SCOTLAND.

The Earl of Durham arrived at Hamilton Palace on Tuesday after. noon, and dined with the Duke of Hamilton, who had invited the prin. cipal civic officers of Glasgow to meet him. The next morning he proceeded to Glasgow, which had been in a state of animated bustle, presenting every appearance of a joyous holyday from an early hour. Processions of the trades, with banners, bands of music, &c. were seen moving along the streets. Most of the shops were closed, and the windows and doorways were thronged with spectators. The day was remarkably fine. Between ten and eleven o'clock, the trades were all marshalled in procession, and moved to the eastern entrance of the city. Excellent order was preserved by a strong body of police. A triumphal arch, with an inscription " Through the arch of Truth let Liberty pass," and ornamented with flowers and evergreens, was formed across the road. The procession was marshalled on each side of the road a little beyond the arch.

About half.past eleven, Lord Durham's carriage was seen at a short distance. A universal cheer greeted the first approach of the illu5tri. ous visiter. The procession then moved forward. Lord Durham followed amidst cheers and music, ringing of bells, and waving of flags, on one of which his family arms were conspicuously painted, with the motto " The day will come." The first place where he stopped was the court-Hall; where the Town-Council and Magistrates were assembled, and where the freedom of the city was presented to him, by Bailie Gilmour. Lord Durham acknowledged the honour in a brief and appropriate speech ; in the course of which be disclaimed for himself, and attributed to Lord Grey, the principal honour of basins carried the Reform Bill. The Guildry of Perth were then introduced, and the Dean of Guild presented him with the freedom of that city, and received a suitable reply. Lord Durham then proceeded to the hustings which had been erected on the Green, and where the Trades of Renfrewshire, and the Political Unionists of Greenock, headed by Mr. Wallace, the Member, bad already arrived. Here the scene was grand and striking. The numbers of the multitude present arc stated at 120,000; and notwithstanding their eagerness to hear the speeches and witness the proceedings, the most perfect order was pre- served. After a few words from Mr. H. D. Graham, who referred to the decent and orderly conduct of the working classes, as a proof that they might be safely intrusted with the elective franchise, Mr. J. B. Tait presented the " Address of the Trades."

"May it please your Lordship—The workmen of Glasgow and neighbourhood feel it incumbent on them, on this proud occasion of your welcome visit, to express their

high esteem towards one who has, from his long and ardent attachment to the prin- ciples of Reform, and bold, firm, and manly vindication of the people's rights, earned to himself the true distinction of nobleman, independent of hereditary influence, and the associations of mere rank and wealth.

"Above all, we honour and esteem your Lordship for the sentiments recently ex- pressed by you in Edinburgh and Dundee, whereby you acknowledge that neither wealth nor high blood are sufficient of themselves to propel a requisite and senator) reform in our civil and political iustitutions, and that without the aid of the working classes every attempt at general improvement would be futile. We hail this declaration

of your Lordship as something like a call upon us to be again up and doing. We cling round you as the standard from which the banner of freedom is lobe still further unfulleil. We promptly seize, with gratitude, the friendly hand so unexpectedly stretched out towards us, and embrace the generous heart that has so warmly responded to the voice of a long oppressed and insulted people

"From sentiments so noble, and yet so novel, in one of your rank, it follows that your Lordship would, were it in your poser, assist in extending to workmen, %I om aid is avowedly so necessary in forwarding the good and glorious cause of social and

political reform, the highest privilege of rational freemen—the right of 'Voting fill those into whose hands the legislative functions are intrusted ; or that it is the opinion

of your Lordship that the provisions of the Bill, which you formerly aided in drasing up and carrying through so many opposing obstacles—a measure great for the time— and to the promotion of which, although not included in its provisions, we lent all the influence which we possessed—are inadequate for the purposes intended, and must be enlarged.

" Let not your Lordship for a moment suppose that we are so inconsiderate 35 to expect all at once all that we innately feel an imperative right to claim—a full, fain and free representation in Parliament, by the extension of the franchise to all silts in

any degree contribute to support the state, and advance the interests of the social coin- pact. This we will ever claim ; but in pity for the ignorance, the violent prejudices, and the heartless illiberality of those of the higher classes who look upon us as a de- graded caste, we will be glad to acquire by peaceable and constitutional means, and through the incessant droppings of imperishable truth, a gradual extension of our legi- timate rights; and shall be happy, should your Lordship join with us, in deeming household suffrage, vote by ballot, and the abridgment of the duration of Parliament, as measures now requisite, and which would satisfactorily lead to a better uuderstaud- ing among all classes of the community.

