lathatto nub VrortAings iu fnrliaulrai.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OF THE WEEK.

11m:sr, or Loans. Monday, June 17. Lord Brougham and Chevalier Bunsen— The Greek QaaPrei ; Lord Stanley's Motion, carried against Ministers by 169 to 152. l'uesday, June 18. Encumbered Estates Act (Ireland) Amendment Bill, passed, with an Amendment forced on Ministers-1)6*es. for Rent Bill, read a third time and-passed. , J 1d.. Postgame sesonversatioa walbe doubtfitl legality of the new

tinier fur co uusperision staSunday—Accornapdation of Foreign Ministers in the liaise of Commitealappointesl.

If or Commie June 17. addrugma to the Crown ; Suggestion by Last John Ireland NEL second reading carried by 295 to Vb.

Tuesday, June 18. Cotton M'India ; Mr. Bright's Motion for aRoyal Commission, aegatived—County Courts Extension Bill, reported—Landlord and Tenant Bill, re- ported and amended. Wednesday, June 19. Education in Scotland ; School Establishments (Scotland) Bill, second reading_ negatived by 100 to 94—Friendly. Societies Bill, read a second time—Conucattee on the New House of Commons nominated. Thursday, June 20, Ministerial Crisis ; Lord John Russell's Statement respect- ing the Vote of Censure by the Peers ; Mr. Roebuck's Greek Motion fixed for Monday—Letter-sending on Sunday; Conversation—Mercantile Marine Bill, read as second time—Dierchant Seamen's Fund Bill, second reading postponed—Metropoli- tan Interments Bill, read a third time and passed—Factories Bill, read a third time and passed—Court of Exchequer (Ireland) Bill, read a second time—Charitable Trusts Bill, considered in Committee—County Courts Extension Bill, read a third

time and passed. • Friday, June 21. Westminster Bridge Sinking—National Education in Ireland; Mr. Hamilton's Motion, negatived by 295 to 142.

TIME-TABLE.

The lards.

Hour of Hour of

The COMNICSE. Hour of

Hour of Monday Meeting. Adjournment.

iii • (m) Sh 27w Monday

Meeting. 4h

Adjournment, 12h 45m Tuesday — rti Om Tuesday —

(m) lb 45m -

Wednesday Ho Sitting. Wednesday Noon .... 6A Mon Thursday. ...... ....-. _No Sitting.

Thursday.

(m) 1h 15m Friday;

a 611 38ta • '

Friday — (m) 1h eint Sittings this Week, a; Time,1411 Sin fittings this

'Week, ; 'flue. 4711 as

Session, 67 ; —168h 30m Session,92; —71211 mu. — this

THE GREEK Qmsnar.L.

In opening his arraignment of Ministers for their unjust and dangerous mode of enforcing our claims against Greene, Lord STANLEY impressively declared his fervent hope that the differences which that policy has caused between us and France may yet be satisfactorily settled ; but whether the favourable anticipation of a 'eettleinent are'realized ornot, those differ-- epees are merely an incidental and supplementary part of the groat 'ques- tion. He willingly declined to drag their Lordships through the weary waste of papers now on their 'table, or to give them one twentieth part of the labour he himself had undergone in sifting and investigating the case they contain. Regret and pain for the part his country had taken were the chief feelings with which he had risen from their perusal; with some wonder at the pro digality of folly whereby trifles as light as, air had been magnified to the

ateet importance, and the affairs of the world prevented from regulating

emselves. That to which he primarily desired attention is this—not whe7 ther, in our misunderstanding with France, the one country or the other is fault, iult, nor whether the peace of Europe shall thence be disturbed, but that the original course purimed by the British Government, by its extraordinary violence, its improper thetinence from necessary communications, and by its intrinsic injustice, was calculated to endanger the continuance of our friendly relations with 'foreign powers. That danger no one can deny : whether we get out of it will depend more on good luck than it can depend on our good policy. Not standing up as the apologist or the defender of the various ex- cuses and prevariostions of the Greek Government, he felt sure of concur- rence in saying, that the tone and language of request for reparation and apo- logy should be the same to the weakest as to the strongest in the world ; nay, the greater our power, and the greater our right, the more incumbent in generosity is it to veil underth'e language of courtesy the severity of our demands—as the susceptibility of 'nations is generally in an inverse ratio to their power. He would ask their Lordships tonight; whether this had been the rule of our Government towards the Greek Government in these trans- actions.

