Ihhatto nut Tarr tugs iu Vartiftmtut.

PRINCIPAL BIISINESS OF THE WEER.

HOUSE OF LORDS. Monday. June 26. Lord Aberdeen's Explanation—Divorce and Matrimonial Causes Bill ; report received—Public Statues ; Sir William Moles- worth's Bill passed—Witnesses; Lord Brougham's Bill passed.

Tuesday, June 27. The Elgin Treaty; Earl Fitzwilliani's Question—Finchley Road Bill read a second time.

Thursday. June 29. Legislative Council (Canada) Bill committed. Friday, June 30. Divorce and Matrimonial Causes; Debate on recommitment of the Lord Chancellor's Bill—Law of Bankruptcy Bill read a first time.

HOUSE OP COSMONS. Monday, June 26. Oxford University Bill; Proceedings on the-third reading—Public Revenue and Consolidated Fund Charges ; Mr. Glad- stone's Bill considered as amended—New Zealand ; Mr. Adderley's Speech on Go- vernor Grey—Supply; Civil Estimates—Railway Regulation; Lords' Amendments to Mr. CardwelTs Bill agreed to. Tuesday, June 27. Merchant Shipping; Mr. Cardwell's Bill in Committee—Lord Aberdeen's Speech.; Mr. Layard withdraws his motion—Police Bill; Lord Palmer- ston announces its withdrawal—Law of Partnership; Mr. Collier's Resolution agreed to, after debate. Wednesday, June 28. 1111:ortmain; MT. Readlam's Bill in Committee. Thursday, June 29. Common Law Procedure Bill in Committee—Austrian Caen- patien of Wallachia; Lord John Russell's Statement—Oxford University Bill read a third time and passed—Operations in the Baltic ; Sir James Graham's Statement —Landlord and Tenant (Ireland) Bill in Committee—Usury Laws ; Mr. Gladstone's Bill read a first time.

Friday, June 30. Supply ; Educational Estimates—Police; Lord Palmerston's Bill withdrawn—Legislative Council (Canada) Bill read a first time—Married Wo- men; Mr. Matins's Bill reported—Youthful Offenders ; Lord Palmerston's Bill in Committee.

TIME -

The Lords. The Commons.

Hour of Hour of Hoar of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment. Meeting. AdJoursirettut,

Monday 51, 7.5 35In Monday ..... —........ ali .(sn) th 30nt Tuesday 55 75 45m Tuesday Noon... 41, ora 611 . (n;) lith Mot Wednesday No sitting. Wednesday Noon .... 6h 30m Thursday 511 . 91, 15m Thanday Noon .• , 41, Out

eh • NO lh 451o.

Friday 5h .... BM fim Friday 411 .(m) lh 45nt

Sittings this Week, 4; Time, lib 40m Sittings this Week, 7; Time, 4511 45m — this Session. 73; — 1131h 40m this Session. 97; — 669h 7m

LORD ABERDEEN'S EXPLANATION.

The House of Peers was filled on Monday by an eager audience, as- sembled to listen to the explanations of his recent speech which Lord Aberdeen had promised. There was not only an unusual attendance of Peers, but the side-galleries contained a goodly gathering of their wives and daughters ; while the spaces set apart for privileged persons were oc- cupied by Members of the House of Commons and others. The strangers' gallery was inconveniently crowded. So great, indeed, was the interest felt by the Peers themselves, that the private business was postponed.

The Earl of ABERDEEN moved for the production of the despatch ad- dressed by himself to Lord Heytesbury, his Majesty's Ambassador at St. Petersburg, in 1829, on the subject of the treaty of Acbianople ; and made the following statement.

"My Lords, I have taken a somewhat unusual course upon the present oc- casion; but perhaps your Lordships will not think it altogether unjustifiable or unreasonable that I should be desirous of availing myself of the earliest opportunity to remove the misapprehensions which have taken place, and which have led in consequence to great misrepresentations of some observa- tions which I addressed to your Lordships in the course of the last week. My Lords, I could wish that those who express.an opinion upon the obser- vations in question would take the trouble to.read the report of that speech. I have done so myself; and although I declare that I have nothing to retract or to contradict, nevertheless I readily admit, that from the imperfect man- ner in which I always address your Lordships, there may probably-there may undoubtedly-be reason for some explanation, and some further deve- lopment of that which I had intended to address to the House, with a view to bring fully and clearly before your Lordships the views and opinions which I entertain upon the subject to which my observations referred. My Lords, I feel that I can do so with great-ease,-and, fortunately, in a veryshort time; otherwise, from the indisposition of the moment, I should not attempt to ad- dress your Lordships upon the present occasion.

• "My Lords, the despatch for which I intend to move was first referred to in this House by the late Lord Grey, very shortly before he became Minister. It has been mentioned at othertimes, both here and in the House of Commons. It has also been moved for ; but it has been hitherto with- held for various reasons. It was likewise referred to by myself not very long ago ; and I have now resolved to produce it, because I understand there has proceeded from a very high authority in another ,place the astounding decla- ration that I have recently claimed the honour of framing the treaty of Adrianople. Now, my Lords the production of the despatch in question

will show you how far I was Lords, in framing that treaty, and what was my opmion, and the opinion of the Government whose organ I was on that occasion, of hat unfortunate and disastrous treaty. My Lords, it has been said-or, a. all events, it has been inferred from what I said a few days ago-that I regarded the treaty of Adrianople with approbation, or at least with indifference. Now, my Lords, the fact is, such was the impression pro- duced by that treaty-such was the alarm excited by its conolusion-such were the supposed dangers which we dreaded to the existence of the Turkish empire-that the whole polioy of the British Government was changed on a most material point in consequence of that treaty. I have already, I think, referred in this House to the fact, which your Lordships well know, that at the beginning and during the progress of the Greek revolution, Mr. Canning never contemplated the existence of Greece as an independent kingdom: neither did the Duke of Wellington ever contemplate the existence of Greece as an independent kingdom, but solely as a vassal state under the suzerainty of the Porte, somewhat similar to the provinces of Wallachia and Moldavia. When, however, the treaty of Adrianople was signed, it appeared to me, and my noble friend at the head of the Government at the time agreed with me, that the condition of the Turkish empire was so perilous.in itself that it would be extremely unwise to create a state to Tine it under the protection and suzerainiy of an empire which itself was. exposed to extreme peril, and whose existence was prolonged for a time only. Therefore we agreed to propose to our allies to convert that vassal state into an independent kingdom. our allies agreed with us, and the Porte at last assented to our proposal. Hence, the existence of Greece as an independent kingdom is due to the impressions produced upon us by the terms of the treaty of Adrianople. My Lords, what I have now said shows at least what were our impressions ; and although they may be thought by some to have been erroneous, I can assure your Lordships that at the time they were unquestionably honest and sincere. I fully admit that the apprehensions which we then-felt have turned out to be greatly exaggerated. However disastrous the treaty of Adrianople, and how- ever mischievous ith conditions, nevertheleas we have the -experience of the last twenty-five years to assure us of the continued existence of the Turkish more ; and more than that, we have had proof of the vigour, of the energy, and of the courage and perseverance, with which.the troops of that empire have maintained the integrity and independence of their country. (Cheers.) It is obvious, then, that we were under the ,most exaggerated alarm for the consequences of the treaty of Adrianople. Now, my Lords, I do not mean to Bay, although fortunately we were somewhat mistaken as to the amount of the danger to be apprehended from the treaty of Adrianople, that that treaty was not in the highest degree dangerous and prejudicial to the interests of Europe. I have never said so, either here or elsewhere. My noble and learn- ed friend (Lord Lyndhurst) called it, I think, an ' unfortunate ' treaty. My Lords, that is not a word sufficiently strong to describe the character of that treaty. True, my Lords, I have said that, disastrous as the treaty of Adrian- ople was, Russia has made no great territorial acquisitions in consequence of that treaty. I said an as the simple truth. I was induced to say so per- haps, at the moment, in consequence of a deelaration, most exaggerated and most unfounded, that my noble and learned friend had made, that the Russian empire had doubled its territory in Europe in the course of the last fifty years. That I hold to be completely incorrect; and, with the recollection of the treaty of.Adrianople before me, I certainly did refer to it in proof that no such exten- sion of territory had taken place as that asserted by my noble and learned friend. But, my Lords although I knew perfectly well, and indeed I think there can be no doubt of the fact, that no considerable extension of territory has taken place in consequence of that treaty, nevertheless I was not at all the less aware of the importance of the acquisitions that have actually been made since 1829. I know perfectly well the importance of the acquisitions which Russia has made with respect to the navigation of the Danube, and I am equally sensible of the importance of the posts which she has acquired in Asia. Although small in extent, those acquisitions, from their character, are of the highest political importance. My: Lords, as the despatch for which I intend to move is long, and will be immediately, upon the table of the House, I will not fatigue your Lordships by reading it in extenao ; but I must trouble you with a single extract, to show that, although I dwelt strongly the other evening upon the limited extent of the territorial acquisi- tions made by Russia, I did not in the slightest degree mean by that to in- validate the political importance of the acquisitions actually made by Russia. The passage is expressed in these terms— It may not be easy to accuse of want of generosity the conqueror who checks the unresisted progress of success, and who spares the defenceless capital of his enemy. Nevertheless, the treaty in question—certainly not in conformity with the expecta- tions held out by preceding declarations and assurances—appears vitally to affect the interests, the strength, the dignity, the present safety and future independence, of the Ottoman empire. The modes of domination may be various, although all equally irresistible. The independence of a state may be overthrown, and its sub- jection effectually secured, without the presence of a hostile force or the permanent possession of its soil. Under the present treaty, the territorial acquisitions of Ras- Eta are small, it must be admitted, in extent, although most important in their character. They are commanding positions, far more valuable than the possession of barren provinces and depopulated towns, and better calculated to rivet the fetters by which the Sultan is bound.'

