,fortign ad . Colonial.

cfr baptism of the Imperial Infant, and the fetes in cele-

bration thereof kept Paris all agog from Saturday to Tuesday.

The ceremony was performed on Saturday evening, in the Cathedral" of Mitre Dame. The grand old building was highly decorated for the occasion. On a platform in the centre of the transept stood an altar, a throne, and seats of various elevation. Round about were rich velvet • hangings, some of purple and ermine, some of crimson and gold. Count- less wax candles illuminated the scene, while the broad daylight stream- ing in at the great door fell full upon the platform. The cathedral was crowded with officials in brilliant uniforms, and ladies in gay costumes of immense size, so puffed out with "crinoline" and air-tubes as to make a most remarkable display. The Cardinal Legate, Patrizzi, arrived at half-past four, and was re- ceived by a procession headed by the Archbishop of Paris. The Em- peror, the Empress, and their attendants, came with a blaze of state at five o'clock.

The Imperial cortege consisted of two carriages drawn by eight horses —one bearing the child, the other the Emperor and Empress—and eight carriages and six. At either side of the child's carriage rode Marshal Canrobert and Marshal Bosquet ; on either side of the Emperor's rode Marshal Ilaraguay d'Hilliers and Marshal Castellano. The child was carried into the cathedral by Madame Bruat, the widow of the Admiral ; and it occasionally made its little voice heard, to the great amusement of the assembly. The rites followed the usual course ; the Grand Duchess of Baden acting as sponsor for the Queen of Sweden. At the conclusion of the ceremony, the Empress took the child in her arms and kissed him. The Emperor quitted his chair, and moving towards the Empress took the child from her arms, and, turning round, presented his son and heir to the assembly. The effect upon the excited and curious spectators was what may be imagined ; and, notwithstanding the sanctity of the place, a loud cry of" Vive l'Empereur!" rang through the building. In the evening, the Emperor and Empress were entertained at the Intel de Ville where Baron Hausarnan gave a magnificent banquet. The cathedral Lid the public buildings were illuminated. On Sunday there was a "magnificent" display of fireworks, which the Emperor wit- nessed from the balcony of the Ministry of Marine. On Monday night the Prefect of the Seine gave a ball at the Hotel de Ville. The Emperor danced with Madame Haussman, and the Empress with Baron Reuss- man—" in order," says the Morning Post, "to mark fully their sense of the splendid entertainments given at the Hfitel de Vile.'

Among the baptismal presents sent by the Pope, was a- golden rose of peculiar virtue. On presenting it to the Empress Cardinal Patrizzi made a speech in Latin, which has been thus rendered in English- " Receive from our hands this rose, which we_present to you in virtue of a special commission, intrusted to us by the Very Holy Father in Jesus

Christ, Pius the Ninth, Sovereign Pontiff by the grace of God. This rose signifies the joy of the two Jerusalem; that is of the Church Triumphant and the Church Militant ; this rose representing unto the eyes of abil the faithful the most magnificent flower, that is to say, the joy a all the saints. Accept this rose, beloved and_ noble daughter, powerful and adorned with numerous fine qualities, in order that thou mayest be still more ennobled by all the virtues in Jesus Christ, like a rose planted on the banks of a full flowing rivulet. May this boon be granted unto thee through the over- abundant favour of Him who is Triple and One, in all eternity. Amen."

Among the accessories of the baptismal fetes was the distribution of medals commemorating the event to all the children of the colleges, aca- demies, and schools, and also to the sub-officers and soldiers of the army of Paris. These medals, 120,000 in number, are of silver, and as large as the 50-centimes pieces ; on one aide they bear the effigies of the Em- peror and Empress, and on the other that of the Imperial Prince, with the date June 14, 1856. The Prefect of the Seine presented a bag of sweetmeats to each of the 50,000 children frequenting the primary com- munal schools of Paris.

The President of the Council of State has laid before the Senate a se- natiis eonsultum having for its object the organization of the Regency. A bill to remove prohibitory duties from a great variety of articles, and to replace them by fixed duties, is before the Legislative Body. It includes sugar, chemical products, dyes, oils, earthenware, cutlery,' glass, cotton thread, woollen yarn, carriages, silks, cloth and clothing, skins and leather.

The Senate have for the first time performed an act of independence. The Legislative Body had passed a bill imposing a tax on horses and carriages used in Paris. The Senate, by a vote of 60 to 56, have thrown it out—refusing to acquiesce in a tax on themselves !