A preliminary portion of his resolution would, he understood, be objected to. He called on them to recognize "the right and duty of the Government to secure to her Majesty's subjects residing in foreign states the full protec-; Lion of the laws of those states" : that is a well-admitted principle of inter-, national law. But in that wording he did not speak of countries under des, potic sovereigns. He did not mean that there are no oases where a foreigrt government may interfere besides those mentioned in the resolution. In despotic countries, where there is no law but the will of the despot, the fo- reign subject has no protection but the interference of his own minister ie his behalf. But where there are laws, the right and duty of the Govern-. went to invoke them in protection of its subjects residing under them,. is accompanied by the duty of the subject to submit himself to those laws. Neither in this country nor, in any other has a foreigner a right to- repudiate the jurisdiction of the ordinary tribunals, to withdraw himself from the jurisdiction of the law of the land, and refer himself to the diplomatic• jurisdiction of his own minister : and if the laws be corruptly administered,. protection is to be-demanded, not against the laws, but against those who misadminister and pervert them.

Having thus justified the form of his motion, Lord Stanley proceeded to the substance of his case ; sketching our peculiar relations, political and di- plomatic, to Greece, and then reviewing the specific claims we made on her, to show ihe nature of those claims, and the characteristic mode in which we urged them.

There are peculiar considerations affecting the political and social orguni- zation of the kingdom and government of Greece—a kingdom of not more than fourteen or fifteen years' standing, and a constitutional kingdom of much less duration. England, France, and Russia, jointly guaranteed its inde- pendence. Greeee unfortunately contracted to them certain pecuniary lia-. Whiles, giving them a right—a fatal right—to intermeddle with its internal administration. For years past, the diplomatic representatives of the three powers have been bent, not on confirming the power of the infant state, but on caballing and intriguing for the exclusive supremacy of English, French, or Russian mfluence over the Greek Cabinet and the administration of affairs. Sir Edmund Lyons became at last notoriously less a minister of Great Britain than the head of a Greek party, hostile to the existing Greek Ministry, and striving by all means to displace it from power ; and the diplomatic asperi- ties at last grew to be so irritating as to be totally irreconcileable with friendly communication. Under these circumstances, British claims, even when just, were repelled. In the insult at Patras to the crew of the Fantome--the most serious of all the eases, as it touched the national honour—there were circumstances tending much to palliate the outrage. In 1848. the country being in a state of revolutionary disorder, our ship Spitfire called it Patras, and gave pro- tection to a notorious rebel ; subsequently the FantSme appeared off the coast ; on a dark evening, despite well-known orders against landing any- where but at the mole, her boat landed two unknown persons in the very neighbourhood of the place where the rebel had before escaped. Invited by the guard to stop, one of these persona fled, and escaped in the gloom. Three Greek soldiers arrested the other person and the crew ; a proof that the proceeding was not violent, for the crew might have beaten off three soldiers with their 0515 alone had they been overbearing. The Woolard; could not speak English, the crew cupid not speak Greek ; but as sem as it was found out that the crew belonged to an English man-of-war, the No- march set them free, said himself escorted them back to the Feist/use. Next day, Ca twin Le Hardy demanded apologies, and compensation for his boat- hook, which had been dropped overboard ii the oonfuaion. Both are refused, and the matter sleeps from 1848 to 18.50.

Some pirates seized a Greek customhouse at Sale;ee, and plundered the boats both of Greek and Ionian subjects: their leader was a well-known Ionian brigand. It is very doubtful if we could claim compensation for these injuries. It was no fault of the Govenuneut ; the Government did not com- pensate its own subjects; it could not be bound to afford more protection to foreigners than to its own subjects. Some Ionians at Pairs hoisted flags—British, realm, Greek, and others— as ornaments to their shop : tumult being threatened, the flags were taken down, and the resisting Ionians marched to the police-office ; whence they were dismissed. The ease is mentioned as one of torture and thumbscrews. " Thumbscrews ! "—that word conveys the notion of au instrument like the " boots" of old, in which the limb was smashed and the person crippled for life. What were the thumbscrews here? why, a sort of handcuff: the Ionians were marched off,. the wrist of one bound to the wrist of the other, the thumb of one to the thumb of the other.