(A Peer—" What is the date ?") "The despatch is dated the 31st day of December 1829. My Lords, the extract I have read shows that the small extent of the acquisitions made by Russia did not blind me to the import- ance of their character ; and therefore, when the other night I dwelt upon the absence of any very great territorial acquisitions, of course it was with a view to contradict the assertion of my noble and learned friend, and to state what may be termed a geographical truth, but without the slightest reference to the undoubted political importance of those acquisitions which have actually been made.

"My Lords, the conclusion of the treaty of Adrianople was the commence- ment of a change of policy on the part of Russia. It is highly probable that if that treaty had been made by the Empress Catherine, great acquisitions of territory would have taken place. But, as I have said, at that time Russia commenced a change of policy, which has been carried on to the present day with ever-increasing vigour, and which accounts to a certain extent for the absence of those territorial acquisitions which in other circumstances would no doubt have been made. That change of policy consists in this—Russia, instead of pursuing the policy which was followed in the preceding century, has since the conclusion of the treaty of Adrianople looked to the extension of her political influence rather than to the acquisition of territory. A very prudent and politic change it has been. We have all heard of

'Satan grown wiser than in days of yore ';

and, perhaps, the line is not inapplicable to the Emperor of Russia, in having determined to pursue the same objects by different means, and means

calculated not so greatly to alarm the European Powers. (." Hear ! " and a laugh.) I believe this is the secret of all that has taken place in recent years. Take, for example, the treaty of Unkiar Skelessi, concluded when a Russian army was in possession of Constantinople. There can be no doubt that if the former policy of the Empress Catherine had been followed upon that occasion, great territorial acquisitions would have been made, and they could not have been resisted in the relative positions of the two powers at the time; but, in consequence, as I believe, of the change of policy com- menced by the treaty of Adrianople, the demands of Russia at the conclu-

sion of the treaty of Unkiar Skelessi, though they were unquestionably of the highest importance both to Russia and the Porte, did not assume the character of territorial aggrandizement. So with the mission of Prince Ifienschikoff himself. Russia was in a position in which she might have made demands of the most pressing nature upon Turkey. She had some reason for adopting that course ; but, instead of exacting anything like thr- ritorial indemnity, she at once premed for additional privileges; and if she had obtained those additional privileges for her co-religionists in the Tur- kish empire, I have no doubt that the invasion of the Principalities would never have taken place, or would immediately have ceased on the Sultan complying with her demands. But of course we felt—Europe felt—that the independence of Turkey would be as much endangered by the cession of such rights and privileges as were claimed by Russia as it would have been had she made a positive demand for territorial indemnity ; and therefore it was that the pretensions of Russia were resisted.

"Now, my Lords, I have been supposed to say also that I desired, or did not object to, a return to the treaty of Adrianople, because I stated that if we could obtain a peace which should last for twenty-five years we should not do amiss. (" Hear, hear?") Nor should we : but when I said that, I never for a moment Meant to convey the impression which it seems my words have produced. I never said a word to imply that I desired to return to the treaty of Adrianople. What I said or intended to say, was, that the treaty of Adrianople has given us peace for twenty-five years, and that if by any treaty which the fortune of war might enable us to make we should Imre peace for an equal length of time, we should not, considering the instability of all human affairs, do so very far amiss. Therefore, my Lords, I am quite at a loss to conceive upon what grounds any one should dare to Bair, first, that I have claimed the honour of making the treaty of Adri- anople, and, next, that I approved of or was indifferent to its conditions, and was ready to renew it without reference to the present posture of affairs. (Cheers.)

"I hue aamlained to your Lordships how it came that I insisted the other evening upon the limited extent of the territorial acquisitions which Russia has made m consequence of the treaty of Adrianople. My statement upoci

that point is perfectly true—it is incontrovertible; but it was intended to be qualified in the manner which I have now stated to your Lordships. I feel, therefore, that I have nothing further to say of the treaty of Adrianople.

It has also been said that I recommended a return to the status quo, or at least that I would not object to it. Now, my Lords, this statement cur- prises me more than anything ; because I thought I had taken special care to explain that point in my answer to the observations of my noble and learned friend. I stated that that might be the came of some apparently ambiguous expressions used by Austria and by Prussia as compared with the expres- sions used by ourselves, and I said that Austria and Prussia might be desi- rous to restore the status quo ; but, at the same time, I made the specific de- claration that that was by no means applicable to us—that is, to England and France. You are aware, my Lords, that before the declaration of war the status quo was all that we hoped for—all that we desired—all that we attempted to obtain ; and that was the condition which the Turkish Govern- ment signified its willingness to agree to. The treaty of Vienna was framed upon the understanding agreed to by all the four Powers, that the relations between Russia and Turkey should revert to the status quo. We thought that was quite as much as the Emperor of Russia could expect us to offer, and much more than he had any right to expect. But, my Lords, we pro- posed that in the hope that we should be able to preserve the state of peace, and that we should be able to avert our entering upon a course where all the evil passions that war engenders would be let loose. But the instant that war was declared, the state of the question was entirely altered. (Loud cheers.) From that moment everything depended upon the war itself; and we are left free to exercise our own judgment—to do that which we think will best suit our own interests and policy in framing the terms of peace. From that moment the status quo was entirely at an end. (Cheers.) Very well. I also said, as to the terms of peace, that however desirable, however necessary we might think certain terms to be, still it would be unwise in us now, in the present state of the war, to lay down any conditions of peace as those to- which alone we will accede. These must depend upon the events of the war ; and in the debate to which I have already referred, I recollect I did say that the conditions of peace would be very different if we found the Russians at Constantinople from what they would be if we found ourselves at St. Petersburg. Well, my Lords, within these points lies the whole scope of the variance from the status quo. How far we may deviate from the status quo, no man can at this moment say, because that must depend upon events which are not within our power absolutely to control. But this we can say, that the independence and integrity of Turkey are undoubted conditions—they constitute the sine qua non—that must be secured, and se- cured effectually. (Cheers.) But how that is to be done, must again de- pend upon the progress of events, in the course of the negotiations which may take place at the moment. But that security must be taken—security for the independence and integrity of Turkey, so far as depends upon Rus-

sia—is really the object from which we are determined not to depart (Cheers.) But again I say, how this is to be obtained, neither I nor any man in this House is able to say. We know what our object is—our main object at least ; and of course by one mode or another we will obtain that, without which peace is impossible. (Cheers.) "I think, also, exception has been taken to some expressions of mine as if I expressed doubt or disbelief of any danger from Russian aggression. Now I wish here to say, that I have the greatest alarm as to Russian ag-

gression against Turkey. But against that aggression in any shape— whether in the shape of influence, whether in the shape of conquest, or in any other mode—we are prepared to protect her. But with respect to Rus- sian aggression upon Europe, iudependently of her designs upon Turkey, I certainly did express no great alarm, because I feel no great alarm, and I am inclined to feel less and less every day. (Laughter.) If Russia, indeed,

could be supposed to be in possession of Constantinople—if she had made good her aggression upon Turkey, and were in possession of Constantinople—

then indeed I should feel alarmed for Europe, because I think Russia would

acquire then the means of becoming formidable and dangerous to Europe. Without that, my Lords, I cannot pretend to say that I feel any great alarm.

I consider France to be more powerful than Russia and Austria put together : and it is therefore impossible for me to look upon Russia with any great alarm out of her own frontiers, or in such a light as would induce me to think that it would be better to enter at once into a state of war in order to repress dangers which I do not feel. Danger from Russia against Europe appears to me mainly, if not entirely, to depend upon her power in Turkey and in the East. If that power be checked—and it is to be hoped that we shall succeed in keeping her entirely free from exciting further alarm in the Turkish territories—then I cannot possibly think that there need be any very great alarm as to what she may do to Austria, or Prussia, or France, or England. (Cheers.) This, however much it has been misunderstood, was really all that I meant to express as to my general incredulity of any danger from Russian aggression. "I have now shown your Lordships what sort of aggression it is that I am afraid of, and what sort of aggression it is that I am not afraid of. I am not aware that there is any other part of the observations which I ad- dressed to your Lordships the other night which requires further explana- tion. I believe I have already explained everything which, from being misunderstood at the time, appeared to be calculated to excite feelings of distrust in the Government.