On the 13th, the Emperor received a number of persons officially con- nected with the Cattle Show. In reply to addresses read by deputations from British societies he said that he trusted the gratifying exhibition which had just closed would have the effect of drawing more closely to- gether the cordial union which now so happily exists between the two countries, and of eventually relieving France from many of those priva- tions and periods of distress with which she had to contend at times, and which it was now the study of his life to mitigate and relieve. While the Rhone subsides the Garonne rises. The railroad from Ta- rascon to Avignon was reopened on Monday. On the same day, a de- spatch was received from Toulouse stating that the overflow of the Garonne was hourly expected.

Stalg.—The King of Sardinia distributed medals on Sunday to the troops who have returned from the Crimea. In doing so, he made them a speech, to the following effect-

" Officers, Noncommissioned Officers, and Soldiers !—It is scarcely a year since I took leave of you with regret at not being able to bear you company in your memorable expedition. Now I rejoice to see you again, and tell you you have deserved well of the country. You have worthily answered my expectations and the hopes of the country ; you have kept your word to our powerful allies, who today give you a solemn testimonial of it. Firm under the calamities which afflicted some of you, intrepid in the trials of war, always disciplined, you have increased the power and the fame of this strong and beloved part of Italy. I take again the colours which I consigned to you, and which you have !nought back victorious from the East. I will preserve them as records of your fatigues,. and as a sacred pledge, that whenever honour and the interest of the nation oblige me to return them to you, they will be by you, as ever, on the field of battle, both equally well defended and illustrated by new glories." The reception of the Crimean army showed the strong fellow-feeling that subsists in Piedmont between the soldier and the citizen.

In the Senate, the Marquis de Montezemolo, remarking that the return of Count Cavour from Paris had been followed by a profound agitation, and that there was an expectation of great events, said he would put a vague question because he did not wish to step beyond the bounds-of prudence. "Remember the fable of the boy and the wolf: is the wolf far or near ?" Count Cavour said, he might do as Lord Clarendon fre- quently did, and decline to answer, alleging pending negotiations. But he would reply—not, however, in the language of metaphor. "I say, therefore, that the situation is not altered. All the Powers, even those that in the Congress of Paris refused to treat on the Italian question, have recognized the existence of the abnormal condition of Italy, and ex- pressed an opinion on the intensity of the various ills • but no one contests the existence of the evil itself. A great step has been made, then. I do not see in that anything that should authorize the excessive hopes of some, or the no less excessive fears of others."

At Naples there are more political trials going on. The prisoners, forty or fifty in number, were seized, about eleven months ago, some in a café, others in private dwellings on a charge of conspiracy. In prison some of them have been repeatedly beaten and tortured. Eleven of them were placed on their trial last week. The judicial proceedings, as de- scribed in the correspondence of the journals, are of the most painful kind. The accusers are the police spies and penitents"—that is, Libe- rals who have become spies. The witnesses were browbeaten by the Attorney-General, and threatened with expulsion from the Court. "What impertinence !" exclaimed this functionary when an advocate was pressing a question upon a witness for the prosecution. On one occasion the President was obliged to interfere and mildly request the Attorney-General not to irritate himself. The trial is only regarded as a formality.

Sonic stir has been caused by the arrest of a mate and boat's-crew of the transport-ship Lady Franklin, at Porto d'Anzio.

r1155 a.—The King has gone to visit the King of Wurtemberg at Stuttgard. When he returns to Berlin, it is said he will find there the Austrian Archduke Maximilian, who has been instructed to take Berlin on his way _from France to Vienna. The Prince of Prussia has gone on a tour in Westphalia. He is to meet the Princess at Ostend at the end of the month, and pay England a visit in July. The Russian Grand Duke Michael is at Berlin, taking a great interest in the construction of Ike-arms.

frit Ir.—The brigands who seem to abound near Athens recently de- vised a scheme for seizing some English or French officers on the road between the Emus and the city. By some means or other the Govern-

ment was forewarned, but it took no tither steps than that of notifying the fact to the French Admiral. He strengthened his patrols and con- fined his officers to quarters. The brigands appeared in three bands, swept the road of carriages, and carried off some captives. A French patrol coming up was fired at, and two men were killed. The soldiers- returned the fire, but only wounded one of the captive; The brigands were in a moment out of sight. The Government is said to be powerless.

