THE LATEST SUGGESTION AS TO VENEZUELA.
THEpoint in this discussion with America which puzzles the public in both countries, as it obviously puzzles the judicious correspondent of the Times—who deserves great credit for his efforts as interpreter between the nations—is the way that negotiation appears to lag. Both the nations have become calm, and both are inclined for peace, while to both the existence of an unsettled dispute involves some inconvenience. A quarrel with. England which may develop into a war, means in the United. States a certain arrest of industry, and much- financial tremor, both of which are more keenly felt by those who ultimately govern, than is quite the case here. On the other hand, the Government of the United States has no enemies whom it cares about, while we have half a dozen, and every enemy is encouraged in his demands by the feeling that if he is only obstinate enough, Great Britain may have too much on her hands to interfere with his policy, or even to resist his demands. The Sultan, for instance, we do not doubt, calculates on the difficulties between London and Washington as factors most favour- able to his design of exterminating the Armenians. Both Governments, therefore, if they intend peace, as the; affirm, and we believe, they do, have grave reason for coming to a settlement before nightfall, yet the settlement hangs fire. Some say that this delay is due to a certain wish among the ruling men at Washington that the dispute should be kept alive for electoral purposes, while others say that it is due to a diplomatic habit of delay lest any point should be left unnoticed, which even infects Lord Salisbury. A cause of that kind did, we suspect, delay the publication of the British "Case," which otherwise might have been ready some weeks since, but on the main subject we reject both theories and imagine that the trouble is more serious. We fancy that there is a substantial difficulty to be got over. The American Government wishes, naturally enough, to be able to tell its people, who have got the word arbitration en the brain, that the Venezuelan boundary question has been referred by agreement to arbitration, while the British Government is obliged to be careful that it does not disgust all its Colonies by allowing the rights of Colonists under its protection to be arbitrated away. Any of our settlers, it must be remembered, who might be transferred to a foreign Power under the award, would not be transferred to the United States—a change to which they might be profoundly indifferent—but to the Government of a Spanish-American State which adminis- ters a law very different from ours in a way that English settlers regard as oppressive. It is indispensable there- fore that some provision should be made for this possi- bility, and the provision may well involve some detailed arrangements as to the remedy to be adopted. It must be compensation in one form or another, and the moment compensation comes in, diplomatists grow timid, and suggest clauses that are like leases granted by trustees. Nevertheless, though we can see reason for the length of the preliminaries, we heartily hope they will speedily be brought to an end, and both States relieved of a weight which impedes their action and threatens their prosperity.
For the rest, supposing the question of the settlers to be arranged by allowing the arbitrators to mark off certain districts as liable, if declared Venezuelan to be purchased at a fixed price, we see no objection to the plan which the Washington Government is said by the Times' corre- spondent to be willing to accept. We have formally surrendered, in the Queen's Speech, any right to tell the United States that the matter between us and Venezuela is no business of theirs, and have agreed to regard Mr. Cleveland's interference as a pleasing effort at "co-opera tion." That being the case, there exists no reason, except the delay involved, why, as is now proposed, a Joint Com- mission of four—with a fifth, if a fifth is required, to be nominated by a neutral Power—should not report finally to both Governments on "the facts ; " that is, on the tightful and historic line of demarcation. We all in England, as well as America, want to know the facts, and are quite willing, when they are known to regard them as "binding," like any other agreed base of negotiations. The "facts" accepted ; negotiations can begin ; and though they will be a little new in diplomatic history—the Queen and Mr. Cleveland really negotiating over President Crespo's head—we see no reason why they should not be satisfac- tory. Our Government does not want to steal one acre of Venezuela, while the American Government has all along declared that, provided justice were done, it did not care in the least where the line between Venezuela and Guiana might actually run. If therefore the statement of the Joint Commission is accepted as settling the proper historical boundary, there can be nothing left to quarrel about, or if there is, there is arbitration still in the distance on an accepted and unmistakable basis,—namely, the Joint Commissioners' line. The arbitrators suggested are the Chief Justices of the two countries, and there is no objection to that, that we see, nor do we believe that the country will see any either. A general Court of Arbitration to be always appealed to is at best a project for the far future, say, for the time when war shall be solemnly abolished as contrary to the precepts of Christ ; and Englishmen distrust indefinite arbitrations, but they are quite willing to arbitrate particular cases, and if the line of demarcation is fixed beforehand, the disputes arising out of that line must at least be limited and definite. If we can avoid a war we detest by an arrange- ment of that kind, so be it, even if it leaves behind a feeling that Great Britain has been a little hardly treated. One has a vague hankering after equality in such matters, but if the Union and Mexico happen to cluarrel over their respective frontiers, we shall not, we fancy, be invited to "co-operate," or allowed any share whatever in settling "the facts" on which an arbitra- tion is to be based. Still, in politics men only hope for as much justice as is obtainable, and almost any arrangement consistent with the honour of both nations is preferable to a war between the United States and Great Britain. That can produce nothing but evil, which- ever the victor may be, and whatever the object of the fratricidal struggle.
We want however, as matter of intellectual curiosity, answers to two questions. Suppose a Commission declares Great Britain entitled to more than she asks or wants, and more than Venezuela will give, what is going to happen ? Will Washington send orders to Caracas, or are we to fight for our property with the Union standing aloof, or what is to be the end ? It seems a little hard that if we submit at some sacrifice of dignity to go into court, the court which gives the decree should decline to carry it out, and leave plaintiff and defendant after all to rely on their own fists. And the second question is,— Supposing that Washington insists on the obedience of Venezuela, how do the lawyers of the Union distinguish between that attitude and a Protectorate ? Mr. Cleveland forbids any coercion of Venezuela until there has been arbi- tration; but arbitration once over, he compels Venezuela to abide by its result. Nevertheless he has, he declares, nothing in the world to do with Venezuela. "I shall protect you, Diego," says Sam, with his fists doubled, "and you will do what I tell you, if you please ; never- theless recollect, Diego, you are entirely independent." That is not a position hitherto known in international law ; and if the Spanish-American States possessed strong fleets there would, we cannot but imagine, be many remonstrances. If Chili, for instance, had an ally in Europe, and Argentina had not, and war arose between them, Chili might find its "independent" right to call in an ally rather strongly throttled. It would be told, we fancy, that under the Monroe doctrine it had no business with such allies. The question is, however, we fully admit, one for dilettante jurists rather than for politicians. No Spanish-American State will ever object to anything that the United States may do, except on paper, and with many apologies. International law exists for them chiefly in libraries. Be the weather never so cloudy, the fish and the cayman never quarrel ; and the cayman does keep anglers away.
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