" That we are not demanding at this time the exercise of a portion of that political power which is our due, either rashly or unreasonably, we appeal to the measures passed in the two first sessions of what is called a Reformed Parliament. Not one of

these bore, except with additional burden, upon the condition of the British labourer. We, indeed, rejoice that the Black inhabitants of our colonies have been partially

emancipated ; but when 20.000.0001. of money, the price of their freedom, sere Lad upon our shoulders, shy did the Legislature refuse to render the hands of iuduary more free? Why were the mean but lordly paupers of the state still left to Laura upon the fruits of our toil ? Why was the base embargo on the bread of life, that se might have borne our burdens with the greater ease, and the unhallowed restrictions

en the acquireMent of useful knowledge. that we might have learned the lees of society more perfectly, hot removed ? And does not this total neglect of the interests of the British poor and industrious call for a greater infusion of popular feeling iuto the national legielative assembly ?

e Taking it for granted that your Lordship's response is In the affirmative, we earuestly desire that you may be speedily called upon to fill an itifluential and re- sponsible situation in His Majesty's Commits, and that you may lee long spared. with ali your faculties and energies enlire, to promote the freedom, prosperity, and happi- ness of the people of dee great empire, and never. like some who. its office, instead of rising in public confidence and esteem, htme miserably Jhiled. even in common honesty. sink into disteptte. 1 hese are the eincere and fervent aspiratiotts of the workmen who now aderess you, and its whose name and by whose instructions we hime the honour to sub- scribs ourselves,"

Lord Durham then stepped forward to reply, amidst the deafening cheers of the assembly. He said, nothing could be more gratifying to him than to merit the approbation of the Trades and cther industrious inhabitants of the city of Glasgow and the West of Scotland. Ile could not find words strong enough to give expression to his astonish-• ment at the splendid scene before hint and around him.

To see around him thousands. tens of thonsands, nay lie might say linnelreds o thousands, of brave but iseaceful men. bmtiglit together by one animating principle. was a sight not to be seen in any other portion of the empire. Ile admired the beauty of their native country. its lofty bills. its beautiful Yankee and its romantic lakes; but in his mitel there did not constitute the chief beauty of the country ; he liked the men'al attributes which characterized the people. end which proved the streugth of the national character. To their enthusiasm they added a grave attresteatly energy. which was necessary fur their success in nay cause, while they did not lean on the advent i- time; aid of clamour and violence. Supported in this line of conduct by the wise and the good, they would resider irresistible the exertions of the friends of freedom and good government. Ile most gratefully returned them amities for the kind expressions they had used towards him personally. Ile we happy to hear them state all tho cooplaiuts they had to make. Whatever v ere their feelings, it was proper that they should state them freely and openly. It was better that they should do so, because they would thereby secure the concurrence of all who might agree in their feelings. Ile hoped they would give hitn credit for sincerity when be told them, that though Ile would not flatter them, or though he might nut be able to adopt all the sentiments they expressed. or go all the leugth to which they might be inclined to go, he honoured them, and coufided in them. There was a difference in feeling towards them between him and those oho were opposed to him. They feared and distrusted the people— they thought they would use power, Unsay ()Waisted it, to the destruction of the insti- tutions of the country. Theirs was in fear and a jealentsy of the people—his was affec- tion and confidence. (Immense cheering.) Ile would trost them with what all held most dear—with life, with honour, and with proiserty ; knowing they would be all as safe in their hands as in his own. (Tremendous cheering.) He believed their object was not, as a as calumniously said of them, to destroy the institutions of the country, but the preseivation of n11 that was good in them. He would proceed to notice some of the topics embraced in their address. It was the first occasion on which he had met (Item: he hoped it woula not be the last on which he would appear among them ; but it was proper they should know who it was they had to deal with, and how far they could depend upon him. There were three points in their address to which they directed his attention— Householder Suffrage. Short Parliaments, and Vote by Ballot. Ile would Make no concealment with them on these topics Ile had long ago given pledges to his country as to the two first two. Ile bad already proposed in Ids place in Parliament Householder Suffrage. Ile had already proposed Triennial Parliaments. And his principles remained the same. Ile might have yielded, as he ought to do, to the feelings of good Reformers; but lie never did and never would compromise with the enemy ; though he would never refuse to sink his own opinions if sincere and goed Rekirmers differed a ills him on the point of expediency. There were great differences of opinion on the subjeet of the' Ballot. Some of the eery best Reformers thought that it was not advisable, and were therefore against it. After mature deliberation. and after giving the subject every possible consideration, he VW decidedly in favour of the Ballot. (Tremendous cheers.) This declaration he did not make for a momentary purpose. Those oho knew hull, knew that he had long enter- tained and acted on thew opinions. It was the only means of preventing corruption, the only security for the independence of the voter, without which the franchise would be a curse iusteml of a blessing. They would thus see that his opinions were not

• hostile to those in the address. They were not, however, to deceive themselves—he saw they did not—because they knew that there was a large portion of the country opposed to the extension of the suffrage. They feared the people. and were united to oppose them. They, too, were powerful ; but lie did not bid them despair, or to allow their aspirations, as they happily called it, after political freedom and independence, to be destroyer!. Let them follow in the course they were pursuing, and which was ad. mirahly pointed out in the address: let them endeavour by tranquillity, and by the diffusion of sound political opinions, to show themselves every day more and more deserving of and eutitled to the extension of political rights; and if it, could be thus secured by obtaining the concurrence of the other classes of the people, it would secure the lasting peace and prosperity of the country.