S4 t tritata.—Lord Gough had arrived from England, and distri- buted the insignia of the Order of the Bath to the French and English Generals and superior officers upon whom the honour has been conferred by Queen Victoria. The ceremony took place on the 7th.

Eleven ships of war had arrived in the Crimea for the purpose of carrying off the troops ; who, it is expected, will be clear of Russian territory by the end of June. The Guards have embarked, and are now on their way home.

tap f uifoul V 11 ilf.—We have received papers from Cape Town of the 15th and 17th April. The news they bring is of some interest. In the Legislative Assembly, Mr. Fairbridge had moved a resolution to the effect that the introduction of " responsible government" would be against the feeling of the country. A very long debate ensued ; and the motion was carried by 24 to 16. In the Legislative Council, which has once resolved that it was.de- sizable that responsible government should be introduced, Mr. Godlonton withdrew a motion pledging the Council to the opinion that its introduc- tion should be in accordance with public opinion. He had framed the motion to bring out the opinion of the House ; the other Heine had de- cided the question, and had saved the colony from a great crisis.

It seemed to be the general opinion that before any measure of the Lind was adopted the sense of the country should be taken.

uiithStaitS.—The Canada arrived at Liverpool on Sunday, bringing 'Ay-ices from New York to the 3d instant.

Among the passengers were Mr. Crampton, and Mr. Barclay, late Con- sul at New York. On the evening before his departure from-New York, an attempt was made to get up a serenade of tin kettles under the win- dows of Mr. Crampton; but the serenaders were dispersed by the police. The steamer which reached Southampton early on Saturday morn- ing brought copies of the last despatches addressed by Mr. Marcy to Mr. Dallas,—one stating the reasons for the dismissal of Mr. Crampton and the Consuls ; the other the terms on which the United States Govern- ment would consent to arbitration on the Central American question. The despatch on the question of illegal recruitment is dated "Depart- ment of State, Washington, Tuesday, May 27." It begins by stating that the President has carefully considered Lord Clarendon's note of the 30th April, and that he has directed Mr. Many to communicate his views thereon to the British. Government through Mr. Dallas.

The President "has been much gratified by the conciliatory spirit of that note, and by the desire manifested by the Earl of Clarendon to adjust the existing difficulties, and preserve and strengthen the friendly relations be- tween the United States and Great Britain. The vast interest which the Government and people of both countries have in upholding and cherishing such relations cannot be more solemnly impressed upon her Majesty's Go- vernment than it is upon that of the United States. The unequivocal dis- claimer by her Majesty's Government of any intention either to infringe the law or disregard the policy or not te respect the sovereign rights of the

United States,' and their expressions of regretif, infringement to their inten- tions and to their reiterated directions, there has been any of

the laws of the United States,' are satisfactory to the President. The ground of complaint so far as respects her Majesty's Government is thus re- moved. But the President extremely regrets that he cannot concur in Lord Clarendon's favourable opinion of the conduct of some of her Majesty's offi- cers, who were, as this Government believed, and, after due consideration. of all which has been offered in their defence, still believes, implicated In proceedings which were so clearly an infringement of the laws and sovereign rirjsts of this country." The President has nothing to ask from the British Government in respect to those officers who have no relation to the Government of the United States ; but the case is different with regard to Mr. Crampton and the Con- suls of New York, Philadelphia, and Cincinnati. The -President is grati- fied to perceive that her Majesty's Government would not have hesitated to withdraw those officers if it had deemed their conduct contrary to the laws and sovereign rights of the United States. "In making this request, no interruption of the diplomatic relations between this Government and that of Great Britain was anticipated, but, on the contrary, the President was and is sincerely desirous to keep them on the most friendly footing." Mr. Marcy goes on to describe how the demand for recall was placed on the fer- sonal acts of Mr. Crampton and the Consuls—" acts not the less objection- able for having been done contrary to the direction of her Majesty's Mi- nisters " ; and how in taking that course he believed he was "contributing to the common interest and harmony of the two Governments." Mr. Marcy says that the "only embarrassment which attends the ease lies in the difference of opinion between the two Governments as to the compli- city of these officers in illegal proceedings within the United States,"—a difference of opinion arising from the different appreciation of the proofs by which the charges are sustained. The denial of guilt on the part of the officers, he contends, only covers part of the case. The offence was that of- setting in operation an extensive system of recruiting, which could not be- carried into effect without infringing the laws. He denies that the evidence implicating the officers was derived from one or two witnesses [Strobel and Hertz]. There are proofs wholly independent of their testimony abundantly sufficient to establish the complicity of Mr. Crampton." "The testimony of Strobel and Hertz was quite a secondary and unimportant part of the evidence adduced" ; the charge being supported by" original letters of Mr. Crampton and others, and by the undenied and undeniable acts of Mr. Crampton." Strobel and Hertz "were selected and trusted by Mr. Crampton himself such an indorsement should countervail the impeachment of their veracity founded on loose hearsay reports." Mr. Crampton was aware that illegal recruiting was going on from March to August 1855; and "he permitted it to be continued, although judicially determined to be unlawful, through the nonths of May, June, July, and August." Who is to be held accounta- ble for these unlawful acts ?—Mr. Crampton. The recruiting-agents had written and oral communications with him he disbursed money to further their purposes ; he did not prevent them from keeping up an unseemly con- test with the law-officers of the United States; he knew the recruiting was carried on contrary to the express orders and wishes of the Government. "It is not the least of the causes of complaint against Mr. Crampton, that by his acts of commission in this business or in failing to advise his Govern- ment of the impracticability of the undertaking in which he was embarked, and the series of illegal acts which it involved, and in neglecting to observe the general orders of his Government, and stop its recruiting here the mo- ment its illegality was pronounced by the proper legal authorities of the