In another case, two " highly respectable: persons, found deeptg like pigs in front of their doors because of the heat and gess," were taken up to prison, besides other menaces "an their liberation they complain that they were " flogged and turned Out." It was suggested that their bathe should be examined ; but they disappeared. Nevertheless, the Consul wrote to Load Palmerston, and Lord Palmerston immediately, replied with a demand far 201. damages. It all " goes in the bill " with him, like the waiter thrown out of window by the testy gentleman : he says to everything, " put it dissVu-"--whether a crew plundered, a nom tortured, a flag insulted, or a boat-114 tett; " all we want is the money."

In the case of Mr. Finlay, a highly respectable gentleman, but a "canny Scot," 45,000. drachmas were demanded for a piece of land which cost 300 or 600 draelunas.

In 1817, the master of an English vessel sold his vessel in the Portuguese pert of Villa Nova de Portimao, for 600 dollars more thee the debt he owed for her repairs. An accosumodating Hebrew gave him a bill on the Navy Board for the amount. In England he found that this bill was a forgery. He returned to Portugal, and after long search found the Hebrew, and com-

d him for fear of punishment to repay the whole amount of the

It is a sirs +liar coincidence, that in name, nationality, religion, and occupa- tion, Hebrew ebw was identical with the M. David PiLifico whose claims we have supported against the Greek Government. The Athenian nosh delight in burning an effigy of Judas Iscariot at Raster ; but in 1847, out of compliment to IL. Rothschild, who was then in Athens, the menace was in- terdacted by the aathorities : M. David Pacifico was deemed the cause of this

interdiction, nterdiction, and his house was wrecked by the mob. Doubtless he has a reasonable claim, but his bill of costs is incredible. He had com- plained that the Portuguese Government doomed him to poverty and indi-

gence; that his plate was pledged to the bank fur a loan of 30/. at low interest to be lent out at higher interest; yet his claims of loss amount to 31,000/. It seems the mob destroyed everything but precise in- ventories of his goods, and an individual sheet, which served to prove the excessive fineness and costliness of other sheets taken away. His "couch, in solid mah.ogany, British work, with double bottom," was 101." one bot- tom to ditto for winter, and a cushion in tapestry embroidered in real gold, royal work," was 251. ; "two pillows and cushion also," " for the bottom of the whole length, embroidered in real gold," 75/. ; total for one couch, 170k "I doubt,' said Lord Stanley, "if any of your Lordships have in your houses a couch of the same value." A double bed in carved mahogany, With "a set of 1w-ass castors," was 1501. ; and "every utensil in his

bed- rooms" was composed of the "finest porcelain." His claims on Portugal, with interest, were 26,000/. ; and although Portugal had always protested against them, and we have never troubled ourselves about them as against Portugal, in the case of Greece our Minister declared them just and mode- rate. If, as is said, we were not strictly bound to the full amount of M.

iftto's demand, and never meant to press the full claim, it is matter of regret that we did not state what we did mean to claim. We should have said in January 1850, that we insisted only on such reasonable sums as the Greek Government can have no difficulty in giving : but we said, all claims, just or unjust, must be paid, with interest, within twenty-four hours ; and only. in February, after the French intervention was accepted, did we intimate that we might possibly diminish the gross amount of M. Pacifloo's claim. N. Londos, a Minister favourable to the-English connexion, and who had only been in office three weeks, replied, in language dignified and almost grand—"The King of Greece and his Government await with sorrow, but without weakness, the end of-the trials which, by order of her Britannic Ma- jesty's Government, you may still destine for them." The reply was tai-' availing ; mediations were dispensed with, and. Greek ships, alike those of the state and of private persons, were seized, to the number of forty-seven, although seven of these ships were estimated by us at 11,000e, and although oar whole demands, setting aside Pacifico's claims, did not amount to 2,

it ie plain that the whole of Pacifico's demand, on Portugal and all, were to be fully enforced.

It is a grateful task to do 'justice to the officers employed in executing the orders of our Minister. Sir William Parker and his officers in no instance overstepped in the slightest degree the letter of their instructions, but ever tempered their firmness with moderation.

