furttgit nulf CnIggrnl.

,11 TS rp.-Th e Emperor still entertains distinguished guests at Corn- pieg-ne with hunting, shooting, and theatricals. It is recorded, that on Sunday at Compiegne the Senators Rouland, General Lelievre, Saulcy, the Archbishops of Bruges and Toulouse, and the Bishops of Nancy and Limoges, took the oaths of allegiance to the Emperor. The text of a circular from Count Walewski to "the diplomatic agents of the Emperor" abroad, on the treaties of Zurich, has been published. It is dated Paris, November 5. The treaties are described as a proof of the Emperor's "persevering solicitude for the prosperity of Italy"; his "disinterestedness and generosity." In taking up arms he "once again sought for advantage to himself only in that of his ally." The despatch then speaks of the surrender of Lombardy, and the advantages conferred thereby on Piedmont. Austria, besides, gives up her right to garrison Commachio, Ferrara, and Piacensa, "and thus is removed one of the predominating causes of that state of dependence in which the Italian peninsula stood with regard to that Power. Her position entirely ceases to be aggressive and preponderating, and no longer presents any character which cannot be perfectly reconciled with the free development of the political interests of Italy." Next, the negotiations respecting the payments to be made to Austria on account of the Lombard Debt are described, and the Emperor is represented as deciding what Piedmont ought and what she ought not to be called upon to do ; and her is praised for consenting to aid Piedmont in paying the 100,000,000 francs falling to her share. France claims from Piedmont 60,000,000 francs, "only about one-sixth of the expenses of the war," in "return for her sacrifices of all kinds." After describing minor stipulations, Count Walewski remarks that questions of general policy are still open, and goes on to make some most interesting statements :-

• "The treaty of Zurich declares, then, that with the design. of securing

the tranquillity. of the Pontifical States and the power of the Holy Father, the two Sovereigns will unite their efforts to obtain from his Holiness a system of government responding to the wants of the populations. As to the Duchies, it has been established that, as their territorial limits eannot be changed without the cooperation of the Powers which took part in forming them, the rights of the Sovereigns of Tuscany, Modena, and Parma are reserved by the contracting parties. "Lastly, the two Powers engage to give their support to the formation, under the honorary presidency of the Pope, of a Confederation of the States of Italy, having for its object the development of the moral and material

interests of all its members, and their apemen defense by means of a federal army—Venetia, though remaining under the Crown of Austria, being des- tined to form part of that association. " Thus, the future remains open in this order of ideas to the arrangements which may be considered the best calculated to pacify Italy, and to consoli- date the new conditions of existence under which She is placed. His Majesty's Government has besides come to an agreement with the Austrian Government to invite the Powers which signed the General Act of Vienna of 1815, to most in congress to receive communication of the treaties of Zurich, and to deliberate on pending questions; those Powers adjoining to themselves the Two Sicilies, Rome, and Sardinia.

" Already has the Emperor's Government received the assurance that the Holy Father is waiting for an opportune moment to make known the reforms which he has resolved to accord to his States, and which will have for effect, while assuring to the country an administration generally laic, to give it the guarantees of a better distribution of justice, and of a control over the management of the finances by means of an elective assembly. " I have had the honour to explain to you the views of the Emperor's Go- vernment as to the pacification of the Duchies ; and you are aware that it is disposed to seek the conditions of it in an arrangement based on the return i of the Grand Duke of Tuscany to his States, n conjunction with certain changes calculated to satisfy at once the legitimate wishes and interests of the populations. "Ever persuaded, on the other hand, that nothing would contribute more to the prosperity of Italy than the institution of a Confederation des- tined to enable every one of its members to contribute by its efforts and resources to the general welfare, the Emperor's Government intends to use all its influence to promote the establishment of such a Confederation. It also remains convinced that the bases propounded in the preliminaries and introduced into the treaties of Zurich are in conformity with the true in- terests of Italy, especially if a separate administration and a national army are obtained for Venetia."