United States, he was recklessly endangering the harmony and peace of two great nations, which, by the character of their commercial relations, and by other considerations have the strongest possible inducements to cultivate reciprocal amity." 'The same considerations apply to the Consuls.

Mr. Marcy denies that Mr. Crampton informed him of the system of re- cruiting that had been put in operation. In the only interview that he had with Mr. Marcy, Mr. Crampton satisfied him that the British Government had no connexion with what was doing to raise recruits, but did not state That the British Government or its officers were sending agents to recruit in the United States. "Nor did he notify to me that he was taking or in- tended to take any part in furthering such proceedings. Such a communi- cation, timely made would probably have arrested the mischief at its com- mencement." "Mr. Crampton should have disclosed all the measures in- tended to be pursued within the United States." "Re was expressly com- manded by his Government to practise no concealment ": "if he had obeyed these orders, all misunderstanding between the two Governments would have been prevented." Mr. Marcy forwards additional prooh which he hopes will convince the British Government that its officers were guilty. "The gratification which the President feels at the satisfactory settlement of the recruiting question in so far as respects the action of the British Go- vernment itself, has induced him to examine the case again, with the view to remove' if possible, from his mind the personal objections against her Majesty's Minister and Consuls. The examination has not produced that effect ; but, on the contrary, has strengthened his conviction that the inte- rests of both Governments require that those persons should cease to hold their present official positions in the United States. He sincerely regrets that her Majesty's Government has not been able to take the same view of , the ease, and to comply with his request for their recall ; but it has not con- sented to do so. If, in the earnest desire to act with all possible courtesy towards her Majesty's Government, the President could have suspended his determination m the ease in order to submit the new testimony, which he is confident would have been found -sufficient to induce compliance with his request for the recall of the British Minister, he is precluded from any such thought of delay by the exceptional character of the despatches of that gentleman, copies of which, having been recently laid before Parlia- ment; have thus come to the knowledge of this Government, and which are of a tenour to render further intercourse between the Governments through that Minister alike unpleasant and detrimental to their good understanding. The President has therefore been constrained, by considerations of the best interests of both countries, reluctantly to have recourse to the only remain- ing means of removing, without delay, these very unacceptable officers from The connexion they now have with this Government. This course has been deputed necessary on account of their unfitness for the positions they hold, arising from the very active part they have taken in getting up and carrying out a system of recruiting which has been attended with numerous infrac- tions of our laws, which has disturbed our internal tranquillity, and endan- tared our peaceful relations to a nation with which this Government is most anxious to maintain cordial friendship and intimate commercial and social intercourse. He has therefore determined to send to Mr. Crampton, her 'Majesty's Diplomatic Representative, his passport; and to revoke the ere- -quaturs of Mr. Matthews, Mr. Barclay, and Mr. Rowecroft, British Consuls at Philadelphia, New York, and Cincinnati."