The evidence of the effect which these unprovoked steps was calculated to produce on our relations with foreign powers, is to be found in the papers on the table. The language of Baron Brunow's despatch of the 19th February 1840—bitter, imperious, offensive as it is—is not more bitter, more impe- rious, or mpre offensive, than was the provocation. We accept the generous offer made by France of her good offices, but under conditions and limitations which promise very ill for their success ; a misunderstanding arises, and our Minister terminates the mediation in breach of an express stipulation : a treaty has been meanwhile agreed on at home, the conclusion of which we detected to announce at Athens till another arrangement had been concluded there under pressure of our foree, whichhad been applied because AL Gros could not reconcile it to his soul and conscience to ask 180,000 drachmas for M. Pacifico's claim on Portugal. Was not this throwing away every chance of reconciliation at every step ? At last, instead of saying, away We prefer to owe the settlement to the good offices of France rather than the interven- tion of our fleet," we say, that though we think there is little difference be- tween the treaties, we will not give up the one to which France objects. The territorial difference with Greece is one ooncernina° an amount of ter- ritory incalculably insignificant ; but the orders issued in October 1849 to seize the islands of Sapienza and.Gervi, and expel the Greek inhabitants, have not yet been rescinded ; and the demand has been made by us in the most peremptory tone. Russia; however, has indignantly told us that she will a d tolerate the infraction of her rights in that case ; so that position will no doubt be given up. In the teeth of an offensively couched Intima- tion, wa shall be compelled to recede from the poaition which rashly and in- terrperatolr the Foreign Minister has taken up. . God grunt that the natural consequences of these proceedings may not fol- low—that the wound may heel—that the essential friendly feeling between the great powers may continue, for the wellbeing of mankind at large. Such a happy issue will not be owing to the temper, moderation, judgment, or good sense with which the British Government has conducted its foreign affairs. Casting aside the influence of a sincere personal regard and private friendship for Load Palmerston, Lord Stanley declared himself in his phew to speak not of the man but of the Minister, and concluded with this ap- peal—" I must call upon you to remember that you are here in the discharge of a great public duty ; • that you arc here acting in a judicial capacity ; that you are here acting as the means possibly of reconciling differences bet,weea conflicting nations ; at all events, that your judgment today may go forth to the world and vindicate you from the stigma and the opprobrium which, as I think, must attach to that great and mighty power which prostitutes its undoubted superiority by enforcing unjust or exorbitant demands upon a fee- ble and defence/cm ally?'

The terms of the motion with which Lord Stanlet concluded were as fol-

tows- " That while the House fully recognizes the right and duty of Government to se- cure to her Majesty's subjects residing in foreign states the full protection of the laws of these states, it regrets to find, by the correspondence recently laid upon the table by her Majesty's command, that various claims against the Cireek Government, doubtful in point off justice or exaggerated in amount, have been enforced by coercive measures directed against the commerce and people of Greece, and calculated to en- danger the continuance of our friendly relations with other pewees."

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE saw some consolation for his noble Mend Lord Palmerston in the fact, that in that assembly where, more adequately than in any other assembly in the world, are represented those interests so constantly and naturally alive to everything that stirs the calm surface of affairs, there has been no intimation of an intention to bring these trans-. actions into question.