Addresses were also presented from various places and Political Unions, including Greenock, Ayr, Irvine, Renfrew, Strathaven, John- stone, the Magistrates of Kilmarnock, and the Trades of Edinburgh. An address from the inhabitants of the Western districts of Stirling- shire, which contained the following passage, was read; by, Captain Speirs.

" My Lord, we admire your fearless denunciation of all abuses, and especially your late public deprecation of all unnecessary delay in carrying itdo effect such measures of amelioration and improvement as are acknowledged to be requisite in almost every depertmeut of the State, stud for which the libend and righterniuded of our country look as the natural and proper fruits of the Reform Act ; and we trust that, strong in the support and confidence of the nation, you will persevere in the honourable course you have so nobly adopted. and tl at whatever statten eou may occupy, you will exert the energies of your powerful mind to the removal of all existing abuses, but especially to the furtherance of those reforms which are still called for in the Representation of the People in the Commons House of,Parliament."

Lord Durham expressed his gratitude, in brief but hearty and glow- ing terms; addressing himself first to the various bodies, and next to the crowd on the south side of the hustings, to whom his back had been necessarily turned. He then proceeded to his hotel in St. George's Square ; from one of ttle windows of which be spoke a few words of gratitude and encouragement. The Trades soon afterwards dispersed.

The dinner was the next grand affair of the day. The Pavilion seems to have been better constructed and ventilated than the Edinburgh one; and accommodated the 1450 persons who sat down to dinner very com- fortably. The ladies' gallery was placed immediately above the Chair- man's table; so that its fair occupants had the advantage of hearing all the speeches, a pleasure which the arrangements of the Edinburgh Pavi- lion prevented them from enjoying. This gallery was decorated with evergreens and flowers. Opposite was another gallery in which tables were placed for guests, and at one side was still another where the mu- sicians were placed. T he whole was illuminated by three gas chandeliers with two thousand .jets; and the effect altogether was very splendid. The party took thew seats in excellent order; and it is especially no- ticed that the Glasgow Radicals were not so eager to pounce upon the "loaves and fishes"—the good things on the table--as the Edin- burgh Whigs; nothing was touched till after grace had been said.

The chair was taken a little before six o'clock, by Mr. James Os- wald, Member for Glasgow. The Croupiers were Messrs. Colin, Dunlop, John Douglas and A. G. Speirs. There were no titled guests besides him in whose honour the feast was held : Lord Kin- naird's brother attended ; Messrs. Wallace, Gillon, and Buckingham re- presented the House of Commons; Professor Mylne the University;

and there WEIS no want of most respectable gentlemeli, merchants, sail other persons of consideration in Glaqgow and the neighbourhood. After the usual loyal toasts had been given, the Chairman proposed —" The People, the only true source of political power." This was drunk with loud cheers ; as was also the following _to Lord Mel- bourne and his Majesty's Ministers ; and we trust that their practice in power will be in accordance with their principles in opposition."

The health of Lord Durham was next proposed in a brief speech by the Chairman. Mr. Oswald especially referred to the high and in- dependent character of Lord Durham's father; who, he said, had pre- sided at a meeting of the Friends of the People in Glasgow in 1792. After the cheering with which the toast was received had subsided, Lord Durham addressed the meeting in the following terms.

" Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen—I stand in need of your utmost indulgence. I re- quire from you, nut merely your belief in the expressions which I am about to utter, but also your conviction in the sincerity of my feelings, which surpa,s ell poem of uttemuce. Worldly honours have been conferred upon me; I bevelled tlie good fortune to receive for my Ben ices the appmhation of my Sovereign ; I Imee been listened to svith `avourable atteutiou in both Lutist's of Parliament ; but in all those situations, and under all those circumstances, eliciting feelings of just and honourable priae, there has been wanting that auintatiug exciterneut. that inspiriting eat husiasm, which Assays tills my breast when I am cheered and gratified by the approbation of my fellow.cuttutry- men, cegrely pursuing the same object shut myself. unalloyed by private or public considerations; that object being—that great public object is tech ought to be the end and aim of :ill our exertions—the improsement and welfare of our common country. I am not, therefore, sufficiently master of myself to thauk to as I ought ; aud yet how warnsly ought I to thank you! for you have placol me in an elevation sainty coveted by those infinitely supesior to me in talent and ithility. (Cries if' No. no ') And yet I will not discredit your choice so niuch as to say that I have not deserved well of you. For more than twenty years I have laboured Iwnestly, zealously. and conscientiousle in the public cause. I have never deviated—as my honourable frietta your excellent chairman has told you—at least my conscience acquits me of haviee ever deviated either to the right or to the left. I have tetretted unceasingly the path pointed out to me by my excellent father, to whom he alluded ; and if I can continue to pursue the same course. I believe and trust that I shall continue to be hotunteed %Oh your applause. But if eon are thus kind—I might say if you are thus just to me—there Are others who will nut mete out to me the same justice, (Cheers and Crfee of' Shame I') It tuay be, perhaps, on account of the too great favoar which I had at your hands. (('heers.) Every inducement has been tendered to me, since I received your invitation, to prevent me from coming to meet you here this dry. 1 was told. forsooth, that I should find your principles too violent. and that I should commit my- self by endeavouring to follow up those opinions a bids tend to the destruction of all good government. My ansner to all this was twofold. In the first place, I denied that I should find any such pr'aciples here among the men of Glasgow ; and I ask yea fearlessly whether the events of this day have nut proved my anticipations lobe correct ? I ask you, who have looked round upon the immense multitudes assembled on the Green this day, and who have listened to the sentiments contained in the addresses presented to rite—I ask you whether there is any the slightest foundation for such a report ? (' No. no / ') But. Gentlemen, I must say, in justice, that lids injustice meted out to roe csme only from one quarter of the country. You are all aware of the tparkw to which I allude. (A sarrnfitl laugh of recognition.) I set aside for the present our mutual enemies the 'Tories : but among those who profess Liberal sentiments, I know of an attack from one quarter only. and that quarter is the capital of this country. I ask you, is that attack just, ie it fair, is it founded on public principle? Is there any public principle ohich I have violated ? Why, then. if no public priuciple is coneernere.why am I thus turned • round upon by these persons, and deuouneed as a tyrant.. in private and as an impostor in public ? I will not seek to discover their motives, if they be not founded on public reasons. It would be too painful for one to reflect upon the motives by which their attacks may have been prompted. But I st ill take this oppert unity of doing myself an act of justice before you, my fellow-citizens of Glasgow : I will seed ntyselfof this opportunit y to justify myself—which I will do—against these accueat toes. 1 se ill sOtte to you, first, what the accusations are. I will not blink any one charge pre. (erred against me. First of all, it is stated that I wished to propose a less popular elan of Reform than that which was given to tile people by the Government. I distinct I y and po- sitively assert to yen that that is false. (Der/fining cheers.) The next charge against one is. that I willingly consented to cm tain mutilations °flies Reform Bill. I shall prove term how false that charge is when 1 state to you that I was not in England when those

intibla- lalione and changes were ingrafted on it. I hail just suffered tbe first of a series of calamities, is Weis might have unnerved a man of the s'eadiest mind; and I had been kindly and considerately permitted by my Sovereign to travel for a time to recruit my health and spirits. I was not, I say, in England then; and I therefore canuot be con- sideted answereble for the preparations for the aecerel Reform Bin. You arts all aware, Gentlemen, of the public contradiction which I have felt it necessary to give to certain charges affecting my public character. After making that contradiction public. I felt that my first duty was to consult upon the subject a person who at Lieu time alluded to filled the highest station in the country, and who bad, as I think you will allow, a right to be consulted by me upon it. There is no man living oho has a more complete case in vindication than I have. But I placed niyeelf in hi, liatels,aud wished to have permission from him to state every circumstance. I believe the shortest way for me to proceed, will he to read the letter which Earl Grey has addressed to me on the subject. It is as Moe s. • Ilowick, Oct. Si.

• My dear Landeon—In answer to your desire to know how far yost wocle he jus- tified in stating publicly what occurred in the preparation anti discussion of the Re- form Bill by the King's confideutial rem-rants, I can have no hesitation in saying. that. in my opinion, no such disclosure can be made, cousisteutly with tile obligations of private confidence and of public duty. Were all that has taken place with respect to individual opinions, or the various modifications which almost every ITICSSUrO of Go- vernment must undergo before it is finally agreed upon, to be exposed to public view, there must be an end of all security and confidence in his Majesty's Ceuncile. ' Having stated this opinion confidently and frankly, it may perhaps be satisfattory to you to add, that, in all my communications wills you on the subject of the Reform Bill. nothing occurred to cast a doubt on the consistency of your principles, or Oa yoar sincere and noxious desire to assist in rendering it a safe aml efficacious measure.