[The " additional probfs " consist of a number of affidavits, chiefly made by Germans mixed up in the recruiting business. They do not afford any direct evidence implicating Mr. Crampton ; but they show that per- sons were employed and paid by British agents in the United States to induce men to leave that country for the express purpose of enlisting in the British army to serve against Russia. They also show that Hertz was a swindler and.forger ; that Strobel was a Russian agent ; and that other approvers were more or less in communication with the Russian officials.]

The despatch on the Central American question is dated the 24th May. It contains a qualified acceptance of the British offer of arbitration. With regard to that offer, Mr. Marcy enters into an extended ex- planation to show that it was not formally made, and the President had been left to infer from collateral incidents the precise idea of the British Government. He blames Mr. Crampton for neglecting, until the 27th February 1856, to communicate to the 'United States Government a de- spatch written by Lord Clarendon so far back as September 1855, con- taining an offer to refer the whole question to arbitration. Passing over, however, the apparent informality of the offer' Mr. Marcy considers at great length the question—what is it that shall be submitted to arbi- tration? He points out, that the difference between the two countries is not merely of the interpretation of the Clayton."Bulwer treaty. If, in- deed, the arbiters settled that the American construction is correct, all existing differences would be concluded ; but if the adverse construction were adopted, it is not easy to see how those differences would be termi- nated. After reviewing the question under the heads of Mosquito Coast, Belise, and the Bay Islands, Mr. Marcy resumes the whole question in these paragraphs- , " Upon this retrospect of the several points of difference between the two Governments, the President is not able to perceive that any useful result would ensue, either from calling on a third Power to say whether the con- vention is or is not prospective in its operation, in the sense of that idea as expressed by her Majesty's Government ; for if that question should, by -any possibility, happen to be resolved in favour of Great Britain, all the sulastantial points of difference between the two countries would remain un- touched; as, being wholly independent of the question of construction, the dispute would still exist as to what rightful pc€eeseions, at the date of the -convention, Great Britain actually had in Central America. And if it is now contended by the British Government, that in the name of the Mosquito Indians Great Britain may take with military force and hold San Juan or other points in Central America, such pretension would be so totally ir- reconcileable with all idea of the independence and neutrality of the Isth- mus as to render the convention worse than nugatory. to the United States. Instead of submitting to arbitration a pretension involving such conse- quences, or in other way consenting to restore to effect the treaty with such possible construction, it would, • in the judgment of the President, be his duty to propose its amendment, so as to release the United States from -obligations not attended by any benefits, and which obligations, thus un- attended, the United States did not intentionally incur, they having entered into treaty only on the supposition that absolute reciprocity of restriction was incurred by Great Britain. I repeat, if the treaty could by any possi- bility whatever, have the construction of leaving Great Britain in possession or military control of the Atlantic coast of Central America in the name of The Mosquito Indians, and with powers to colonize insular positions com- manding it, on the ground of their having been spontaneously occupied by Itritish subjects,' while the United States are restrained from all such rights of control and acquisition, that, in the estimation of the President, would be to deprive the treaty of moral force, both because it would thus cease to have reciprocal effect, and because the United States did not intentionally enter into any such engagement ; and if such were a possible construction,

• avhether it would not then become the duty of the United States to seek for

the most honourable means of being discharged from such obligations, and render themselves perfectly free to tileatablish their proper relation as an American power to the transit-routes of the American Isthmus and the general independence of America. In fine, the President cannot consent to any act which implies the existence of a possible doubt as to this point ; as the con- vention of 1850' construed in the sense above supposed, would not be the treaty into which the United States entered, nor can he do anything which could be taken to admit, either directly or imphedly, that there is a question in his mind relative to the true construction ; and he feels bound to take care that, in en- tertaining the present proposition of arbitration, he shall not be understood

the United States. But the President is not pre to say that some of as actuated by the slightest feeling of distrust repel the treaty rights of