" My Lords, I wish I could confine myself to this explanation ; to the full expression of the sentiments I entertain, and which appeared to me neces- sary to be explained. I could have wished certainly that I might have been spared the necessity of saying anything about the extraordinary and absurd imputations—the personal imputations—to which I have been exposed. (Loud cheers.) I have no fear that your Lordships, who are accustomed to weigh the actions and the sentiments of public men, will fail to comprehend the motives from which I have acted ; and the misrepresentation of them has been so ludicrously absurd, that I feel—indignant as I am—I feel it would not be worthy of the position which I now occupy—it would not be worthy of the memory of those with whom I have acted—it would not be worthy of my own character, if I were to condescend to enter upon any justi- fication of my personal motives. (Loud cheers.) My Lords, it is true that! have more than any other man struggled to preserve the state of peace forthis coun- try. I have done so because I thought it my duty to the people of this country —my duty to God and man—to exhaust every possible means of preserving peace ; and my only apprehension is—though I trust your Lordships will acquit me on that point—my only apprehension is lest I should not have done all, and lest in any way I should have lost some possible means of averting the greatest calamity that can befall a country ; for, however glorious any war may be, the calamities which accompany it are heavy enough greatly to outweigh that glory. I know it has been said, if you love peace so much, you are unfit for war. My Lords, though peace is sa dear to my feelings, still I am convinced of the necessity of this war. But how do I wish to make war ? I wish to make war in order to obtain a peace ; and I know well that the best mode of making war in order speedily to obtain a peace, is to make war with the utmost vigour and determination. (Loud cheers.) My noble friends near me know well enough, that, peaceable as I am, I have never shrunk—that, on the contrary, I have given my most ready concurrence to the most active measures of hostility and warlike pre- parations. Nay, more, I believe I may say they will admit that I have per- sonally been more urgent than perhaps any other man in exhorting the speedy concentration and advance of the allied forces North of the Balkan in support of the gallant army of Omar Pasha, and to extend a helping hand to Austria in order to enable her to carry out her professions. (Cheers.) This, except for the warmth of the feelings under which I spoke, I ought not, perhaps, to say—but it is the truth, that, in the course we have taken, I have invariably urged the most decided course of action. (Loud cheers.) My Lords, I have now no more to say. I wish to confine myself to this subject, without entering upon other topics more or less connected with the war— with the events that led to it, or that may follow from it : I wish to remove understandings which I feel to be perfectly erroneous interpretations of what I add ; and I now declare, that so far from my former endeavours to preserve peace disqualifying me from carrying on the war, I think—though of course I may be wrong in the particular means—I think we ought to have recourse to the most expedient, the most prompt, the most successful means of car- rying it on. (Checre.) I maintain, and assert, that my very love of peace induces me now to enter upon this war, which I unquestionably believe to be a perfectly just war; and therefore it is that I—so long as I have any- thing to do with the Government—shall unquestionably carry it on in such a manner as will be most likely to secure benefit to England and to establish a safe and honourable peace." (Loud and continued cheers.) The Marquis of CLANRICARDE took upon himself the part of Opposition critic. He began by asserting that Lord Aberdeen had "retracted' much of his former speech; and though instantly corrected by exclama- tions of "No !" he repeated the offensive word. The question before the House, he said, was of infinitely wider scope than as to what were the immediate effects or the precise terms of the treaty of Adrianople. The question was, whether Lord Aberdeen is entitled to the confidence of the country and Parliament, to conduct the war and negotiate peace. Lord Clanricarde complained that Lord Aberdeen should have produced a de- spatch for his own personal vindication, which he had alluded to on pre- vious occasions but refused to produce. Then, entering into a disquisi- tion on the foreign policy of the last thirty years, he asserted that Lord Aberdeen had been "the most constant, the most zealous, the most powerful supporter, at least in this country, of the arbitrary Govern- ments of Europe." When he wrote the despatch referred to, the treaty j of Adrianople bad been signed, by advice of the British Minister at Con- stantinople, "three months" before. What had he done to prevent the signature of that treaty ? He said that a peace of twenty-five years had followed that signature : what then are his notions of a peaceable neigh- bour? In other great questions that agitated Europe, how did he act ? He was the mainstay of Dorn Miguel; he had continually found fault with the Quadruple Treaty ; he had denounced the revolution in Belgium as "the most senseless and unintelligible on record." When he rose in despair the other night, and delivered out of the abundance of his heart that speech which had astonished the country, it was not to answer Lord Lynd- burst, but to reply to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs. The effect of that speech was to justify the delay and vacillation of the German Governments. It was very fairly described in the telegraphic despatch of the debate given by L' Inde'pendance Beige—a paper having the largest circulation in Ger- many. The telegraphic despatch said—" Earl of Aberdeen a essaye jus- tifier la conduite de la Russie, et a plaide la cause de la paix." That is the view entertained of the speech over the whole of the Continent. Lord Clanriearde complained of the want of preparation for the war ; held that there must be differences in the Cabinet ; and insisted that Lord Pal- merston should have been made War Minister—the post every one thinks he is best qualified to fill. The position of the Government, he went on to say, is unprecedented. They entered office with a following of not less than 320 Members in the House of Commons ; last year it augmented to 400; but this year they have been unable to carry almost any measure of importance. Why is this ?—Because Lord Aberdeen is the First Lord of the Treasury ; and neither the country nor the Parliament have con- fidence in him. Not doubting his sincerity, nor his horror of war, still he contended that Lord Aberdeen's efforts for peace have been misdirected, and that his policy has caused the war. Holding these opinions, no doubt he should be told that he ought to propose a vote of want of confi- dence: but his "humble position" in that House made it disadvanta- geous for him to make such a motion. Still he must say, that " it is not for the advantage of the country that the noble Earl should continue to be the chief adviser of the British Crown."

Lord BEAUMONT expressed his admiration of the moral courage of Lord Aberdeen in taking the first opportunity of putting himself into what Borne might call a humiliating position in order to explain language he bad previously used. But though the speech had removed many suspicions, it was not so satisfactory as it might have been. He asked for some ex- planation of a passage in his speech respecting the statement that Prince 3let ternieh had given advice to the Emperor of Austria. A journal called the Press, supposed to represent the opinions of Lord Derby, contained a statement to the effect that Prince Metternich had been specially and personally requested by the Emperor of Austria to embody in a state paper his views of an arrangement which might be the basis of an honour- able peace ; that be bad done so, and that the plan had been communicated, though not officially, to the Earl of Aberdeen ; and that little doubt was entertained of its being substantially adopted. Coupling that with other articles of intelligence which he had seen, he could not help thinking that soms—perhaps non-official—communication had been made to our Go- vernment of the terms upon which, in the opinion of Austria, Russia would treat for peace. Lord ABERDEEN said, he had seen the paragraph, and had admired its ingenuity. His former acquaintance with Prince Metternich being known, it was a very good notion to throw out the idea that he was engaged in negotiations with the Prince, lie could not say whether the Emperor of Austria has consulted his old and tried friend ; he hoped the report that he had was true.

"All that I know is, that, as far as I am concerned, there is just the same amount of truth in the paragraph 48 there is in all the other imputations with it I have the pleasure of esing made against me— th ,t is to say, there is not a syllable of truth in it from beginning to end. (Cheers and laughter.) It so happens, that, intimate as I formerly was with Prince bletternich, since I have been in office, for the last )ear and a half, I have not commu- nicated with him, directly or indirectly, until a few days ago, when a friend of mine and his told me she was about to write to him, and asked me whether I bad anything to say to the Prince ; whereupon I said Pray, make my best remembrances to hint.' " (Cheers and laughter.) Lord BROUGHAM said, he would not have spoken had he not heard Lord Clanricarde apply the words "retraetation" and "explained away" to the speech of Lord Aberdeen. Having listened with great attention, he must say that he heard nothing which could fairly be called a retraetation or an explaining away of what Lord Aberdeen formerly stated. For his osye. part, the speech of the 19th greatly satisfied him. Lord Brougham ex. pressed his disapproval of any discussion whatever as to what ought t.0 form the basis of a peace ; and, expressing his fear that Austria, Russia having made some concession to her, would call upon us to enter into ne- gotiations, he pointed out the evil consequences of our being drawn into a game of protocols, to be played with all the skill and resources of Rue.. Sian diplomacy; and he declared that without guarantees from Russia, a peace would only be an armed truce.

In the House of Commons, on Tuesday, Mr. LAYARD withdrew his notice of motion with regard to the speech delivered by the Premier on the 19th. In doing this, he said- " I understand that in consequence of that notice the noble Lord under- took to make some explanation. That explanation has been made, and I trust it will have the effect of removing from the public mind any misappre- hension as to the policy of this country ; a policy which has been, in a pro. per English spirit, so ably shadowed forth by nay noble friend the President of the Council and the noble Lord the Minister for Foreign Affairs. I think I should be acting most in conformity with the view of the House if I were now to withdraw the notice which I gave." (Loud cries of "Hear, hear !") But he expressed his conviction that some discussion ought to take place with reference to foreign affairs before the prorogation.

THE AUSTRO-TURKISH CONVENTION.

Lord DUDLEY STUART put a variety of questions to Lord John Russell respecting the occupation of Wallachia by Austrian troops. Lord JOHN RUSSELL replied to them in the following terms- " With regard to the first question of ray noble friend, I may say that the Government have received information that a convention has been signed between Austria and the Sublime Porte for the occupation of the Principali- ties by Austrian troops, in either case—whether the Russians shall have voluntarily quitted the Principalities or not. That is to say, if Russia has voluntarily quitted the Principalities, the Austrian troops will occupy them; and if Russia has not quitted them, the Austrians will enter the Principali- ties for the purpose of driving them out. (Cheers.) That is the effect of the treaty. The Government have not at present received an official copy of the convention which has been signed, and I cannot therefore promise when it can be laid upon the table. With regard to the second question— with respect to any information having been received with reference to the Emperor of Russia having consented to the ultimatum of Austria, no official information of that nature has been received by us. The last time I saw the Austrian Minister, he informed me that no answer had reached Vienna, and I cannot say whether any subsequent information has been received."