• Believe me ever, my dear Lambton, yours most faithfully and affectionately,

• Gary! You will, therefore perceive, that I am precluded from stating the particulars relative to the preparation of the second Reform Bill, which tend to the justification of myself from these charges; and you must therefore be content to lake my asseveration. whicsk I now solemnly make to you, that I am not guilty of the charges preferred against me. (Much cheering.) I also wish to take this opportunity to state, that there is another accusation against me, as unfounded as that to which I have already alluded. It has been stated as an excuse for the half revelations which have been mole on the subject ref the Reform Bill, that I was the first to disclose the secrets of the Cabinet when ad- dressing my friends at Gateshead. I deny the truth of this charge. I never disclosed any secret. I never stated any Cabinet transactions ; aih I will prove to you how MI- peseible it is that I should have done so in this instance. I refer such of you as take any interest in my public conduct, toe speech of mine, which now stands as a record. and contains evidence which those that Carl may turn against me. All I stated on that occasion at Gateshead amet hat Earl Grey hail intrusted to nit- the preparation of the Reform Bill, anti that I had been assisted in that task by three of my mile:toes. Was that a seciet ? It might not, perhaps, be known to my friends in Durham: het It was notorious to every man !ivies; in the Metropolis, where I had been residing; for all the memorials to the Treasury, and all the deputatient to the Prime Minister, tome re- ferred by him to me. I saw the parties in my own house; I receised there every illtbr• matioa which I thought likely to elucidate the subject. Did I then disclose soy secret at Gateshead? I say I did riot; and I therefore again deny the chirps, that in any thing ehich I tittered at any:meeting, I ever said a syllable disclosing either what had been done in lIre Committeee or what was subsequently Ilene in the Cabbed. (Much cheering.) But enough, Gentlemen, of myself. Let me rather direct your atten- tion to that great public object, which is the best justification of the 'honours which you hese this day conferred upon me, and of my acceptance of them. Veen there aye a time when mutual cooperation and naive combination among the friends of iLiberid principles was Out only expedient, but absolutely necessary, it is the present. Webers nought an arduous battle, and won a glorious victory. But our enemy is still in the field, and in force; and we must not repose in the security of past triumph', but mast rise to the consciousness of an impending struggle. I only ask you to look emend. See the activity and combination of all parties in the empire. See the stirring bustle of the Turkel in all parts of Englane and of Scotland. From one extremity of the empire to the other—from Ramsgate and Canterbury up even to Ptalt—from the higle-e to the luweet --(rum the Duke of Wellingtuu to Lied &emend —(Bersts of lassOter) —all are 011 the alert. Look aspect it helmet : see tlw activity ol the thaugemen and the Repealera. And are we—sse the Refurniers of Englami and of Scotlend—are we akouto to remain .upine and trete; iv.• ? No! let as be up and Mirrlug. (Cheers.) Let us show our enemies that we w ill not be taken by aurprise, ana our friends and leaders that we are &demented as ever iu the pureuit of our kum ledged rights. We meet nut suffer the Reform Bill to lee owe a deed letter, or what is a orse, merely an instrument of party triiitnpli ; but we must make it e hat it ought to be— awl i hat a shall be—a great instrument of uation 11 n generation. (Cheers ) Gentle- men', I comma oulequately deecribe to you the importance which I alluch to the present erisie. If the HMIS.) of Cumulous in the next cioi. or Perliament Io its duty to itself and the coustitueucy, nil may be right ; hat if, :.efuetubately. it should shrink from the high task which eireurmotances impose op .11 it, iii1.1 if it should pursue an un- certain and vacillating course, irretrievable ruin will be the consequence. Let me ask you, however, oue questiou—I tare you no duty to perform ? (Cries of ' Yes') Ay. you have—you lune au imp.: marl awl easter? jai y to form—you have to keep_ a watchful eye over your Represeetatives. (Oreat cheering and laughter, ill which Mr. Oswald. to whom Lord Durham Intel pointedly turned, cordially join td.) You must show them that you are nut to be trifled with, and you must require from them the reaping of that harvest. the seeds of which you have planted, aud the coming of which you Levu waited tbr with sear ex, meaty patience. (Loud cheering.) No doubt unary and weighty obstacles ern he in your path, rind in the pulli of your truly honest and independent Representatives ; but all can be overcome with firmness and decision. but not with rashness and violence. (Cheers.) In the spirit of lienineaa aud decision you mutot act, fur iv e have great and important objects still tu accomplish. We have • cr reqffire the lierfecting uf the Reform Act. (Cheers.) We have to respire the repeal of the Septennial Act. ((heers.) We have to require the purification of the I •hurch Establiffinient or England and Ireland from all acknowledged abuses. (Lune-continued eheering.) We have to require the reeem of Corporation abuses in England. and the arietest contiummee iu economy and retrenehment. (Cheers.) No doubt. there are many ethet measures emanating from these to which I have alluded, and on which my eentiments are well-known. There may be some difference of opinion entertained with ieeard to some of them. but I have only alluded at preseut to those on which no *Mud of Reform can entertain a doubt. Shall any one tell toe that the attainment of these objects cannot but be attended with danger to the institutions of the country ?