The French Government is understood to be engaged in active nego- tiations with other Powers to bring about a Congress to be held at Paris.

As to the Regency question, the Mon iteur has "regretted" the deci- sion of the Central Italian States, because it prejudges questions to be submitted to a Congress. The journals express disapproval of the nomi- nation of Signor Buoncompagni, and question the Prince of Savoy- Carignan's right to make it. They say that the Emperor condemns this proceeding. M. Granier de Cassagnac talks of "the sterile agitation" in Central Italy ; and M. Grandgtnllot says that if the Prince had ac- cepted the Regency there would have been an intervention—by Nea- politan troops! M. Boniface, in the Constitutionnel of Thursday, an- nounced that the French Government, true to the principles of its policy, has recommended to the Cabinet of Turin to annul the expedient of the Regency which the Government of the King of Sardinia has delegated to Chevalier Buoncompagni, as such a course would prejudice the case when brought before, and encroach upon the competency of the Congress. A smart controversy has been carried on in France touching England and her policy. A M. Jourdain, formerly a St. Simonian and now a Bonapartist contributor to the Sleek, has written a pamphlet styled "Guerre a PAnglais." It contains the most ignorant and silly statements respecting English institutions and policy ; affirming for instance that the aristocracy oppress the people that English policy abroad is "versa- tile," that England desires to "take France in tow," that the relations of England to Europe are intolerable, that England- desires to perpetuate the memory of "our defeats," that English maritime power is a danger for France. M. Jourdain, however, admits that England has "liberty," that most powerful arm, and proposes that, as we borrow their rifled cannon (!), they should borrow from us our powerful arm, liberty. M. Peyrat, in the Preen, has admirably answered the diatribes of M. Jourdain, has shown up his ignorance in good temper, and rebutted his silly talk about our proceedings in regard to the Italian war and our navy. M. Jourdain replies in a letter to his "dear Peyrat," and tries to explain away the element of animosity in his pamphlet. To this M. Peyrat rejoins-- Please to remark, first of all, my dear Jourdain, that you do not say a single word upon the three or four leading points to which my observations referred. You pretend in your pamphlet that the English people are stifled under the weight of an aristocratic constitution,' and that we ought to dis- tinguish between the people, who are our brethren,' and the English oligarchy without faith or law, who seek to domineer over all, to fetter all, and to invade all.' I replied to you that you had a false idea of the English aristocracy, that you misrepresented the part it has played in history, and that you misunderstood the services it has rendered to freedom. I added that to separate the aristocracy from the English people—to forget that their intimate and constant union has produced Magna Charta, Parliaments, the ascendancy of the Commons, religious liberty, the liberty of the press, Royalty deprived of its mysterious attributes, and the supremacy of the popular House of Commons, which has dominion over all other houses, ele- vates or overthrows all Ministers, and makes peace or war—this great his- torical fact, I told you citing the words of M. de Tocqueville, singularizes England in the midst of all modern nations,' and it has fixed the attention of philosophers, historians, public writers, and statesmen. You have had the incredible fantasy to constitute yourself grand judge of the tribunal of history, and to declare magisterially, from the height of your seat, that England will bear the responsibility of the Italian war.' I asked you how it could be responsible for a war it had sought to prevent, and in which it took no part. What do you answer to that? Nothing. "I think that the very title of your pamphlet is deplorable, and a real anachronism. I think that to express yourself as you have done—to say that England wishes to take France in tow '—that we must mistrust her libe- ralism—that relations with her are no longer tolerable—that she must change or be chastised—is to entertain bad sentiments and absurd pre- judices, to labour without judgment, inopportunely to repeat the hatreds which ought to be extinguished and trampled under foot. I also think,— and it is for this particularly that I blame you' —that you only speak the language and do the work of the enemies of liberty, who are our common enemies.