In reply to Sir HENRY WILLOUGHBY, Lord Teals. said that this coun- try is not a party to the convention between Austria and the Porte.

OPERATIONS ON THE GULF OF BOTHNIA.

On going into Committee of Supply on Thursday, Mr. Mnavnu Grit- 50N called attention to the proceedings of Admiral Plumridge at ITleaborg and Brahestadt ; not for the purpose of blaming him in any way, but be- cause he thought those proceedings impolitic, and inconsistent with the professions of the Government. Ile described those towns as defeneeless, and entered into an account of the amount of damage done and property destroyed there. His complaint was, that part of the tar and deals was the property of English subjects, intended to be shipped to England, and some of the tar even about to be supplied to the Government. As the Government had said it might be fetched away in neutral ships, it would probably become a case for compensation. Sir JAMES GRAHAM, in reply, said that all the despatches on the sub- ject would be printed in the Gazette on Friday. He vindicated the policy pursued, and accepted She entire responsibility. The articles consumed by fire were contraband of war, and might have been seized at sea, Sir James went minutely into an account of the transaction ; contending that the accounts show how much private property was respected, that only articles contraband of war were destroyed, and that that was done with- out even a thought of prize-money. He commented on the difficulties of the enterprise, and thought it hard that the first notice taken in that House of the conduct of the men who had thus risked their lives should partake of censure. "Let me ask," Sir James exclaimed, "what particular indulgence should be shown to the enemy we have to deal with? (Cheers.) What are the wishes and feelings of the people of England upon this point ? We did at the commencement of the war exercise particular indulgence. We had it in our power to destroy the city of Odessa, and we spared it. We attacked the batteries of Odessa only ; for which we were subjected to something like censure, and I must confess that I begin to partake of that feeling myself. (Cheers.) Row did the enemy act towards a British ship which accidentally ran ashore in a fog near this very port of Odessa? An immense multitude of soldiers, with batteries and red-hot shot, were brought down and the stranded vessel was fired upon. I cannot see that any peculiar forbearance is necessary towards this enemy. (Great cheering.) We have offered him battle on the open sea on fair and equal terms, and he has declined to meet us. He has sunk rocks in the channels and approaches of his rivers, in order to obstruct our progress. If our enemies will not face us on the open sea, we must pursue them into their fastnesses, and make them feel that a war with England is not to be waged with impunity. (Loud and general ch eering .) Viewing these proceedings:of our fleet,s—seeing that they are not of a marauding character, undertaken for the purpose of obtaining prize- money without reference to the loss occasioned to unoffending persons, but, on the contrary, that they are the result of an honest and patriotic desire to make the enemies of our country feel, by fair and legitimate means, the force of the power with which they are contending,—I for one am not pre- pared to check their course ; and I hope and believe, that in so acting I shall not run counter to the wishes of the House of Commons or the coun- try." (Continued cheering.)

OXFORD UNIVERSITY.

The Oxford University Bill was read a third time on Monday. Ott the question that the bill do pass, Mr. Prolix obtained the addition of two clauses, previously mentioned in Committee,—one providing that in all matters of law the Court of the Vice-Chancellor of Oxford shall be governed by the common and statute and not by the civil law ; the other, that three Judges may make rules for the regulation of the procedure of the Court.

Mr. GLADSTONE added a clause, enacting that all ordinances and regula- tions framed by the Commissioners, and rejected by two-thirds of the governing body of any school, shall be forwarded to one of the Secretaries , of State, and be laid before Parliament. I 111r, HEYWOOD brought forward his second clause, modified as followS- "From and after the first day of Michaelmas Term 1854, it shall not be necessary for any person, upon taking the degree of Bachelor of Arts usually conferred by the said University of Oxford, to make or subscribe any declara- tion, or to take any oath, save the oath of allegiance, or an equivalent de- claration of allegiance, any law or statute to the contrary notwithstanding ; provided always, that no person having received any such degree shall be "entitled in the said University of Oxford, or in any of its Colleges or Halls, to take a part in the distribution of church patronage, or in any question affecting the religious education of members of the Church of Eugland, without having previously declared himself a member thereof."

He had modified the clause since last Thursday, because he had found that while a large majority are in favour of opening the University to Dissenters they were not prepared to agree to the clause as it stood. A Bachelor of Arts is in a position to take a Fellowship ; but here the Act of Uniformity steps in and requires that the Fellows of Colleges must conform to the Liturgy of the Church of England.

Mr. GASKELL said that he should vote for the clause, although reluct- antly. The reward of merit ought not to be withheld from young men admitted to run the race of competition. Mr. NEWDEGATE rather depre- cated than opposed the clause. Lord JOHN RUSSELL announced that Government had determined to support the clause. Churchmen and Dissenters should have the same marks of honour ; it would be invidious to create a new distinction. Sir JOHN PAKINEToN and Mr. NAPIER spoke in opposition to the clause. Mr. DRUMmoND and Sir ERSKINE PERRY addressed the House in its behalf. But the SPEAXER called at- tention to a sessional order which provides that "no clause shall be al- tered on consideration of the report, or on the third reading, without no- tice." It was necessary, therefore, to postpone the further proceedings on the third reading, so that due notice might be given. Hereupon, Lord Joirer RUSSELL postponed the further proceedings until Thursday.

The further proceedings on the third reading took place accordingly on Thursday ; and Mr. Hevevoon, in a very brief speech, moved his se- cond clause. The motion was seconded by Mr. EVELyN DreeisoN, in a speech equally brief ; trusting that the singular moderation of the pro- posal would secure the unanimous approval of the House, but that if it were opposed, it would be carried by such a majority as would see it safely to its journey's end. The ensuing discussion partook of the same character. On the question that the clause be read a second time, Mr. HENLEY moved that it be read a second time that day three months. When Mr. Denison styled the proposal "moderate," did he think the Opposition so short-sighted as not to see that it would be followed by an attempt to carry the next step ? If the clause were to pass, the Univer- sity must cease to be a place of religious education ; the thing would be an impossibility. Mr. NEWDEGATE spoke amid cries of " Oh ! " in seconding the amendment.

Mr. GLADSTONE announced that the Government intended to support the clause. The ulterior views of Mr. Heywood in no way authorita- tively fixed the views of that House. For his own part, he should de- liberately vote for the clause ; convinced that, after the vote of the other evening, he was doing the best for the interest of the University of Ox- ford. There is nothing in the clause to prevent the University from con- tinuing to administer religious education to the children of members of the Church of England. He had not the least doubt that the University will frame the necessary rules and regulations to carry out the purpose of Parliament with regard to the admission and training of other persuasions. After a speech from Mr. SERGEANT SHEE on the grievances of Roman Catholics in relation to the Universities in England and Ireland, to which the House listened with great impatience, a division was taken on Mr. Heywood's clause—For the clause, 233; against it, 79; majority, 154. Great cheering followed the announcement of the numbers. After some further opposition the clause was added to the bill. Mr. I. G. PHILLIMORE proposed a clause to the effect that, after the 1st December, no member of the University shall on account of his rank pass his examination or take his degree sooner than another under-graduate. This clause was adopted. Mr. GLADSTONE proposed to insert in the clause relating to Schools, adopted on the 16th June on the motion of Mr. Roundel' Palmer, after the words "for the abolition of any privilege or right of preference or election to any emolument within any College," the words "other than Fellowships or Studentships."

Mr. ROUNDELL Rumen said, these words were opposed to the princi- ple of the clause, and would take beyond its benefits the great schools— Winchester, Westminster, and Merchant Tailors'. The next attempt would be to apply the principle to Eton ; and he called upon all Etonians to resist the amendment. The House ought to legislate upon the sound principle of looking to the interests both of the Schools and Colleges, and should not give the Colleges power to take into account their interests alone. Mr. LOWE supported the motion ; arguing at great length against dose Fellowships, close Schools, and the principle of awarding Fellow- ships on any other principle than that of merit. However, he was glad the proposed alteration did not take place in his time, when interest ruled; for then, Mr. Palmer Mr. Cardwell, and himself, would have been sent to New College, and all three would have been ruined.

Sir WILLIAM HEATIICoTE, Mr. HENLEY, Sir THOMAS ACLAND, and Mr. 3. G. PHILLIMORE, opposed the amendment ; Sir William lIeathcote re- marking that Mr. Lowe's objections did not apply to the case as the most stringent rules as to capability might be made under the clause. On a division, the House rejected the amendment, by 139 to 129—giving a majority of 10 against the Government ; whereat there was cheering. The clause was added to the bill.

The bill then passed, and the following new title was substituted for the original one—" An Act to make further Provision for the good Go- vernment and Extension of the University of Oxford, of the Colleges therein, and of the College of St. Mary, Winchester."

COLONIAL CLERGY.