- for t hat is the cry now attempted to be raised against me. (Cheers.) I would relieve the Dissenters, and Mould purify the Church from abuses, fur the sake of justice and for t lie advancement of true religion. Is that attended with danger to the institutions of the country? (• No, nor') 1 would reform Corporations. so as to make them %hat they profess and what they ought to be—the correct representatives of local rights. is that attended with danger Mille institutions of the conutry ? (• No, nor) No—I re-echo your words ; and 1 msert that the true result of timely and nut too long delayed reform, is to preserve all that is valuable by removing all that is corrupt in our iusti- tethers. (Immense cheering.) These are my opinions. and these are my principles : I have never concealed them, and I never will. (Cheers.) I would nut accept the highest office in the gift of the Crown—I sould not even receive the warm awl euthusiastie approbation of you, my fellow countrymen—if either were to be gained by the con- cealment of single opinion, or by the compromise of a single principle. I am moreover, determined that my opinions and principles shall be kuuwii and judged from my own representations of them, and not from the false awl interested description of them by others. By one party I am denouuced as a Destruetive- by another as jratrorezing the impatience of the people. ( Cheers arse laughter.) Now, my opinions are neither the one nor the other of these. I know too well the artificial and complicated state of society in this cuuutry, and the absolute necessity of public confidence in the permanence of tranquillity. and the danger which arises from the interruption of the peaceful working of our commercial machinery, to propose any measure which should impede the peaceful How of netional industry and the regular operations of trade and commerce. (Cheers.) But it is be- cause I wish to see trate:vanity perpetual, industry protected, commercial energy en• touragcsl, that I advocate the necessity of an inumeliate awlealutary reibrin. which will remove discontent before it has time to ripen into turbulence—(Cheers la. some minutes` —and will dissipate on the horizon the dark and hostile clouds which, if Slit.. fermi to burst in mid heaven, will not only disturb the serenity of the sky, but will also pour Men on the earth devastation and ruin. (Cheers.) Now as to the charge of linitedience.' It has been lately brought against us by one must mimed peratm- (Cheers mid lizught,r)—and, if I may judge from the report of a speech which was de. lnered in a (Retard ;nut of the empire, in no very complimentary terms. But I will not follow the example which he has set us, and nothi rig shall fall from my lips it:con- sistent with his high station and his former services in the eau.) of his cmputry. (Cheers,) Ile has been pleased—for tke allusion cannot be misunderstood—to chal- lenge me to meet him in the House of Lords. (Laughter.) I know well the meauing of the taunt. Ile is aware of kis infinite superiority river rue hi one respect, and so am I. (Cheers, and cries of No.') flu is a practised orator and is powerful debater. I am not. I speak but seldom in Parliarneut, and always with reluctauce iu an assembly where I meet with no sympathy front an unwilling majority. (Cheers.) Do not, Gentlemen, misunderstand me. when speaking of that majority. I will not condescend either to ridicule those who form it at one time, or to flatter them at mother. (Great cheering.) They differ from rue couscientiouely. I know that. They have been brought up to believe that all we ask for is dangerous tu the institutions of the country. I know it, and I lament it ; but I will not on that account impute to them improper Teethes. (Cheers.) Ile knows full well the advantage which he has over rise; and he knees, too, that in any attack which he may make 011 me in the Bourse ofLords, he will be a newly and cordially supported by them. Wills all these manifold advantages almost overwhelming, /fear him not, and hell! meet him there. if it beunfortunatelt necessary to repeat what he was pleased to term my 'criticisms.' (losmense cheers.) And yet, wit hut being suspected of fear, may I hope that these criticisms may be rendered unnecessary ? Many of his colleagues were my intimate associates in office, and many of them are my private and intimate friends. Lord Melbourne, the Prime Minister, I believe to be an bone.;, straightforwanl statesman, incapable of intrigue and treachery—[The peculiar emphasis placedon the three last words by Lord Durham created a burst of feeling which It is impossible to descrilmj—and too clear and enlightened not to see the course which events are taking, and how absolutely necessary it is to comply with the general de- mand for reform and improvement. I therefore trust, that his wisdom, firmness, and discretion, will render all criticism unnecessary, and will leave only the grateful task of praise and acquiescence. (Cheers.) And now to the charge itself. Impatience ! The accusation is absurd, I may almost say monstrous. Where:mil when has it been exhibited ? Not in the House of Commons, surely—where the Government has re- ceived more continued and more constant support than any that ever preceded it. Not in the country surely—for whatever we may have felt, till the last few weeks we have fluid nothing ; and if at length our remonstrances have been insult- known, it was be- cause we feared that our silence would be misconstrued and perverted. (Cheers.) An- other charge that has been brought against us is, that we wished for crude and mutt- grated measures. Such a desire only exists iu the imagination of the orator. (Cheers.) Why should we wish for crude and undigested measures ? First of all, we want measures; next, we a ant measures fully consideresh arid not subject to mutilation and compromise, the ill effects of which I pointed out at another meeting. (Cheers.) And here let me observe, that when I alluded to the subject of com- promise, I meant compromise wills as enemy, not that fair couceesiou which inc y cud must occasionally take place with a friend. (Cheers.) There is no real Reformer but will yield his opinion on minor points to those who are actuated by the same principles with himself; but what I object to is, the system of mutilatong and compromising to gain an enemy who cannot be conciliated" I have alreads alluded to the difficulties in which the Government has been placed, and in a hich'it gaiued the unflinching support of the House of Commons. There is, however. one difficulty which I have not yet seen pointed out, and which is at the same time eo peculiar that I must be permitted to call your attention to it. We have a Liberal Administrations. professing Liberal principles, supported by an immense Liberal majority in the House of Commons, and that majority returned by a Liberal consti- tuency; and yet, with a Government so constituted, so maintained, and so supported, we have Ministers surrounded in every department by Tory subalterns. The patronw,e of the Army and the Church is still exercised by Tories for the benefit of Tories. All appoitotments by Bishops, Judges, Magistrates, Lord-Lieuteuants, are Tory. The Diplomacy of the country is tomposee of nearly the same persuus as it was in the time