"And then, my dear Jourdain, how you, a disciple of St. Simon, a mem- ber of the Peace Congress, an apostle of universal fraternity, could have thrown aside the calumet of peace to grasp the war trumpet, and talk with- out shuddering of going to chastise' England, and of taking a legitimate revenge !' jeannot Lupin—is he, after all, become a thunderbolt of war ? '

Galignam's Messenger has reported with tolerable fulness one of the most extraordinary trials on record in France, which is saying a great deal. It is the trial of Leonie Chereau, on the charge of stealing the child of Judge Hua. The indictment was in itself a wonderful story. The girl Leonie had been seduced by one Prieur, who had gone down to °Hems to be present at the marriage of Leonie's sister. Priam says she was a -willing 'vic- tim; Leonia declares he took advantage of her ignorance. The intunacy was renewed at Paris, and when Prieur grew tired of his young friend and refused to marry her, she had determined to adopt a child and pre- tend it was her own. She failed to find one, but she succeeded in con- vincing her mother that she had given birth to a child, and that the nurse had carried it offi Her pretext for visiting Paris again was that she had tidings of the child. Her cunning in persuading the nurse of Madame Hue to give up the child was amazing. She pretended to be the sister of Madame Hun, and, in consequence of the brutality of Hua, compelled to give secret presents to her sister. One of these presents she sent the nurse to fetch from a shop, and while the nurse went on that fool's errand, Leonie made off with the child.

The mother of the prisoner, who sobbed a good deal, narrated the incidents in which she was concerned, and said that she had really believed that her daughter had had a child. Prieur was next examined, and he excited great curiosity. He is only twenty-one years of age, is employed in a shop in the Rue St. Martin, and answered in a flippant, impudent manner. "You have known Leome Chereau a long time?" asked the Presi- dent. "Since she was quite a child, but when she was thirteen I lost sight of her until I visited her mother last year." "Tell us what took place between you." "On the morning of my departure, at six o'clock, she came to the room where I was asleep !" 'Did you request her to come ? " "Not at all. I did not get up. She came alone, and of herown will !" "Was there any question of marriage between you ?" "Yes, afterwards at breakfast, and I approved the project." "She wrote to you very often about marriage, but you replied to her insolently. What had you to reproach her with ? " "Her falsehoods, first of all, and then her conduct with me." "Her fault ? But you shared that." "And there were other things. At Paris she pestered me with her visits." "She once gave you a rendezvous in the Rue du Poneeau—and on the 2d. of March she called on you, but you turned her out of doors ? " "Yes—because she came to see me first at seven o'clock and then at twelve. But I lent her money to return home." "And that money you claimed back in a strange manner, both from her and from her mother. What could be your reason for so acting ? You are young and not in want. Did you feel any animosity to her ? ' "No." "Her mother asked you to restore presents she had made you, but you refused. Why did you refuse ? " "Because the things were given to me !" "Your conduct was most disgraceful."

After some other witnesses had been examined, Dr. d'Olive and Dr. Tardieu who had been charged to make a medical examination of the girl, stated that she was of an exceedingly nervous temperament, and subject to the malady called hysteria, and that though that malady had not affected her mental faculties, it was not impossible but that in the circumstances in which she had been placed it might have so influenced her imagination as to cause her to suppose that she was enceinte.

The Public Prosecutor energetically supported the indictment, and in- sisted that the prisoner could not, without danger to society, be acquitted of so grave a crime' and one so clearly proved.

M. Lachaud, the prisoner's counsel, on the contrary, in an eloquent speech dwelt strongly on her malady, and on the fact that her only object in taking the child was to escape dishonour. He showed that Prieur had promised her marriage, and in proof of it produced a letter, in which, after many endearing expressions, the man inscribed himself, "Your future hus- band, who adores you!" The learned counsel showed also that she had confidently expected that Prieur would marry her, as she had signed some of her letters to him, "The future Marie Prieur." The President then asked the prisoner if she had anything to add to her defence ? She rose with painful effort, and said faintly, "I ask pardon of M. and Madame Hua."