the questions of fact, concerning which the two vernments differ, may not be conveniently determined by arbitration' or by some analogous me- thod. Of this class of objects of inquiry is the question, what are the rightful limits of establishment at Behse on the side of the State of Hon- duras ; the question whether the Bay Islands do or do not belong to that republic ; and the question as to what extent of country is embraced in the term Mosquito Coast,' or is in actual occupancy of Mosquito Indians, as Indians, and with such territorial rights only as that description of per- sons are entitled to claim according to the established public law of Great Britain, of the United States, or of the independent States which have succeeded Spain in America; remembering no power exists on the part of Great Britain and the United States to dispose of the sove- reign rights of Nicaragua or of any other state of Central America.:. . The President does not doubt that any one of the Powers of Europe which should consent to undertake the task of such arbitration as is now proposed would perform the duty with perfect impartiality ; but to apply to any Power to do this, would be to ask of them an act which, if granted, would add to their own domestic duties the labours and burden of settling the com- plicated differences of other Governments. He would greatly prefer that, in a controversy like the present, turning on points of political geography, the matter should be referred to some one or more of those eminent men of science who do honour to the intellect of Europe and America, and who, with the previous consent of their respective Governments, might well un- dertake the task of determining such questions to the acceptance as well of her Majesty's Government as that of the United States. You are instructed, therefore, to enter into communication with her Majesty's Principal Secre- tary of Foreign Affairs, in relation to Central America, in order to ascer- tain, in the first place, whether the existing differences cannot be promptly terminated by direct negotiation; and if they cannot, then to discuss the Conditions of arbitration upon those points of difference as to which alone this method of settlement seems requisite or applicable ; it being assured that other points of difference would after that yield as a matter of course to conference between the Earl of Clarendon and yourself, conducted in the spirit of cordiality and frankness which belongs to- your personal relations, and which is dictated by the true interests both of the 'United States and Great Britain."

When the message from the President and the despatch from Mr. Marcy to Mr. Dallas on the recruiting question had been read in the Senate, several Senators expressed their opinions on the matter. Mr. Mason and Mr. Casa expressed in strong terms their approval of the step taken by the Government, and the tone of the despatch which notified the dismissal of Mr. Crampton. Mr. Cass said, that "no just cause of war can arise out of such an act : the British Government would have no pretext for visiting its displeasure on Mr. Dallas by dismissing him." "1 repeat, unless England wants to go to war with us, no injury will result from the termination of the diplomatic services of Mr. Crampton. If she is determined on war, and seeks only a pretext, that is another question. I do not believe she does, and have no apprehension of the result."

On the other other hand, Mr. Toombs, Mr. Butler, and Mr. Pratt, said, that the American Government greatly erred in dismissing the Minister of England after obtaining what they and he deemed a sufficient explanation. The matter had been pressed to a point rather of petti- 'lig than statesmanship. Mr. Toombs expressed his disapprobation M the construction put by his Government on the neutrality-laws. "I deny that what the British Government did was a violation of them, If the British Minister had issued proclamations and stuck them on this Capitol, stating that American citizens who chose might go to Halifax and there be enlisted to take sides for Russia or for England, it would not be a violation of the neutrality-laws of the United States. I hold to the right of expatriation. I hold the doctrine of Mr. Webster in his letter to Mr. Hulse- mann. They had a perfect right to go there. This whole dispute has been a technical argument about engaging them to go to enlist. I think the question is too small a one to be made a matter of grave demand between two Governments. The moment the British Government disclaimed, as it did from the beginning, any idea of violating our sovereignty or territorial rights, our Government ought not to have gone into matters of conflicting proof as to what had been done by thee British Government and British Mi- nister. When they disclaimed any idea of violating our laws or interfering with our sovereign rights, the questions in regard to oaths at criminal court trials ought not to have been allowed for one moment to make an issue with Great Britain. She disclaimed it, so did her Minister. Whether that dis- claimer was true or false, the national honour was satisfied ; and the ques- tion ought to have remained there. Such is my judgment." Mr. Cass and Mr. Mason took decided views on the other aide. Mr. Cass said, that he for one, as an American, did not want it to be said that "we made a demand when England was engaged in a mighty conflict, and now, when her difficulties are removed, we abandon the just repa- ration we demanded." The United States would have received the con- tumely of the world if it had not brought the matter to its present con- summation. Mr. Toombs and Mr. Pratt thought that such an idea ought not to have operated on a great Government like that of the United States. It would be improper to allow a state of war between England and France and Russia to influence the conduct of the American Government.

It was ordered that 10,000 extra copies of the correspondence should be printed. The Senate having informed the House of Representatives that one of its members, the Honourable Preston S. Brooks, had committed breach of its privileges by a violent assault upon Senator Charles Sumner, and that it was out of its power to punish him, the House appointed a Com- mittee, which reported to the effect that Mr. Brooks ought to be expelled. The Committee also expressed its disapprobation of the conduct of Mr. Edmundson and Mr. Meld in the affair. The minority against expulsion also reported. Both reports were ordered to lie on the table.

