22 DECEMBER 1928, Page 17

• exposition of the American sentiment toward the 'Arneriesin Navy.

That is, as it appears to an American of English blood who at least has travelled abroad and has been in practically every large city in the United States. . - - • The-American Navy- began with the American Revolution,

in 1775—but after 1783 no special effort was made to enlarge the Navy or even to maintain it.- In fact, at first there was no separate Navy Department, and the first war "vessels constructed under the authority of the United States Congress were built by the " War Department." These six new ships were not authorized in order to provoke war, but were intended to protect American _commerce and were directly inspired by the "Algerine piratical depredatiOns." The second one of the six to be launched was the ' Constellation,' on September 7th, 1797, and Captain Thomas Truxtun was put in command. • (This was the same Truxtun "who, as a privateersman in 1778, was in command of the American war vessel Mars;) The Algeririe question had in the mean- time been adjusted, although not permanently, as we shall see later.

- Another matter had arisen which showed that a nation

thocight to" be helplesS could not be secure even-if separated by thousandS of miles of salt Water from a wonlii-be aggressor. I refer. to the war between the United States and France, which is marked in our history by the declaration of Pinckney " millions for - defence ; not one cent for tribute." This war, of which we hear little, was brought on by the attitude of France, so that finally, the AmeriCan CorigresS, feeling exasperated. by the French aggressions, abrogated the ekisting treaties with France, in 1798, and it was Captain 1'1'w:tun who, in the U:S.S. ` Constellation,' fought and defeated --the French frigate ` L'Insurgente ' on February 9th, 1799. - One year "later, Captain Truxtun, still in " the ' Constellation,' defeated the French frigate La Vengeance ' of fifty-tWd gun's ' and received a medal from Congress and other rewards. • "

The Algerine trouble had not been finally disposed of.

No other nation had had the temerity to defy the Bey of Algiers and his pirates—all were paying tribute to buy protection for trading vessels. The United States was "the first among civilized powers to put down the frightful depreda_ tions of those brutal pirates with an iron hand." This war _lasted from 1802 to 1805, and when it was over the merchant

ships of the United States, of all the nations of the world, were the only ones able to sail the Mediterranean immune from attack by the Algerine pirates. It was in this war that the AMerican ship ` Constitution distinguished herself and though taking part in many engagements was never defeated." ' Is it not perfectly clear that the Government and the people of the United StateS have learned by experience that the ships of the American Navy must possess a cruising rang. e of great radiu-s to protect .American commerce'1 I pass over the " War of 1812 " between England and the

"United States. The naval honours were, perhaps, a "- stand off." The 'English fleet engagements were usually successful; while individual American vessels, having heavier guns and more of them, were generally victorious in single ship engage- ments. The experience gained was that the heavier guns were . the most effective, and this became the American policy; _ .

The Navy League of the United States, since the War, functions in a very limited way—the only active. event being the annual celebration of Navy -Day. -In fact, the American people are hard to arouse to any - feeling of danger from foreign aggression in spite of experience. We are perfectly content to go along and let our Navy develop in a moderate and normal way until someone mentions " parity " or " equality" ! Then we commence to read and ponder the figures of comparative strength, and perhaps finally ask, " Why should not America have as large and as poWerful a Navy as any other power ? " Not that we expect to use it, except for manoeuvres in home waters ! But we take a pride in the display, as there is a sentiment about the sea and the Navy that does not attach to anything else.

When we are not forced to think in figures of comparative strength, we like to feel that we have the- best ships,- the best and most powerful guns, the latest designs in all bratiches of the service, and a Navy with a cruising radius equal to any demand upon it. We feel a pride in the Navy yards and want those, also, to be the.hest equipped and with large enough graving or dry docks to-take in the largest warship. It must be confessed that it takes the Navy a long time to get the money for this, but nevertheless the feeling is there in the public mind. In fact, everything goes along serenely, and we depend on the Navy Department and Congress and the President to see that all matters are being handled properly and that. our Navy, for its size, is the best in the world.

One of the hardest things to bring about in this country is active interest on the part of stockholders of a corporation in the affairs of the corporation as long as it is solvent. Even if disaster overtakes a company, we appoint committees to investigate and report. So in naval affairs, the American public believes in letting its duly appointed representatives in Congress and in the Cabinet, together with the President, provide a complete Navy—properly balanced and well equipped.

If this means a certain tonnage and number, or both, of cruisers—battle cruisers, destroyers, submarines, &c.—to match the agreed quota of battleships and airplane carriers, then we expect these to be provided by our responsible repre- sentatives—and, furthermore, we expect this to be done promptly and the quota of all vessels or the relative tonnage thereof to be fully maintained.

And that is where the matter ends, so far as the American

public is concerned—until someone talks about " parity," and then the American public says, " Any nation that suggests ` parity ' must allow `parity,' whatever that may mean."

In the American sense, " parity " seems to mean that the agreed ratio of battleships and carriers will be maintained and that the particular type and tonnage of all other war vessels which seem to fit our needs will be built. This merely carries out the policy of America in naval matters which, for considerably over one hundred and twenty-five years, had proved to be the most effective policy for this country.—

I am, Sir, &c., Taos. C. POWELL. Office of the President, Chicago and Eastern Illinois Railway Company, Chicago,. Ill.; U.S.A.