The President then summed up, and the Jury, after a quarter of an hour's deliberation, returned a verdict of "Not guilty ; " on which the Court ordered her to be immediately set at liberty. The prisoner, on hearing the sentence, was completely overcome with emotion, and gendarmes had to carry her out of Court.

S1a.14.—The great Italian question has been that of the Regency of Central Italy. On Sunday the Prince de Savoy-Carignan gave audience at Turin to the Chevalier Minghetti and the Chevalier Peruzzi, who had come here to request the Prince to accept the Regency conferred upon him by the National Assemblies of Parma, Modena, the Romagna, and Tuscany.

The Prince, in his reply, said- " I am deeply moved by your offer, and tender my thanks to the Assem- blies and the people of Central Italy who have given me so great a proof of their confidence. I believe that in making this offer you are influenced less by my personal merits than by your devotedness towards the King and by your feelings, which are not only liberal and national, but also those of order and respect for monarchial institutions. Weighty representations, reasons of political propriety, and the approaching Congress, deter me, much to my regret, from responding to your appeal, and accepting the charge offered to me. This forbearance on my part and the sacrifice I am thus making will prove more useful to the interests of our common country than if I had acted otherwise. Nevertheless, I thought to do an act of service in designating the Chevalier Buoncompagni as the person who ought to be en- trusted with the Regency of Central Italy.

"Return my thanks to the people you represent, tell them that their per- severance and their general conduct deserve the sympathies of Europe' tell them to reckon always on the Ring, who will support their wishes, and who will never abandon those who entrust their destinies to his loyalty."

The Prince de Carignan then summoned the Chevalier Buoncompagni to undertake the Regency, who intimated his readiness to accept the honour and responsibility of that office. Signor Buoncompag;ni is about to leave immediately for Central Italy to enter upon his functions. Such is the official report 121 the Piedinontese Gazette.

It is stated that the Statute will come again into force in Piedmont, that the Piedmontese Parliament will assemble before the meeting of the Congress, and that the Italian question will be fully discussed. A report that a ministerial crisis had arisen at Turin is contradicted; but it may be remarked that influential politicians, not Ministers, are in constant communication with the Cabinet and the King.

The Minister of Marine has ordered that Tuscan and Modenese mari- ners shall be received, without restriction as to number, amongst the crew of Sardinian vessels, and that Sardinian sailors shall embark upon the vessels of Tuscany and Modena without giving the guarantees usually required before sailing under a foreign flag. "These important regula- tions," says the .Piedmontese Gazette, 'have for their object the identifi- cation, as much as possible, of the navies of the Governments of Central Italy with those of the Government of the King."

The Assembly of Modena vot&d. by 65 to 6, that the domain of Castel-

vetro should be given to the Dictator Parini. When this was made known to him he hastened to write to the President of the Assembly this letter :— " Modena, November 7.

"Illustrious President—I hear that the Assembly, besides its most flatter- ing expressions, has wished to honour me with a national gift. I beg you to be the interpreter of my sentiments of gratitude, but at the same time to inform the honourable representatives of the people that I cannot accept this

gilfrBelieve me, with profound gratitude and respect, your most devoted, " FARM." The President Malmussi and some deputies hereupon paid a visit to IL Parini, to express to him the regret they felt at his determination, when he replied to them in these sublime words : "Do not take from me, gentlemen, the glory of dying poor."

The Pope, we are told, has agreed to send a Minister to the Congress; and the King of Naples has asked to be permitted to do the like. The Bishop of Rimini, in reply to a representation from the municipality of that town, refutes certain calumnious accusations publicly alleged by the Illtramontane party. The Bishop says- " Gentlemen—At your request I answer, conformably to the truth, that I have not been arrested, and have not suffered either personal injuries or bad treatment at the hands of any one. I certify also that I have proceeded freely to several localities of the diocese for objects of my episcopal ministry, and have frequently left the town on ordinary occasions."

