevented him from showing disrespect to an audience by merely repeating what others were everywhere saying, while that strain of chivalry which ran through his character, led him to select, for special comment, questions which were neglected by most of his political associates, or upon which the opinion of his party was not made up. If it were possible to sum-up such a character as Mr. Fawcett's, one would be inclined to say that, given a strong clear intellect, the key alike to his success in life and to the personal regard which he won, is to be found in his possession in a remark- able degree of two moral qualities,—fearlessness, or, perhaps, we might better say, hopefulness, and kindness of heart. How the first quality enabled him to overcome his blindness we all know. He believed a career was open to him, and he determined that no exertion on his part should be wanting to justify his belief. It is also common knowledge how the same characteristic was exemplified in his early career in the House of COIIIMODS. Those who have had anything to do with the advocacy of questions lying outside party lines of discussion know how difficult it is to find private Members ready to push a case forwards at all hazards, in the teeth, perhaps, of the feeling of their own party, and without support from the other. Mr. Fawcett was deterred by none of these obstacles. When once convinced that popular interests were at stake, and that there was a practicable result
to be achieved, he was deaf to all the stock entreaties not to waste the time of the House, not to embarrass the Govern- ment, but to trust to well-meaning officialism to do all that could be done for his clients. What he accomplished for Open Spaces by his dauntless determination has recently been told in the Times. Much, if not all, of Epping Forest would have been lost had Mr. Fawcett flinched at the critical moment from forcing the facts upon the notice of Parliament. Thousands of acres of Commons would now be in private hands if he had grown tired of the thankless task of insisting on the discussion of a question for which very few cared. His action with reference to Indian affairs showed the same determination to compel Parliament to attend to a subject which he deemed of vital importance, even at the risk of being voted a bore and a crocheteer. In every ease his action has been justified. The preservation of open spaces has become a popular cause ; and if Indian affairs still command the attention of a mere handful of Members, a feeling of responsibility for the millions under our rule is, nevertheless, springing up, and our enormous possession in the East is no longer regarded as a means of enriching a few Englishmen.
Had, however, Mr. Fawcett's intrepidity been unaccompanied by a broad human sympathy, not only would he never have achieved the results which have now to be recorded, but he would have failed to win th5t general regard which has lately been so strikingly manifested. Not only the causes which he selected for his intrepid championship, but the attitude which he assumed towards other questions of the day, are evidence of his kindliness of disposition and belief in the better side of human nature. He had no sympathy with legislation which had even the semblance of making life less enjoyable. He would never sub- scribe to the doctrine that the mass of the population is to be dragooned into being temperate and well-conducted. Conse- quently, notwithstanding his keen desire to better the condition of the poor and comparatively' helpless,—the main-spring of his political action,—he was a consistent opponent of the principle of local option. The bent of his mind was thoroughly anti- ascetic. He was opposed to every attempt to take away any kind of' enjoyment which did not produce hurtful results. This dis- position, together with his comparative carelessness about mere theory, made him a Conservative in recent University politics, opposed to the movement for attaching to the prizes of Uni- versity life conditions which in the interests of abstract learning would make such prizes less attractive. But it needed the prac- tical work of administration to bring out fully the sympathetic side of Mr. Fawcett's character. His signal success at the Post Office was unquestionably due as much to the mode in which he did things as to the actual results achieved. Those who had the good-fortune to work under him are unanimous in their testimony to the minute unselfish considerateness which he showed in all his official relations. He would often spend a large fraction of a day in carefully listening to the opinions of those who were assisting him, weighing their arguments, and where he differed, endeavouring to convince them of the error which he detected. He would always, if possible convert an official rather than over-rule him ; while, on the other hand, he invariably kept his mind completely open to the last moment to any consideration that could be urged against his own view. Thus it was that he was enabled to administer the Post Office in a spirit as far removed as possible from the bureau- cratic, and at the same time to carry with him the regard and support of his whole staff. The same qualities were shown in his relations to the outside world. No one ever received from him, and probably during his time scarcely any one received from the Department, a letter couched in that snubbing, superior-person tone in which the official mind is so apt to express itself. In answering questions in the House, he was always careful to enter into the position of his interrogator, and to satisfy him on the point upon which he wished satis- faction, even though it might be easier to ignore a difficulty by answering the question strictly to the letter. And when he had to oppose a demand, he did so in the most conciliatory manner, endeavouring, if possible, to explain the difficulties in the way, and thus to change his opponent into an ally and friend. Smart speeches he utterly abhorred ; he was absolutely insensible to the attractions of those momentary triumphs which may be procured by exposing the folly or ignorance of an adversary, but which draw behind them a Nemesis of dislike and hostility. The conse- quence was that the Post Office enjoyed a rare popularity in the House during his administration ; and even the most bitter Irish Members would abstain from teasing questions, and would not block a Post Office Bill except under what they conceived the direst party necessity. The possession at once of two qualities so apparently opposite as intrepidity in an in- dependent Member and the power of conciliation in a Minister, is one of the most remarkable characteristics of the late Post- master-General, and was, undoubtedly, due as much to his wide sympathies and kindliness of heart as to his clear insight into what conduced to the attainment of practicable results as dis- tinguished from personal or party successes.
This union of qualities, seldom found together, could not have failed to produce important effects in wider fields of labour, had Mr. Fawcett's life and strength been spared. His Liberalism, as has been remarked, was of that robust type which regards as the main object of a statesman's endeavours the, giving all men fair-play, and, as far as possible, equal chances, and leaving them to work-out their own salvation. To everything in the nature of compulsion, to all schemes which proposed to benefit some persons at the expense of others 4 he was opposed. To every movement for making the conditions of life for all fairer and more favourable he was the warm friend—no part of the Post-Office administration, for example, gave him greater pleasure than that relating to the Savings' Bank and the various agencies for promoting thrift. In him the opposition to socialism was based upon a belief in human na4tr'e, a confidence that men are . more likely to produce a 'stable, healthy society,* if free scope is given to their nattirit aetivities, than if those who happen to be in power for the time are constantly trying to arrange things according to their fancy. If the basis of Liberalism is rightly described as confidence in the people, Mr. Fawcett was a Liberal of the truest shade.
No good can be attained without some sacrifice ; and there can be no doubt that Mr. Fawcett's minute care to make things go smoothly, to disarm opposition, and to convert rather than overbear, produced a• constant labour which,
coupled with the onerous conditions under which he worked, must severely have taxed the strength of any man. One may lament now that he did not husband his powers for future use, that he did not, after the terrible illness of 1882, give himself a greater measure of rest and relaxation. But it is easy to be wise after the event. The apostolic maxim, "Whatever thy hand findeth to do, do it with thy might," was one which it was contrary to Mr. Fawcett's nature to neglect. He lived and died in the service of his country ; and if the loss of his clear head and warm heart is a grievous one, his example, we may hope, will help to maintain in our public life that high and noble spirit which are amongst the best possessions of a nation, and the loss or degradation of which appears to be the special danger of democracies.
Previous page