Sir JOHN PAturemer inquired whether Government intends to proceed with the Colonial Clergy Disabilities Bill this session ? Lord Jens Russem. replied, that it is not the intention of the Government to proceed With the bill. ("Rear, hear I" and laugh(er.) THE CANADA. COUNCIL BILL. On the motion for going into Committee on the Legislative Council (Canada) Bill, the Earl of DERRY stated the reasons why he thought it should be suspended for the present session. First, however, he apolo- gized for omitting to take the opinion of the House on the second reading, as he was not aware that the measure stood on the Votes. It would have been more in accordance with the usual practice had the Duke of New- castle stated the objects of the bill on the first reading. But that was not all : papers had been referred to, but not placed on the table until after the second reading. Some of those papers were dated July 1853 ; they were not produced by the Government until they were moved for, ten months after they were received ; they threw no light on the intentions of Government • and these despatches of the 1st and 11th July 1853 had not been answered until the 26th of May 1854. He had therefore a right to complain that the Government had kept the House in a state of darkness in regard to their intentions. Having, made these complaints, Lord Derby proceeded to the question before the House. The bill, he said, would do away with checks against hasty legislation, and practically convert the Government of Canada into a republic : yet they were told that this must be done, because the local Legislature wished it. They had already sanctioned the Rebellion Losses Bill and the Clergy Reserves Bill, yielding to the same argument. It would be better to affect no au- thority at all, than that this should always occur. In the case of the Clergy Reserves there was the consolation that it might not be so bad as was an- ticipated; but the present case is free from doubt, for the Parliamentary papers include a bill which the Legislative Assembly desire to pass. When the Act of Union was under consideration, the demand for an elective Upper Chamber was one of the earliest demands of the Radical party ; but how did Lord John Russell and Mr. Gladstone then speak of it ? Lord John Russell said, it would make a second Assembly the echo of the first ; and the House of Commons rejected the proposition, by 31S to 56. Mr. Gladstone said that the proposition meant nothing more than an independent government. Be- sides quoting these opinions, Lord Derby again quoted Lord John Russell, and Lord Melbourne to show that the understanding on which the Act of Union was passed was that the Upper Chamber should be nominated by the Crown. And in vindication of the then. Legislative Council, he quoted Lord Durham's opinion that the Council did not deserve the censure cast upon it by the Assembly, which was wanting in legislative skill sad respect for con- stitutional principles. Lord Derby contended that there is no special ground for the introduction of the question, as the papers allege no case in which the Council has ar- rested measures for the benefit of the colony. Canada, it is said on all sides, is making extraordinary progress in material welfare—is that a proof of bad legislation ? To show the thoroughly democratic character of the bill pro- posed by the Assembly, he contrasted it with the Constitution of the United States, in which there is no "responsible government" acting by a party, but an independent Executive, a powerful Senate, and a Supreme Court to guard the Constitution. Under the proposed bill, the Council would not be an independent check to the Assembly, for both would be elected by the same constituency; and it was provided that if the Council objected to a measure for two years, it should be dissolved. Ile put the case to the House of Lords, and asked if there is any Peer so degraded as to submit to that. He scornfully spoke of the required qualifications that the senator should be thirty years of age and possess 1000/. ; while men above thirty are not al- ways discreet, and members of the Assembly are eligible to be members of the Council without qualification. Would it not be better to bring in a bill declaring that the Crown and Parliament have no further control over the rains of Canada ? Lord Elgin, in his despatch to the Duke of Newcastle, admits the danger, but states that he knows of no expedient so likely to im- part the desired influence to the Council as to make it elective. What is the safeguard upon which the Duke of Newcastle relies ? Upon the veto ? Even in England the Crown does not depend for its authority upon the veto, but upon the necessity that exists for the Minister so shaping his course as to secure the assent of both Houses. if, however, the Canadian Council be made subservient to the Assembly, the Governor-General will suit his views to the most powerful party in the Assembly. It is no wonder that men will not enter the Council, when neither the Governor-General nor the Imperial Government support them. Give them due weight, and there will be no lack of men. Then there is another question—How would the bill before the House be carried out, since the Legislative Courril must assent to the proposed change? They might certainly augment that body sufficiently to enable it to commit suicide. This measure will not be carried alone, but the whole of the North American Provinces will ask for the same thing ; for the spirit of democratic encroachment is everywhere the same, and mo- narchical influence will be altogether excluded.

Painful as it will be, a time must come when the North American Pro- vinces will become independent alike of Parliament, Ministers, and Crown. "I had believed," said Lord Derby, "that a time might come when these great and important colonies might have formed a monarchical government, ruled over, either as permanent Viceroy or independent Sovereign, by one nearly and closely allied to the Sovereign of this country." "But pass this bill, and that dream is gone for ever." The next step will be an elective Governor and if the bill pass, an elective Governor will be absolutely un- objectionable. He did not ask them to reject but to suspend the bill : if Canada desire separation, in God's name, let us separate in peace and friend- ship ; but let them understand that the measure before them would lead to republican institutions; postpone decision, calmly weigh the consevences, and not rush to a decision from which there is no appeal. The Duke of NEWCASTLE explained at the outset, that it is contrary to the practice of the House of Peers to make a statement of the pro- visions of a bill on the first reading. Only once had that been done, and then the Peer who departed from the rule was called to order. Bills are presented sub silintio, and statements are only made on the second read- ing. With regard to the presentation of papers, he admitted that he was in error in not presenting them ; but, having seen them in print, he was under the impression that they had been laid on the table of both Houses. As to the delay which occurred between the receipt of the despatches from Canada and the answers to them, he might state that the session of the Canadian Parliament closed before they were received, and did not begin again until the 13th of the present month ; so that it made no sort of difference whether he answered them at the time they were received Or six months afterwards.

With respect to Lord Derby's " dream," the bill will not affect that in any way, except to make its realization more probable by strengthening the monarchical association with this country. Entering into the main question with regard to an elective or a nominated Chamber, the Duke of Newcastle showed that if it would be the conservative element, an Upper Chamber must have the respect of the community ; for when it loses the respect of the community it ceases to be conservative and becomes obstructive. And as no nominated Chamber can have that hold upon the respect and affection of the people which tradition and its hereditary character confer upon the House of Lords—as nominees are looked upon as tools of the Government— there is no alternative but an elective Chamber. To be a member of that Chamber, a man must have a property qualification, and be of a certain age; and Lord Derby would not deny that he himself has become more conserva- tive as he becomes older. Then, the Council will be elected at a different time from the Assembly. Lord Derby tried to show that the two bodies are so accordant that they will coOperate even in violent opinions ; yet u Mr. Brown—a very democratic gentleman—proposed three different amendments

in the Assembly to get rid of the different terms of six and four yews for which they respectively are to be chosen, because he thought that

democratic power would be diminished thereby. It was asked how the bill would be carried into effect ? No doubt, the Council would act like their Lordships, and gracefully yield when they saw that the colony really desired the ohange. Undoubtedly, if the bill pass, it will not and ought not to stop there—" we ought to legislate for a principle and not for a colony." We gave the Australian Colonies the power to frame a constitution ; and only a hrtnight ago Victoria sent home a constitution including an elective second Chamber. We have given an elective second Chamber to the Cape of Good Hope ; but we only propose to enable Canada to constitute a second elective Chamber. The Duke clearly showed by quotation, that Lord Durham was sgainet a nominated and for an elective second Chamber. In fact, Lord Derby was haunted throughout his speech by the bugbear Democracy—the same feeling that induced him to say, on taking office, that his mission was to check the torrent of Democracy ; "and we all remember that it was said that when the noble Lord left office the deluge would come." (Laughter.) But with regard to Canada that apprehension may be dismissed. In 1847 the cinl list was given up ; it was thought she wanted to get rid of it alto- tether; yet next year Canada voted a civil list. The European events of 1848 failed to raise even a ripple to the surface of society in Canada. Seeing that Canada is no longer alienated from us—looking upon her prosperity as the result of our recent legislation—he called upon the House to persevere in the same course and tepees this bill.

Lord Sr. LEONARDS, insisting that if the bill pass a similar measure • must be applied to all the Colonies, opposed the bill. The Earl of BAR- ROWDY, objecting to nominee Chambers, and thinking that a good elective Chamber ought to be provided for the colony, yet supported the post- ,ponenient of the bill.

Lord DERBY replied, and the House divided on the motion for going Into Committee—Content, 63; Non-content, 34; Government majority, 24.

The bill passed through Committee.

THE ELGLN TREATY.

Earl Firsavimasw inquired, on Tuesday, whether the treaty concluded with the United States contains a provision permitting American traders to establish factories for the purpose of curing fish on the coasts of our North American Colonies ? The Earl of CLARMiDON stated that the treaty had only reached him on Monday afternoon, and he had not had time to give it the attention it deserves. It has not yet been submitted to the Senate, or ratified ; and the present is not the moment to discuss it. But he might say that it contains no new provision whatever for permit- ting American citizens to establish factories in the British possessions. The terms are nearly the same, and the principle is quite the same, as those of the treaty of 1818: he believed that it would promote the pros- perity of the Colonies, and hoped that nothing would occur to mar its completion. It is necessary that every colony interested should confirm the provisions of the treaty.

COMMON LAW PROCEDURE BILL.

On the motion for going into Committee on this bill, at a morning sit- ting on Thursday, Sir ERSKINE PERRY moved that it be an instruction to the Committee to extend the provisions of the act to her Majesty's Su- perior Courts in India. He thought the provisions of the bill, of which he highly approved, would be as effective in India as they would be in this country. Mr. PRIME seconded the motion.