A telegram from Paris, dated Thursday, states that " Garibaldi has sent in his resignation as one of the Generals of the army of Central Italy. The King of Sardinia has accepted it and has named him a Lieutenant- General in his own army." The Government of Farini has published a decree suppressing the Tribunal of the Inquisition as incompatible with modern civilization. Such proceedings as those in the case of Mortara cannot, therefore, again occur in Bologna.

f ntrang.—The Vienna Gazette publishes a remarkable letter ad- dressed by the Emperor to Baron von Bruck on the financial question. "Vienna, November 11, 1859. "Dear Baron von Bruck—It is my will that in the Administration year 1861 (beginning on the 1st of November, 1860, and ending on the 31st of October, 1861), an equilibrium shall be established between the revenue and expenditure of the State. That this may be done I appoint a Commission, whose task it will be to examine into all parts of the budget, and so to settle matters that the object in view may be attained. In its operations the Com- mission will take the projected reforms in the civil and military branches of the Administration as its basis, and all the central departments, including any Army and Marine Supreme 'Commandos,' will be directed to give the Commission such information and assistance as may be necessary to enable it to accomplish its important task.

"The Commission has to finish its work by the end of March, 1860, at i latest, it beg my intention to have its project supervised by my Council of the Empire, to which, in accordance with the sense of Paragraphs 13 and 16 of my Patent of the 13th of April, 1851, temporary members, taken from the different provinces and the different ranks of society (stande), will be added.

"The Commission will meet in the Finance Department, and you have

to keep me properly informed of its progress. FRANCIS JOSEPH."

The state of Hungary is still menacing. The Vienna correspondent of the Times gives the following information which had reached him from private sources, the supply from public sources being obstructed.

"The Pesti Napto, the organ of the National Party in Hungary, was con- fiscated on the 8th instant because it gave an account of what had passed at Gran on the preceding day, but still it is generally known that a political demonstration was made at a dinner which was given there in honour of the Primate of Hungary. The Archduke Albrecht was sent by the Emperor to congratulate the Cardinal Archbishop on his jubilee ; and, to give pleasure to the venerable man, who is a zealous patriot, his Imperial Highness offered him his congratulations in the Hungarian language. After the health of his Eminence had been drunk, several speeches were made, and the Archbishop of &Ian is said to have expressed his political opinions with a freedom which greatly astonished the Governor-General. The health of the Emperor was proposed, and drunk with cries of 'Eljen !' but it is said that the Hungarian nobles added the word 'Kiraly!' to the 'Eljen!' thereby giving the Archduke to understand that they wished long life to his Majesty as King of Hungary. Towards the end of the banquet some of the persons present wished the Imperial delegate to drink to the Hungarian Constitution • ' which proposal so displeased him that he soon left the table, and returned Pesth.'

The Protestants of Presburg had held a meeting notwithstanding a prohibition from the Governor, and adopted a petition to the Emperor praying for a restoration of rights. The Protestant cause is at present the Hungarian choral de battaille.

In a sitting of the Federal Diet on Saturday the affair of the consti- tution of Hesse Cassel was referred to a committee. Prussia, Oldenburg, and the Hanseatic Towns voted for the reestablishment of the constitu- tion of 1831; the representatives of some other Governments voted in favour of the constitution of 1852, and others abstained altogether from voting. The constitution of 1852 is one octroyed by the Diet in that year, just after Prussia had so lamentably failed to sustain the rights of the Hessians.

According to the Journal des _Mats, M. de Sehleinitz has addressed a circular to Prussian agents abroad, explaining the Breslau meeting. He states that- " The representatives of Prussia, that the Emperor Alexander of Russia and the Prince Regente Prussia, who had not seen each other for a con- siderable time, were desirous of meeting in order to concert personally upon numerous political subjects affecting equally the two courts of Berlin and St. Petersburg. They met in the Prussian city of Breslau, where they passed two days. They had frequent interviews, and are firmly convinced of the identity of their views in all that relates to the political state of Europe. The two Princes have had no difficulty to contend with;either upon the general character of pending and foreseen questions or upon the sautions which these questions may and ought to receive, and they are agreed as to the identical path which the two Cabinets should follow in the future."