of my Lord Liverpoo i

Liverpool. and is entirely Tory. In short, all the inferior nstruments thrmigh which the Liberal measures of a Liberal Goverument are to be accomplished, are Anti-Liberal. how then is it possible that such a system can work harmoniously, and beneficially to the best interests of the country ? (' Hear, hear!) Far, rather would I have a Tory Government acting with Tory agents, for then we should have our enemies before our faces, and not behind our backs, than is Liberal Government, checked, thwarted, awl undermined by what ought to be its main sources of efficiency. (Cheers.) Am 1 not right, then, ill saying that this is sere of the chief difficulties by

• These are the very terms in which Lord Durham expressed himself at the Ed:n. burgh Dinner..

France and England, were united.—not perhaps exactly united, but at any rate they had extensive relations in their laws and liberties, and institutions, The dearest object that he would have at his heart, if he haul any concern in the administration or the affairs of this oountry—(Ceeers, and cries of o y4„, °via to)__,„,ad be. to mate that intimate dependence of those two eon] ntries so certain that was would be absolute y impossible. Ile regretted to say, that 011 such a subject they could expect nothing from the French Government, nor indeed from the French Ctiamber of Deketive, a large proportion of the members of a inch are proptiotors of 5iiP5lies. lk" i thel width the Govertunewt is surmounted ? On a horn, then, cught Mt.-Asters to rely ? Ou the House of Commons, which has always stood by then]; on the 1..ilseralconstiinenet, which has returned that Unitise of Commons; and, above all, on the People at large, who have before WM carried them triumphantly through all their ((hecrs.) And it is with a full conviction of the necessity of thin relianco—and further with a fIh conviction of the gratitude which we owe to those who stood forward in Nippon of the cause of their country, and who vindicated the safety of liberty that I now come to the consideration of the toast which has beets assigned to me, anti which I now hoki in my hands. I am required by the Stewards to propose a sentiment, in which I most cor- dially concur ; and if I have not come to it before—if I have detained you longer ;Ilan was tilting—U.0yd cries • Not)—it was because I felt that I was bound to explain— and I trust that the explanation has been satisfactory—(Cheers)—how matters really stood, amid to move that y ou were Instilled in honouring me as you have honoured me to-day. (Loni continued cheering.) I have explained the opinions which I entertain on all great public questions; and, thanking you for the kind reception v have given me, and feelin; the utmost satisfaction in your concurrence in my view of public affeirs, I now request aoti to drink this sentiment, which I adopt most gratefully,—. May his recollection of the glorious struggle for Reform during the last half century ever au imate Britons in therletnaud for, and in the maintenance of their rights,'"

l'he Chairman then proposed " Earl Grey and the Reform Act." He expressed great admiration for Earl Grey's character, and gratitude for his services. But he thought that his Government was itself to blame for some of the difficulties it met with.

It always appeared to him that one great difficulty pervaded the proceedines of that Government, namely an indecision as to corning to the point ilia their atirersarieL Another great and seltereated difficulty of that Government was, that they compromised with their enemies. knowing, as they must, all the time, that the greatest possible compro- mises they could make with such a view would not advance them a single step, or gain fi.r them the slightest real support is such porters. There were portions. too, of that Ad. nduistratiou, that in themselves constituted eubstantial difficulties in the way of it. ulTecting useful aud general reforms, and whose separation from it well deserved to le a source of public confidence and congratulation. Ile did not of course allude to Earl Grey. but he alluded to those late members of the Administration who had been happily lelieved of their public duties—(Lamihter)—who always had the profession of Reform and of Liberal principles on their lips, but who, when the time came for action, at once declared themselves the advocates of Tory principles. The Gmerument bad a happy riddance of such men. (Cheers.)

Jr. Cohn Dunlop gave the " Repeal of the Septennial Act." He contended that the Reform Act was only a means to an end ; that there were many reforms yet which the People must have, and among them the reform of the House of Lords. He also animadverted, amidst cheers and laughter, upon Lord Brougham's declaration, that " too much " had been done, in the last, and less would be done in the next session of Parliament.

" The Liberty of the Press "bras proposed by Mr. John Douglas, and the health of " Mr. Kinnaird, and other friends of Lord Durham who attended the meeting," was given by the Chairman. Mr. Kinnaird, in reply, apologized for the absence of his brother, Lord Kinnaird, and adverted in complimentary language to the proceedings of the day. The Chairman's health was toasted : and then that of "The Countess of Durham."

Lord Durham returned thanks.

Nothing but severe illness would have prevented the lady, whose health they had so kindly toes-tett, from being preseut on that occasion. Ile hachhowever, the consolation of thinking, that i' the Countess of Dunham could not be preseet, nnother inendae at his family was there, to be gratified in leholdiug the recept iou experienced from the people ot Glasgow ; his daughter was present. (Great cheering.)

Lady — Lambton, who was seated in the gallery, here rose and grace- fully acknowledged the compliments of the assembly. Lord Durham, in continuation, said, that he was most happy that his daughter had been afforded such an opportunity of makiog an ac- quaintance with the ladies of Glasgow. A considerable interruption here occurred, in consequence of the noisy and riotous conduct of a single individual at one of the extremities of the room. He was finally, after some difficulty, excluded from the room.