Sir CHASLES WOOD, admitting the good intentions of Sir Erskine Fully, said that Parliament had invariably passed a separate act when reference was made to Indian courts of law. The Indian legislators have ample power to carry out improvements in these courts, and the House

would only stultify the concessions of last year by creating an opportu- nity of infringing those privileges. Mr. COLLIER, Mr. NAPIER., and Mr. Primers agreeing in this view, urged the withdrawal of the motion ; and it was withdrawn accordingly. In Committee, Mr. HENLEY requested the postponement of clause 14,

raising the qualifications of jurors to 30/. More information as to the available number of jurors is desirable before limiting their numbers. As the clause did not extend to jurors summoned for Crown trials, the sheriff would have to make out three separate lists of jurors, without any means of testing their qualifications. Taking into account these objec- tions, the ArronnEy-GENERAL promised to omit the clauses relating to jurors, and to introduce a separate bill on the subject. Clauses 14, 15, and 16 were struck out.

On clause 17, which provides that a jury shall be discharged if after

twelve hours they cannot agree, and also that if ten of the jury agree their verdict shall be taken, opposition arose. The ATrORNEY-GENF.RAL declared in favour of omitting the latter part of the clause. Mr. HENLEY and Mr. Narnsa supported him in that opinion ; while Mr. COLLIER and Mr. ATHERTON supported the clause. On a division, the clause was car- ried, by the narrow majority of 80 to 75.

The clauses of the bill were agreed to, up to 36 iuclusive ; and the Chairman then reported progress.

MORTMAIN.

On the motion for going into Committee on the Mortmain Bill, Mr.

GREENE suggested, that 'asno members of the Government were present, the Bill should be postponed. Mr. HEA.DLAM objected; and for some time a conversation was kept up on the subject ; some Members main- taining that the presence of one or more of the Ministers was necessary, others that the House was quite competent to proccee. At length Mj MOWBRAY moved the postponement of the bill until after the fourth order of the day ; and, on a division, carried his motion by 74 to 15. The intervening orders of the day, however, were rapidly disposed of, and the motion for going into Committee was successfully renewed. Lord Palmerston and the Solicitor-General arrived, and took part in the discussion on the clauses.

On clause 3, giving power to convey land or sites for building, &c., the extent of land to be given as a site was limited to two acres, except in the ease of burial-grounds, in which it was limited to five acres.

On clause 5, giving a remedy if the Court of Chancery should think

the quantity of land greater than was requisite for the purpose, or if it should be greater than was actually used for the purpose intended, Mr. HEADLAM proposed a proviso, to the effect that when land should cease to be used for the purpose for which it was originally given, it should, revert to the person who would have been entitled to it had no such grant been made. Some doubt was expressed both by Lord PALMERSTON and the Sosicrron-Gesomas as to whether the proviso would accom- plish the object aimed at ; and Lord PA.LMERSTON suggested other words, te the effect that when any land or a portion thereof should cease to be applied, to the purpose for which it had been. conveyed, the Court of Chancery should restore the portion or the whole to the heirs. To this Mr HEA.DLIM assented; and the clause as amended was carried by 134 to 69.

There was a division on clause 6, which provides that any person seised, possessed of, or entitled to any lands, may, in consideration of the full pecuniary value thereof, absolutely paid or reserved by way of r.. charge upon a bond, fide sale, convey such lands to trustees for dui. ties, on condition that a copy of the conveyance or assignment thould within one month after its execution be delivered to the Charity Cow. sioners. The clause was carried by 106 to 9L

The Chairman reported progress.

LIMITED LIABILITY.

Mr. COLLIER, remarking that the report of the Commissioners dirtno throw any additional light upon the subject, and that if he did not bring it forward now he would not probably have another opportunity this ses- sion moved the following resolution-

" That the law of partnership, which renders every person who, though not an ostensible partner, shares,the profits of a trading concern, liable to the whole of its debts, is unsatisfactory, and should be so far modified as to permit persons to contribute to the capital of such concerns on terms of sharing their profits without incurring liability beyond a limited amount."

The only class exempt from the law of unlimited liability are the in- surance companies. Practically, limited liability is prohibited, unless it be granted by act of Parliament or the Board of Trade. The law of England in this respect is at variance with the civil law and the practice of Continental countries, where for centuries the principle of partner- ships en commandite has been adopted. In all those countries, as well as in America more recently, the law has operated beneficially. It lass been said that this country has attained her present commercial prosperity un- der the law of unlimited liability : but, in fact, all our greatest enter- prises—our railways, docks, canals, steamers, the Crystal Palace itself— are the results of a breach of that law. Unlimited liability prevents local improvement ; encourages mining speculations of the worst descrip. tion ; prevents men of capital from assisting men without capital, and employers from assisting enterprising workmen in business. Nei- ther the partners, nor the creditors, nor the public, require the pro- tection of the present law. The Commissioners who reported against the change argued that limited partners could only be benefited at the expense of partners burdened with unlimited liability : but that is only in another shape the worn-out old argument that one class is entitled to be protected from the rest of the community ; and why should capitalists be protected any more than the landholder ? There is no reason to be- lieve that the change would injure the commercial credit of the country. If the change were made, no doubt some regulations would be required as a protection from fraud; but that is matter of detail. It would cheapen capital, diminish the distance between capital and labour, and benefit the community at large.

Lord GODERICH seconded the motion ; dwelling on the anomalies of the present praptice in granting charters in order to render great undertakings possible ; and urging the necessity, as well as the justice, of facilitating the combination of commerce, labour, and capital.

Mr. CA.RDWFLL neither supported nor opposed the resolution.; but pointed out that "difficulties" lie in the way of a chaage that there are prevailing differences of opinion, and that the subject has not been suffi- ciently considered. The true bearing of the law, he argued, seems not to be understood. For the law actually permits individuals to enter into arrangements, as between themselves, regulating their liabilities in such proportion as they think right ; and the difference between our law and the law abroad is, that we have not established by legal enactment those modes of creating a presumptive notice which exist in foreign countries.

Mr. Ltresss moved the addition of words extending the resolution to Ireland ; in which country, he argued, a law of limited liability is espe- cially required to enable Irish capital to be spent in Ireland. Mr. MALINS, Mr. COBDEN, Mr. GLYN, Mr. J. G. PHILLIMORE, Mr. Gowan, Mr. W. D. SETwoun, Mr. SOTHERON, the Asionisny-GrarnnAs, Mr. name., and Mr. J. L. RICARDO, supported the motion at considerable length. On the other side, Mr. Wirss-fista BROWN stood alone. Lord PALMERSTON remarked the unanimity, and appealed to Mr. Collier to withdraw his motion' satisfied with the opinion he had elicited. Govern- ment could not be fairly called upon to state at this moment the conclu- sions they had or might come to respecting the remedy for defects ad- mitted by everybody. Besides, many Members, not expecting a division, had left the House.

Mr. COLLIER was disposed-to withdraw the resolution ; but Mr. CAIRNS, Mr. Orwssr, and others, pressed him to divide ; and when he asked per- mission to withdraw, the expressions of dissent were general and decisive. Accordingly, the amendment was added to the resolution, and it was carried without a division. rSURY LAWS.

Late on Thursday night, Mr. Gssnsisnen moved for leave to bring in a bill to repeal the remnant of the Usury-laws. Alleging the lateness, first Mr. BROTHERTON, and next Colonel DUNNE, divided the HOURS OII a motion for adjournment, and were each time defeated by more than two to one. Mr. Gsansrmss then made a short statement, showing the ne- cessity for the repeal of these laws, which are constantly evaded. The law proposed to be repealed prohibits the loan of money upon real secu- rities at a greater rate than 5 per cent. The bill was read a first time.

GOVERNOR Gums

On a motion for going into Committee of Supply, Mr. Annnarasv called attention to the conduct of the late Governor of New Zealand in delaying and partially frustrating the new constitution granted to that colony. He revived the facts stated in the form of interrogatories by Sir dohn Pakington on the 29th May, with the additional facts stated by the Spec- tator on the 3d June ; showing how Governor Grey took advantage of the utmost limit allowed by law for proclaiming the Congaed= Act' that he did not issue the writs until six months after the proclama- tion that he took no advantage of the arrangements under the local act ; that the animus of his conduct was a wish to prevent the new conetitn- tion from coming into action until he should have quitted the colony ; and that the delay had been pronounced injurious, and without intelligible justification, by the Provincial Councils of Wellington, Nelson, and Can- terbury. Mn Adderley also repeated the charges against Governor Grey for disposing of the surplus revenues, and for dealing with the waste lands. In the matter of the waste lands, an injunction had been granted to stop the sales; and had only not been made absolute because the Go- warier had the power of displacing the Judge of the Supreme Court Under these circumstances, he could not think Sir George Grey a lit per- son to be appointed as Governor at the Cape, where more discretion is required than in New Zealand. Mr. PEEL nearly repeated the answer he had made to Sir John Peking- ton's questions. Of course, Mr. Adderley used his owndiscretion in revi- ving a subject that had "already been fully discussed and disposed of by the House." The act, he said, was virtually Governor Grey's bill, framed and recommended by him; "in fact it is to him that the colony is indebted for the constitution it enjoys." Mr. Peel repeated that Go- vernor Grey could not have been more expeditious in bringing the con- stitution into operation ; that he issued writs as soon SS he knew the electors; that he could not nominate the Upper House until he knew who had been elected to the Lower; that the revenue appropriations were legal; and that in reducing the price of land he had acted on powers given him by Sir John Pakington. As to the appointment of Sir George Grey to the Cape colony, that was one of the last acts of the Duke of Newcastle, and one from which the best consequences may be augured.