The statement of the Debate derives confirmation from the Swabian Mercury, which informs us that Prince Gortsehakoff has addressed a similar circular to the Russian representatives abroad. "It appeals certain," says this journal, "that from this time neither Prussia nor Russia will support the project of an Italian Confederation. This com- bination, in fact, would give the preponderance to France in Italy, and

we have good noon for believing that &gland will reject it on the same ground." Details of the Schiller festivals appear in the German and English papers. They gave rise to much public speaking of a liberal east even in Vienna, to the production of scores of poems, some works of preten- sion; and to a large display of German patriotism. In commemoration of the public celebration of Schiller's birthday, the Austrian Emperor has ordered that the Austrian authors whose older works arc still given in the Burg Theatre shall receive for each representation of such works a tantieme of 10 per cent of the gross receipts. The heirs of these authors will also be entitled to the tantieme.

The Regent of Prussia has also done an act in commemoration of the anniversary. It is described in the following passage of a decree-

" The hundredth anniversary of the birth of Frederick von Schiller has engendered in all the desire to honour the memory of the great poet by a foundation ca.pable of encouraging the intellectual life of the German people. With that object in view, we have resolved to found a triennial prize of 1000 dollars in gold, and a gold medal of the value of 100 dollars, for the best work of German dramatic poetry."

The elections of the burgesses of Hamburg are concluded ; the result being entirely in favour of the Liberal party and in opposition to the Conservatives and the Corporation Committees.

Spai 11.—The Spanish expedition has not yet sailed for Africa ; but Marshal O'Donnell had returned to Cadiz on Wednesday from a recon- naissance of the Moorish coast.

Two State papers have been published relating to the war. The Spanish Minister, Saturnine Calderon Collantes, has sent a circular to the Spanish agents abroad, giving his version of the causes that led to the war. It is nothing more than a repetition of the constantly increas- ing demands of Spain upon Morocco. No sooner was one satisfied than another was made ; until at length Moorish patience was exhausted, and the Minister declared he had no power to make further concessions. The latest demand for territory was of a nature to compromise the safety of Gibraltar and the navigation of the Straits, and was besides most offen- sive to the Moors. It is clear that Spain intended war. The Moorish Minister, Mohamed Khateeb, has addressed a circular to the foreign Envoys at Tangier. He states his case very clearly and politely ; points out the successive changes in the Spanish demands, and their unreason- able character ; shows that the Spaniards at Ceuta were the first aggres- sors; protests against the unjust proceedings of the Spanish Government in declaring war without a cause ; and appeals to God and "the great and powerful Governments of Europe and America."

nritni.—Advices from Constantinople to the 5th have been received at Marseilles. A telegram states that "a reduction of the civil list, amounting to 6,000,000 only, and a diminution of the salaries of the employes have been decided upon. The Porte has addressed a memo- randum to the Powers which have signed the Treaty of Paris. Kabuli Effendi has returned from Crete. It is said the difficulties there have been settled. Said Pasha has been appointed Governor-General of Widdin. All the Redifs have been dismissed and sent to their homes. The Apostolic Prefect, M. Planchet, of Syria, has been murdered by the Kurds. News from Smyrna, of the 5th, states that Sir Henry Bulwer had arrived there, en route for Salonica and Volo, to meet Prince Alfred."

Sentences have been passed on forty-one persons concerned in the late conspiracy : five to death, thirteen to penal servitude for life, eight to several years' imprisonment with hard labour, nine to imprisonment of shorter duration, and six have been acquitted. The Sultan has com- muted the sentences of death.

TinitEk S,illtf5.—The Europa arrived at Liverpool on Sunday, with adviees from New York to the let, and from Halifax to the 4th of November.