Lord Durham—silence having been obtained--again rose to propose a toast.

Before doing so, be begged most seriously to call their attention to what was due to the character of their inoceedings. It seemed pretty- clear to him that the interruption which they had just experiencellmdcome from the enemy's camp. ("Hear, hear!') They had it in their power, if they chose, to defeat it. If such an interruption should occur again, let them keepahe strictest silence, but point out the individual who oceasieued it. (Cheers.) As one of the youngest burgesses of Glasgow, he had now to propose- " The Lord Provost and Magistrates, and Prosperity to the City of Glasgow."

" The Duke of Hamilton, Lord-Lieutenant of the county of La- nark," was the next toast. Mr. Speirs gave " The Memory of Charles James Fox;" whose patriotism and independence in the worst times of Tory domination,

be warmly eulogized. He especially reminded the meeting that he was the only Minister of the Crown who had ever at a public dinner toasted " The Sovereignty of the People."

Mr. Wallace, M. P. proposed the " Reform of the English and Irish Municipal Corporations." Lord Durham spoke at some length in proposing " The French People, the extension and consolidation of their liberties, and the in- crease of their friendly relations with the British Nation." After al- luding to the interest which the inhabitants of Glasgow must feel in the prosperity of the French People, he said that Ile had had, of late, many opportunities of communicating, not merely with the Sovereign and the higber classes m Prance. but also with the middle classes in that

country ; and it was impossible for him to describe the extraordinary change that had

taken place in their sentiments respecting the English people. They might all recol- lect, that during the period of the unfortunate war that *as waged between the two countries, it was the interest of the great conqueror and despot who then swayed the

destinies of France, to excite a feeling against the British people in the mindi of the People of France, in order to carry an isis operations with success. On the other side.

too many and successful attempts were made to persuade the people of this country that the French people were naturally, and essentially, as indeed they were at the time, in fact, the enemies of this country. But the events that had within the last

few years occurred in France, tending, as they did, to the establishmest and consolida• Eon of the liberties of Frenchmen, had produced an extraordinary change iu the seats ments of the people of France as regarded this country. Numbers of Frenchmen ha

expressed to him the strongest sentiments of affection and goodwill towards the country. Many members of the National Guard of France had come to him to ex-

press the delight with which they viewed the increased intercourse between the tr countries, and their firm conviction, that if England and France remain united, it wilt not be 'possible for any power or powers in Europe to disturb the general pease.

How then did it happen that there was so little commercial inter- course between the two nations ?

were thus prevented from doing their duty to the People, the People of Pruden will not

long endure a system so iujurious to th;tr real interesas. whole of the Sleuth of France and of the outports have united together to obtain free trade; and in the next session of the French Parliament, Instead of five or six members only being found to be the advocates for free trade. he was sure that there would be a large number. From an individual aethely employed at this moment in obtaining information on the subject—he meant Dr. Dowring—he had lately receited the gratify lug intelligence that such a party will be raised in France in favonr of free commercial inter. course, that it will be impossible for the Government to continue the present system, and to plunder the People of France as it bad done. (" Hear, hear!") The reopitiof France had no notion of the extent to which their pockets were taxed to support the present monopoly system. If the sentiments of so humble an indi% ideal could by any means reach them, he would just describe to them what they pay for those M01101/0. lies. For the support of one monopoly alone. the iron monopoly, they had to pay 1,600,000/.; being the difference between what the article cost in France and what it could be purchased for in England. Surely that single fact, if tho French People were thoroughly aware of it. should open their eyes to the baneful effects of this system. The fact was, that the People of France had to imy upwards of 16,000,00411. sterling, for the support of the present monopoly system. Such facts, if known among them, could not fail to produce a good effect. Th.• system of prohibitions was not of the least use, except to produce smuggling. It was proved that in one article alone, the con- stunption of which amounted to 1,000,0e0/.. 700,000/. of it was smuggled.

He concluded with expressing his earnest desire to promote the com- mercial intercourse between France and England, as the surest means of preventing the recurrence of war. The next toast was " Ireland ; may her liberties be restored and her grievances redressed." It was proposed in an energetic speech by Mr. Gillon.

" The abolition of all Sinecures and unmerited Pensions,"- " Reform of the Laws and administration of Justice in Scotland "— 8, The progress of intelligence among the people "—".The free States of North and South America "—" The Emancipated Negroes" (which was proposed in an energetic speech by Mr. Thomas Davidson )_ " The working Classes" (proposed by Lord Durham)—and " The speedy restoration of Poland to the rank of an independent nation," were among the principal toasts given late in the evening. The company broke up soon after twelve ; the Chairman concluding the business of the day by saying, that the meeting had done more for the cause of Reform than any thing which had ever occurred in Glasgow. We are indebted to the extraordinary diligence of the Times for a full report of the proceedings at this meeting. By eleven o'clock yes- terday morning, that journal bad published a report of the speeches, &e.' down to nearly midnight on Wednesday at Glasgow; thus equalling the feat performed a few weeks ago by the exclusive publication of the proceedings at Edinburgh.]