NOTES AND QUERIES.
lionsTnTa contemporary "regrets that a weekly paper should have expressed the utmost suspicion of the late Spanish decrees," which the morning paper regards as "highly beneficial" to the slave population of Cuba, as an "extinction of the slave-trade." It is almost amusing to see a controversy on such a subject as the effect of Madrid decrees for the extinction of slave-trade in Cuba, since we have had some experience of such measures, and we have some knowledge of the facts in Cuba. When Spain is sufficiently pressed by England, she has always given anti-slavery decrees on demand : the pressure relaxed, there has always been a reaction of slave-trade in Cuba. The fact is, that the force of the decrees must not be sought in Madrid, or in the text of the documents. While the Spanish Government is content to enter into a contract with its own officers and its connexions in the island, on the terms of reciprocal accommodation, the effect of Spanish decrees must always be sought in the act of the Cuban authorities. Spain con- cedes what local interest may require, upon condition that local managers shall send home the expected tribute ; and local mana- gers will send home tribute, if they be allowed to make the best market for themselves. We have no reports on the transactions of this market, since the local authorities do not desire publicity ; and by appointing only learned and certificated professors to edite licensed newspapers, by obliging foreign residents first to give up self-respect and independence in conforming to Roman Catholic observance, and then to suspect a spy in every friend, they succeed in blocking the issues of information. The Yankees, who have preserved a large share of independence, also discontinue contro- versy on minor and collateral subjects, using every exertion to pre- vent distraction from that object upon which they concentrate all their attention—the annexation of Cuba by a sudden explosion and surprise. What can Madrid statutes do for slavery, or anything else, under circumstances like these ?
To the list of its resolves, the House of Commons has added one for the adoption of limited liability in partnership ; which it has pronounced to be peculiarly necessary for Ireland. What is to fol- low P Are we to have a bill to enact limited liability ? Nothing is more improbable at present. The greatest number of people, and most of those who entertain positive opinions on the subject, besides the House of Commons and the Ministers, are agreed that the law ought to be amended; but there is some authority greater than all these that interposes its veto—some "interest." The multiplication of abstract resolves demands the creation of a new office—some person appointed to keep an account of the things the House of Commons has "resolved" to do,—such as the enact- ment of limited liability, the adoption of vote by ballot, the abo- lition of church-rates, &c. &c. &c.
Physiologists have observed a certain periodicity in health and disease. There is a tendency to expire before dawn. The periodi- cal crisis of Hampstead Heath appears to come for two successive years in every twelve. The bill to occupy its approaches has been before Parliament in 1829-'30, 1841-'2, and 1853-'4. One of the arguments advanced by Lord St. Leonards is that the heir next in succession does not object which is natural, since the present owner would have the odium and his successor the profit. As the time has gone so far, Sir Thomas Wilson might as well fulfil the testator's intention, and allow an entire life to elapse before ap- proaching the Heath with masonry. The next successor will have the power, without the intervention of Parliament, and also the personal responsibility.
What could make Lord Clanricarde call Lord Aberdeen's satis- factory explanation a " retractation " ? There was nothing in the speech itself, or in the circumstances, or in the impression which it created, to suggest the epithet. The reason, therefore, must be in the man that used the word; and we are reminded by the in- veterate bitterness, which seems to be independent of party and is equally independent of facts, that Lord Clanricarde, who was in a previous Liberal Ministry, is not in the present Liberal Minis- try. Worse, the Postmaster-Generalship, which he might have expected to enjoy, is given, not to a stranger, but a relative! Moralists might contrast the fate of the cross boy Clanricarde with that of the good-tempered boy George Grey. Sir George was in a previous Liberal Ministry and was not in the present ; but he took his position good-humouredly, and now he is in the Ministry. There is no longer a question whether Lord Clanricarde should be admitted, for that question is entirely merged in the larger one— whether a man who behaves as he does could be expected to find a place in any Ministry.
Alderman Sidney, Anderton adjuvante, has hit upon a plan for signalizing the union of France and England—to take our friends a round of visits to all the chief places, and to feast them wherever they go. Three questions alarmingly obtrude themselves on this patriotic and magnificent suggestion. Is the alliance between France and England an event that wants signalizing, before it has resulted in the achievements which will of themselves signal- ize it? Are Mayors and their aides the best functionaries to sig- nalize the Imperial companionhood,—especially when we have Sovereigns and Ministers to represent the entire states ? And is the method proposed the best? We in England think a tour of our own green island very delightful, its dinners magnificent, its public buildings wonderful. We must not presume that it will
all be so charming to the Frenchman • who naturally has other standards for public buildings, thinks our dinners "grossiers," finds the whole island " triste, ' and, by some unaccountable pecu- liarity of vision, sees no women here, nothing between the old lady and the girl—the latter beautiful, insipid, and requiring six shil- lings' worth of solid food to support her at luncheon-time.
Who is the Russian traitor amongst us now ? That there is 0118 we know, from the persevering attempts to make Sir Charles Na- pier dash himself and his fleet upon Cronstadt. It is a cunning device. The Baltic is a curious sea, filled in part with fresh water,—a labyrinth of small islands straits, and shoals, the whole artificially rendered more hazardous—Yarmouth Swins in a landlocked estuary, beset with traps and great guns. England is defended not by any great army, like a Continental state, nor by Russian fortifications, but by her encompassing seas and her "wooden bulwarks "—large ships, which constitute floating for- tresses to protect our coasts. Those floating fortresses have been sent up the Baltic, and the strongest enticements are used to induce Sir Charles Napier to get the whole fleet stranded and smashed amidst the shoals and rocks of Cronstadt, so that it may be des- troyed. The tempters hold out the prospect of a victory over the capital behind Cronstadt as the lure for getting the sailor among the rocks, just as wreckers on all coasts hold up a light to entice a ship on shore. The ruse is not a bad one ; fur if once the Baltic fleet were destroyed, the way would be open for Russia straight into Edinburgh, Newcastle, Belfast, or Liverpool. We do not believe, however, that Sir Charles Napier has yet accepted the mission.
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