Sir Jonas Paammerme bore testimony to the general merits of Sir George Grey as a governor, but thought he had acted indiscreetly in the matters complained of by Mr. Adderley. In passing the Constitution Act, the Go- vernment intended that the new Legislature should come into operation as soon as possible, and its postponement Sir John could not approve. Sir George Grey was not justified in leaving the colony before the Con- stitution Act was put in operation, according to the understanding on which he had obtained leave of absence. He was also open to censure for having illegally appropriated the revenue. There was one other point : would the new Secretary for the Colonies sanction the anomalous posi- tion of Colonel Winyard, at once Commander of the Forces and Super- intendent of Auckland ; a post to which he had been elected by the votes of his own soldiers and the military pensioners of the colony ?

Sir GEORGE GREY, after "the full and satisfactory statement" of Mr. Peel, would not enter into the details especially as he was not sufficiently informed. With regard to the position of Colonel Winyard, the offices were certainly incompatible; and, no doubt, Colonel Winyard would see that it is his duty to resign the subordinate office. Sir George Grey had left the colony with the full sanction of the Duke of Newcastle, and not until he had prepared everything for bringing the constitution into full effect.

BISHOP SELWYN'S SALARY.

In Committee of Supply, replying to Sir JOHN PA.HINGTON, Sir GEORGE GREY explained why the vote of 6001. for the Bishop of New Zealand did not appear in the Estimates this year. The omission does not imply any want of respect for the Bishop. The item had often been objected to, and it had been distinctly understood that the vote should be reduced; but he believed the new I.egislative Assembly of New Zealand would pay him what Parliament had hitherto provided.

THE Poison Bus.

In reply to Mr. BRIGHT, Lord PALMERSTON stated that a deputation had urged him to withdraw his Police Bill. Without admitting the force of their objections, he felt that as there were objections it would do no good to force the measure on the boroughs against their will. Therefore he should withdraw the bill, reserving to himself to consider the propriety of bringing in another bill this session.

Frismanar ROAD BILL.

The Marquis of CRANRICARDE moved the second reading of the Finch- ley Road Bill. He said that this bill had nothing to do with Hampstead Heath, but merely related to a road running under the hill. Sir Thomas Wilson had never desired to enclose the heath ; if he did, he could effect that by joining with the oopyholdera. A number of bills similar to the present were panted session after session.; it was in accordance with the principles of justice and our judicial system, and why should it be made an exeeption ? Lord BROUGI/A3I moved that the bill be read that day six months. It proposed to encroach on other people's rights, and endea- voured to defeat the will under which Sir Thomas Wilson held the pro- perty. The objections to the bill were precisely the same as those made to former bills, expressed by Lord Teiaterclen and Lord Denman. Lord CANTRELL took the same view—his opinions remained imeltered. The Bishop of OXFORD also supported the amendment. On the other hand, the bill was supported by the Earl of COLCHESTER, the Earl of Dean; and Lord Sr. LHONARDS. The last.named Peer insisted that the proceed- ing of Sir Thomas Wilson was not contrary to the general jurisprudence of the country. Tenants for life come to Parliament every day asking for Power to build on. land.

On a. division, the second reading was °shied by 34 to IL THE TREATY OF ADRIANOPLE.

Despatch, from the .Earl of Aberdeen to Lord Beyteshury, respecting the .Thwty of Peace between .Russia and Turkey, concluded at Adrianople en the 14th September 1829.

"Foreign Office, Oot.31, 1829.

"My Lord—I have received from his Imperial Majesty's Ambassador at this Court a copy of the definitive treaty of peace between Russia and the Porte, together with the manifesto of the Russian Cabinet, and a circular despatch from Count Nesselrode„ dated the 4th October.

" These papers have engaged the serious attention of his Majesty's Go- vernment. The consequences of the transactions to which they refer are so various and important, and influence so powerfully the future happiness and tranquillity of all nations, that it would be inconsistent with the station which WS Majesty fills among the Sovereigns of Europe as well as with that frankness and sincerity which he is desirous should characterize all his re- lations with the Cabinet of St. Petersburg, if he were not at once to commu. OM e to his Imperial Majesty the sentiments which have been produced in Ins mind by an examination of the treaty of Adrianople.

" The filet desire of his Majesty is to express the satisfaction which he has experienced from the restoration of peace. He sincerely rejpices that a state of warfare should at length have ceased, the existence of which he has constantly deplored, and the prolonged duration of which had only increased his Majesty's apprehensions of the evils to which it must finally have led.

"Count Nesselrode, at the candusion of his circular despateh, expresses an opinion that the treaty now concluded holds out to Europe a long pros- pect of tranquillity and repose. That this judgment may be fully confirmed ts our moat anxious desire. In the-mean time it will be an object worthy of nelicitude-of_his Imperial Majesty to strengthen the confidence of his awes, and to remove those causes of alarm to which, if not discovered in, the treaty of peace itself, the present state of the Turkish empire cannot fail to give nee.

• When his Imperial Majesty announced his intention of declaring war against the Ottoman Porte, upon grounds abating exclusively the interests of Russia, his Majesty's Government, without pronouncing any opinion re- specting the justice of the war, expressed their conviction that the most com- plete success in the justest cause would not entitle the stronger party to de- mand from the weaker sacrifices which would affect its political existence, or would infringe upon that state of territorial possession upon which the general peace had rested. They also observed that demands of indemnity and compensation might be carried to such an extent as to render compliance scarcely practicable, without reducing the Ottoman Power to a degree of weakness which would deprive it of the character of an independent state. ',His Imperial Majesty, in carrying into execution his threatened invie. don of the Ottoman dommione, declared his adherence to that disinterested principle which had characterized the protocol of St. Petersburg and the treaty of London. He renounced all projects of conquest and ambition. His Imperial Majesty frequently repeated that, so far from desiring the de-

struction of the Turkish empire, he was most anxious for its preservation. He promised that no amount of indemnity should be exacted which would affect its political existence ; and he declared that his policy was not the re- sult of romantic notions of generosity, or of the vain desire of glory, but that it originated in the true interests of the Russian empire, in which interests, - well understood, and in his own solemn promises, would be found the best pledges of his moderation.

"His Imperial Majesty added that his thoughts would undergo no change, even if, contrary to his intentions and his endeavours, Divine Providence had agreed that we should now behold the termination of the Ottoman Power. His Imperial Majesty was still determined not to extend the limits of his own dominions; and he only demanded from his allies the same ab- sence of all selfish and ambitious views, of which he would himself give the first example. "Does the treaty of Adrianople place the Porte in a situation correspond- ing with the expectations raised by these assurances ? The answer must be left to the judgment of Europe; it might be left to the dispassionate judg- ment of the Cabinet of St. Petersburg. "Undoubtedly, if we only look at the relative position of the two bellige- rents, the fortune of the war might have enabled the Emperor to exact still harder terms. The Sultan, threatened by a formidable insurrection in Con- • stantinople, having lost his army, and having ordered the remaining Asiatic troops to retire to their homes, was unable to offer any effectual opposition, and threw himself under the mercy of the Russian commander. By the persuasion of the British and French Ambassadors, and of the Minister Ex- traordinary of the King of Prussia, the defeated Monarch was induced to place entire confidence in the moderation of his Imperial Majesty. "It may not be easy to accuse of want of generosity the conqueror who checks the unresisted progress of success and who spares the defenceless capital of his enemy. Nevertheless, the ereaty in questiou, certainly not in conformity with the expectations held out by preceding declarations and as- surances, appears vitally to affect the interests, the strength, the dignity, the present safety, and future independence of the Ottoman empire. "The modes of domination may be various, although all equally irresis- tible. The independence of a state may be overthrown and its subjection effectually secured without the presence of a hostile force, or the permanent occupation of its soil. Under the present treaty, the territorial acquisitions of Russia are small, it must be admitted, in extent, although most important in their character. They are commanding positions, far more valuable than the possession of barren provinces and depopulated towns, and better calcu- lated to rivet the fetters by which the Sultan is bound. "The cession of the Asiatic fortresses, with their neighbouring districts, not only secures to Russia the uninterrupted occupation of the Eastern coast of the Black Sea, but places her in a situation so commanding as to control at pleasure the destiny of Asia Minor. "Prominently advanced into the centre of Armenia, in the midst of-a Christian population, Russia holds the keys both of the Persian and the Turkish provinces ; and, whether she may be disposed to extend her conquests to the East or to the West, to Teheran or to Constantinople, no serious ob- stack can arrest her progress. "In Europe the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia are rendered virtually independent of the Porte. A tribute is, indeed, to be paid to the Sultan, which he has no means of enforcing except by the permission and even the assistance of Russia herself; and a Prince, elected for life, is to demand investiture which cannot be withheld. The Mussulman inhabitants are to be forcibly expelled from the territory. The ancient right of pre- emption is abolished; and the supplies indispensable for Constantinople, for the Turkish arsenals, and for the fortresses, are entirely out off. The most important fortresses on the Danube are to be razed, and the frontier left ex- posed and unprotected against incursions which at any future time may be attempted. "It is sufficient to observe of the stipulations respecting the islands of the Danube, that their effect must be to place the control of the navigation and commerce of that river exclusively in the hands of Russia.