The Washington correspondent of the Neto York Herald continues to insist upon the statement that the relations between the British and American Governments are threatening.

"It is known that the despatch of Lord Sohn Russell to our Government is peremptory, and the whole tenour anything but peaceful, and would re- quire some forbearance on our part. It is neither conciliatory nor pacific, as has been stated. It demands full explanations of the conduct of Harney. It is very evident that the Government does not want this to be known; hence their desire to keep it quiet. The reply of our Government is firm, dignified, and decided, maintaining our right to the island in an able, clear, comprehensive argument, backed up by documents irrefragable in their character ; but, to show to the British Ministry that our intentions are honourable, and that we adhere to the stipulations entered into by Governor Marcy on the part of our Government and Lord Palmerston, that neither should occupy the island while negotiations were pending, copies of the in- structions to General Harney and General Scott have been communicated to Mr. Dallas. What the exact nature of the instructions are has not transpired, but it is evident that they are conciliatory, and that in them Barney's conduct is disavowed, else they would not have been sent to London."

Brown the leader of the Harper's Ferry insurrection, has been found guilty and sentenced to be hung on the 2d December. Being badly wounded he appeared in court on a bed. When the verdict was passed he was sitting up, and he made this remarkable speech to the court.

"1 have, may it please the court, a few words to say. In the first place, I deny everything but what I have all along admitted ; of a design on my part to free slaves. I intended certainly to have made a clean thing of that matter, as I did last winter when I went into Missouri, and there took slaves without the snapping of a gun on either side, moving them through the country, and finally leaving them in Canada. I designed to have done the same thing again on a larger scale. That was all I intended to do. I never did intend murder or treason, or the destruction of property, or to excite or incite slaves to rebellion, or to make insurrection. I have an- other objection, and that is that it is unjust that I should suffer such a penalty. Had I interfered in the manner which I admit,' and which I admit has been fairly proved—for I admire the truthfulness and candour of the greater portion of the witnesses who have testified in this ease— had I so interfered in behalf of the rich, the powerful, the intelligent, the so-called great, or in behalf of any of their friends, either father, mother, brother, sister, wife, or children, or any of that class, and suffered and sacrificed what I have in this interference, it would have been all right, and every man in this court would have deemed it an act worthy of reward rather than punishment. This court acknowledges too, as I suppose, the validity of the law of God. I see a book kissed, which I suppose to be the Bible or at least the New Testament, which teaches me that all things whatsoever I would that men should do to me I should do even so to them. It teaches me farther to remember them that are in bonds as bound with me. I endeavoured to act up to that in- struction. I say I am yet too young to understand that God is any re- specter of persons. I believe that to have interfered ea I have done, as .I have always freely admitted I have done, on behalf of his despised poor is no wrong, but right. Now, if it is deemed necessary that I should forfeit my life for the furtherance of the ends of justice, and mingle my blood fur- ther with the blood of my children and with the blood of millions in this slave country whose rights are disregarded by wicked, cruel, and unjust enactments, I say let it be done. Let me say one word further. I feel en- tirely satisfied with the treatment I have received on my trial. Considering all the circumstances, it has been more generous than I expected. But I feel no consciousness of guilt. I have stated from the first what was my intention and what was not.. I never had any design against the liberty of any person, nor any disposition to commit treason or excite slaves to rebel, or make any general insurrection. I never encouraged any man to do so, but always discouraged any idea of that kind. Let me say something, also, in regard to the statements made by some of those who were connected with me. I fear it has been stated by some of them that I have induced them to join me but the contrary is true. I do not say this to injure

them, but as regretting their weakness. Not one but joined me of his own accord, and the greater part at their own expense. .A. number of them I never saw and never had a word of conversation with till the day they came to me, and that was for the purpose I have stated. Now I have done."

Mr. Chilton, one of his counsel, immediately moved an arrest of judg- ment, both on account of errors in the indictment and errors in the ver- dict.