Mr. Brooks attempted to move the Senate by a written "apology," in which he disclaimed any intention of infringing its privileges. He had, he says, considered himself "only as a gentlemen in society " obtaining "redress for a personal wrong" in the only way open to him. Mr.

Sumner "did not acknowledge that personal responsibility for wrongs in personal deportment which would have saved Mr. Brooks from the col- lision he sought." "The offender could not be found outside the walls of the Senate Chamber." He had twice made a "careful search" for him. Not finding him, he had " no alternative" but to assault him in the Se- nate Chamber.

By the Baltic, which arrived at Liverpool on Wednesday with advices from New York to the 7th instant, we learn that the Democratic Con- vention at Cincinnati had unanimously selected James Buchanan, for- merly American Minister at the Court of St. James's, as their candidate for the Presidential chair. The New York Journal of Commerce says that " Mr. Buchanan's election will be considered a guarantee for domestic quiet on the basis of the constitution, for friendly relations with foreign powers. We think we can promise him a liberal support from the com- mercial community of this city." The Convention nominated Mr. John C. Breckenridge as candidate for the post of Vice-President. He is young for such a post ; but is spoken of as a " strong man." Asa Kentuckian, he is in the Slavery interest —in fact, the nominee of the party. The " platform " or manifesto of the Democrats at Cincinnati consists of a renewed declaration of the principles affirmed on the election of Mr. Fierce in 1852. That is to say, it affirms the necessity of making the preservation of the Union a rallying-cry ; of acting on the doctrine of non- interference by Congress with slavery in States and Territories ; of recog- nizing the right of the people of all Territories to say whether there shall be slavery or not within their bounds ; of exerting the power of the Union In favour of free seas and progressive free trade throughout the world ; of upholding the Monroe doctrine with unbending rigidity ; and of making every effort to insure "an ascendancy in the Gulf of Mexico," and a " preponderance " in the adjustment of all questions in Central America.

Mr. Sumner was by no means out of danger at the date of the last intelligence' and it is even anticipated that the next mail may bring news of his death. Meetings have been held in all the great towns and many of the humble townships throughout the North. At the New England annual Convention the principle and grounds of disunion have been affirmed. All the chief men of the North have come forward to testify their approbation of the course taken by Mr. Sumner, and the detestation of the outrage of Brooks. Josiah Quincy, Jared Sparks, Longfellow, Goodrich, Dana, Everett, have signed a document to that effect, and begun a subscription for Mr. Sumner, which he desires may "all go to s ring Kansas." At Concord, Mr. Emerson said, "I do not see how a barbarous community and a civilized community can constitute one state : I think we must get rid of slavery, or we must get rid of freedom." Speaking in the highest terms of Mr. Sumner he said- " I think I may borrow the language which Bishop Burnet applied to Sir IsaacNewton and say that Charles Sumner has the whitest soul I ever knew.' Well,' Sir, this noble head, so comely, and so wise must be the target for a bully to beat with a club ! The murderer's brand shall stamp his forehead wherever he may wander in the earth."

On the other hand, the South supports Brooks without stint. A dozen live oak canes, gold or silver mounted, have been presented to him. The journals suggest that Seward's turn should come next, and then Wilson ; and that one beating a day has become necessary to preserve the discipline of Congress." The next steps" are looked for with anxiety. The effigies of President Pierce and Preston S. Brooks had been hanged in front of the State-house at Concord, New Hampshire.

Indignation meetings in reference to the Brooks outrage continue to be held throughout the States.

From Kansas there is nothing new, except the significant intelligence that reinforcements from the North are pouring in, and that both sides are preparing for further frays. A Committee of Investigation, appoint- ed by the House of Representatives, is now taking evidence with regard to the invasion of Kansas by the "Border Ruffians."

The Costa Ricans have finally retreated from Nicaragua; and Don Pa- tricio Rivas, hitherto provisional. President, has been elected President of the Republic. The transit route is quite free. The commander of the British frigate Eurydice has informed the United States Minister that he had no instructions to interpose any obstacle to the landing of passengers or munitions of war. In consequence of this statement, it is said, the Vnited States squadron will not proceed to San Juan.