" Servia, by the incorporation of the six districts referred to in the treaty, is erected into an independent and powerful state ; and when the Allied

Powers shall have finally decided upon the character of the government, and the limits to be assigned to Greece, the circle will be completed of territories nominally dependent or tributary, but which must be animated with the most hostile spirit; and the recognition of which by the powers of Europe is scarcely compatible with the seouiity, perhaps not with the existence of the Turkish empire. "The commercial privileges and personal immunities which are secured by the treaty to the subjects of Russia appear to be at variance with any notion we are able to form of the authority of a sovereign and independent prince. It is true that by capitulations with the Porte, in consequence of the defective administration of justice by the Turkish Government, rights have been obtained by European nations of such a description as would not have been conceded by the states of Christendom. These rights have not only been still further extended by the present, but the stipulations so far from being drawn up in the spirit of peace, are to all appearance rather calculated to invite and justify the renewal of hostilities. What reasonable prospect of eternal peace, friendship, and good understanding,' can he af- forded by an instrument which contains a special provision, making the calamities of war almostdependent upon the capricious extortion of a Turkish officer, or the unauthorized arrogance of a Russian trader ? "His Majesty's Government are persuaded that it will be impossible for his Imperial Majesty to reflect upon the terms of Article 7 of the treaty of Adrianople without perceiving at once that they must be utterly subversive of the independence of the Ottoman Power. "This article stipulates that merchant vessels of all nations, without any restriction of size or tonnage, shall be admitted to pass freely through the Straits of the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus. The right of visit on the part of the Turkish Government is expressly excluded. This provision net only deprives the Porte of the exercise of a right in its own waters, inherent

in the very nature of independent sovereignty;, but it also destroys a new-, sary protection spinet the effects,of foreign hostility or domestic treachery.

The power of marching a Russian army, at any moment, through any part of the Turkish territory, without the permission of the Government, could not be more degrading or more dangerous. "Such stipulations are not only destructive of the territorial rights of sovereignty, and threatening to the safety of the Porte, but their obvious tendency is to affect the condition and the interests of all maritime states in the Mediterranean, and may demand from those states the most serious con- sideration.

"How is the true character of the vessel to -oe ascertained ? In former treaties the bulk and the amount of tonnage to be admitted had been fixed by Russia herself, and was regulated by what had been found to be most usual and most advantageous in the navigation of those seas. The right of search, for the purpose of ascertaining the nature and value of the cargo, with a view to fix the duties to be levied on importation, was very generally relinquished by the Porte, in its practice towards the vessels of foreign powers ; the ship's manifest transmitted from the Censer s office being ad- mitted as sufficient evidence of the nature of the cargo, instead of proof de- rived from actual inspection. But the right of visit, in order to ascertain the character of the vessel, and the object of the voyage, has never been re- linquished, and can never be relinquished, by a state in any degree careful of its own independence and of its safety.

"The Porte is not only prohibited from exercising any interference with the free passage of the Straits by Russian ships, but it is also divested of this indispensable attribute of sovereignty in its relations with all other Powers, and that, too, by virtue of a treaty concluded with the Emperor of Russia.

"If the Turkish Government should detain and visit a ship belonging to any foreign state, the injury would not be offered to that state, with which, perhaps, no treaty may exist, but to the Emperor of Russia, who, according to the terms of the article in question, would at once be furuished with a justifiable cause of war against the Porte. But suppose any such state were fraudulently to send an armed vessel, or a vessel carrying armed men, into the waters of the Turkish dominion, and under the walls of the Seraglio, with purposes the most hostile, would his Imperial Majesty, by the treaty of Adrianople, become responsible for such an act ? In either case, the Sultan would be entirely dependent upon Russia in a matter in which the dignity and security of his Government were vitally affected. "Is it too much to say that such stipulations are inconsistent with the desire of his Imperial Majesty to preserve the independence of the Turkish empire ? "His Majesty's Government have always been persuaded that the power of imposing a pecuniary burden upon the Ottoman Porte, as a compensation and an indemnity for the expenses of the war, would be exercised in the promised spirit of equity and of moderation. His Imperial Majesty cannot fail to reflect that, in judging of the character of such a transaction it is necessary to compare the sum exacted, not only with the expenses of the war, but with the means of the Power upon which the payment is imposed. The Cabinet of St. Petersburg will undoubtedly acquiesce in the principle that indemnities, whether pecuniary or territorial, ought not by their opera- tion to crush the power by whom they are given, or to expose by their con- sequences the military security of neighbouring and allied states. The Em- peror is too wise not to desire, even in the midst of conquest and success, to maintain inviolate that system established for the general tranquillity of Europe, in which his Imperial Majesty's august predecessor took so prominent and so honourable a part. It is, therefore, with sincere satisfaction that his Majesty's Government have learnt from the declaration made by Count Nesselrode to your Excellency, for the purpose of being transmitted to your Government, ' that it was in contemplation not only to diminish the amount of the sum stipulated, but also to make a different arrangement with respect to its guarantee.' It is by such conduct that his Imperial Majesty will really manifest his generosity, and his regard for those principles of just and enlarged policy by which alone can be secured the confidence of his allies and the respect of Europe.

"Even if the Emperor were not thus to yield at once to the impulse of his own disposition, the same determination would still be recommended by con- siderations of prudence, as being essential to the success of objects which he has professed to have much at heart. His Imperial Majesty has declared that a regard for the true interests of Russia induced him to feel more de- sirous than any other European power of maintaining the independent exist- ence and integrity of the Ottoman empire. He has also repeatedly avowed that the condition of the Christian subjects of the Porte demanded his con- stant solicitude, and that the obligations both of his own conscience and of public treaties imposed upon him the special duty of consulting their welfare and providing for their protection. These objects, at all times difficult to re- concile,would, under the strict execution of the treaty, become altogether in- compatible with each other. The real situation of the Turkish Power is too obvious to escape the most common observation. The Sultan is surrounded by independent states formed out of his own territories, and with the great mass of the European population of his empire anxiously waiting for the moment when they may profit by this example, and shake off his dominion altogether. Defeated and reduced to the lowest degree of humiliation, he has retained his throne and political existence by the mercy of his conqueror. The disaffection of his Mahometan subjects of all ranks, whether produced by repeated disgrace or the effects of a gradual change long since in opera- tion, has become general. In this condition, with a broken authority and exhausted resources, he is called upon to provide for the indemnity which is exacted from him. In what manner is the Sultan to relieve himself from this burden, and by whom must the sacrifices principally be made ? If the Turkish Government be still permitted to act at all as an independent power, it is clear that the necessary sums must be raised by fresh impositions upon the people, and by such means as are authorized by the law and customs of the empire. It is equally certain that the Christian subjects of the Porte must largely contribute to furnish these supplies. Compliance with the de- mands of the Government will be difficult, but the urgency of the case will Justify severity. Resistance may be attempted ; if successful, leading to general confusion and revolt ; if otherwise, spoliation and oppression will follow. At all events, new scenes of calamity will be opened calculated to frustrate the admitted objects of his Imperial Majesty, and fatally destructive both to the independence of the Porte and to the happiness and prosperity of the Christian subjects of the empire.

"There are other considerations which ought to have their due weight in the mind of his Imperial Majesty. "It cannot be doubted that the result of the war has been such as to change entirely the relative position of the belligerents towards each other, as well as towards the neighbouring states and the rest of Europe. This change, it may be admitted, is to a certain extent the natural consequence of an unequal contest ; for at the termination of hostilities, characterized on one side by the most signal success, and on the other by continued disaster, it would be unreasonable to suppose that the parties could in every respect resume their former relations. It is, therefore, not exclusively to the con- ditions of the peace, but also to the events of the war, that we are to ascribe the change which has taken place. In whatever manner it may have been accomplished, the fact is sufficient to justify some anxiety on the part of these Powers who have always felt a deep interest in the preservation of the system of the European balance established by the treaty of Paris and at

the Congress of Vienna. This anxiety must be greatly increased whenisj addition to the unavoidable weakness and prostration of the Turkish Powes. it is found that fresh causes are brought into action which are obviously cal- culated to hasten and insure its utter dissolution. The evils attending upon uncertainty, expectation, and alarm, must be universally felt throughout Europe. Encouragement will be afforded to projects the most adverse to the general tranquillity ; and the different Powers, so far from disarming, will probably augment their warlike preparations, already too extensive for a

state of peace. • "it is only by a frank and cordial desire on the part of his Imperial Ma- jesty to remove all reasonable grounds of suspicion and apprehension--it is only by a sincere endeavour in conjunction with his allies to confirm and per- petuate the repose which has hitherto been enjoyed, and by making this the main object of European policy—that we shall be enabled to avert the threat- ened dangers. In this salutary work his Imperial Majesty will assuredly call to mind the example of his illustrious predecessor ; and he will recollect that, whatever may have been the glories of his reign, the last ten years of his life, devoted exclusively to the preservation of peace, eminently entitled him to the gratitude of Europe. " I am to instruct your Excellency to read this despatch to Count Nessel- rode, and, if desired, to give his Excellency a copy. The sentiments of his Majesty are expressed without reserve, but with cordial and friendly feelings. They are expressed, too, without previous concert or communication with any other Power whatsoever.

"I am, &e., ABERDEEN."