A more objectionable resolution as it stands, one more entirely at variance with the past policy of this country, or more contradicted by the past policy of all countries, or more calculated to take away from future Governments the power to vindicate the honour of the country, could not have been framed. It implies, that in every despotic, military country, every English subject is to be at the mercy of that Government, iseeause there happens to be no law of security for him. But in such countiies protection is the most needed ; for it might happen that a man would be beheaded in Turkey, or killed-in Egypt, cud we obtain no redress for the wrong. Going back thirty years, there have been at least fifty cases—eighteen British, fifteen French, and seventeen American—in which, immediately or almost immediately on the wrong being felt, redress was claimed, and where not immediately granted exacted by effectual force. Three cases will suffice to illustrate this usage, Some Englith residents in Peru were plundered in 1844 ; a note, at least as peremptory as any employed by Lord l'almerston in the ease of Greece, was presented, demanding apology sad dismissal of the offenders: which were obtained. In Venezuela, a law existed which prevented creditors from re- covering their debts : this was thought unjust to British sabjeots who had entered the eeuntry on the faith ofa different system ; we remonstrated, and subsequeistly obtained redress by force : in that case our subjects were pro- tected in a manner different from those of Venezuela. In the ease of Naples and France, France.insisted on redress to French subjects for injuries done to French houses by a mob after an insurrection, although there was no law to redress Neapolitan subjects for injuries done to Neapolitan houses at the same time. France exacted redress under what she deemed the law . of nations. At this moment American ships are on the way to Lisbon to demand redress for outrages on American subjects ; no application to Portu- guese courts having preceded the strongest remonstrances, and no opinion of any other power being asked or regarded. It is no objection to the principle of a claim that it chances to be urged in favour of an unworthy claimant, nor that the amount of the claim is insignificant : the meet paltry amount may involve a principle so at that men shall embark in its beludf their hearts, swords, and lives. That Wilkes might have been a gambler, a cheat, and an-Atheist,.did not preveut Lord Chatham from advocating the cause with which he was Identified ; and the judgments of Lord Stowell, not less re- . meltable for the weight of their authority than for the exquisite polish of their language, chiefly concerned freebooters, slaws-dealers, adulterous per- sons, whose characters were infected by every species of crime and moral in- capacity. It is admitted that M. Pacilico's house was burnt, but it is ob- served that-he was a man of dreadfully bad character : as in the old instruc- tions to. counsel, "No ease ; abuse the plaintire attorney." As to the claims of Mr. Finlay---a man of high character and singularly cultivated mind—it is said that we included his case after it had been referred to arbi- tration: no doubt it had been referred, but, through the influence of the Greek Government, the arbitrators never met; and 'Vette' says that denial of justice by delay is as bad as disallowance altogether, justifying reprisals and embargo. In the case of the Ionians reparation was long demanded ; and in this as in all the other cases there was a systematic refusal of explanations. The claims made in the case of l'acifico were from beginning to end only adopted as a term for discussion, and only advanced in such general terms as to allow all reasonable objection and be suited to the ascertained loss. Moreover, in each ease there was the distinct concurrence of the Law- advisers of the down in the grounds on which each claim was made. The claims were not; therefore, doubtful in point ofjustice, nor exaggerated in their nature, nor was the mode of. redress unusual: All that Russia complains of is, that we enforced our redress too suddenly : but greater indulgence had been given than would have been shown to ant other power. The transactions have no( disturbed the amity which ought to exist between this country and Russia : on many subjects that amity never subsisted in greater force : on the most important questions affecting the interests of the North of Europe it is as perfect as at any period of our history. As regards Frante, Mr. Wyse has offered explanations which show that it was physically impossible be should have had any knowledge of the bases of khe London convention, when re- prisals were resumed under the clear uudbktanding. It would undoubtedly have boon most fitting te adopt the treaty' 'London; 'London; hot, unfortunately, that of Athena had been wily executed ; siggrides, it contained a clause referring to circumstances unknown at London' Sjasst a desire to return to the terms of the treaty of London is unfeignedly Telt pa hoth sides, and as far as possible those terms will be made the busis of a. treaty. In coneludoe, . Lord Lansdowne stated that the stories of injury to Greek commerce were as much exaggerated as Don Pacifico's dnims • as would appear from papers now in preparation for Parliament. .He had good authority for believng that the people and commerce of Greece peculiarly appreciate, thesepirit in which we acted towards them. ence of Belgium is guaranteed by the five great powers if we were to quarrel with Belgium, should we send a squadron to blockade Antwerp, without heeding the other powers ? Running over the performances of our fleet since it left England, Lord Aberdeen found that, in the Tagus, we ex- cited the suspicions of the Government ; at Sicily, we thwarted the King and betrayed the insurgents ; in the Dardanelles, we apologized for entering, and spoke of stress of weather—therein saying " the thing which is not " ; in the Ionian Islands, our chief service was to furnish Sir HenryWard with "a supply of cats' to flog the rebels." In the Greek affair, Baron Grods instructions were evidently to be as urgent as was decent in favour of "the claims of a great nation, which must not be humiliated, and which we wish to serve." But we broke the mediation off, requiring that Baron Gros should act as our sheriff's officer; and ultimately, instead of taking the two agreements and saying, We prefer that which you, France, think just, we haggled on the " principle " of our claim, till they recalled their Ambassador in terms unprecedented, if not to be followed by the most serious conse- quences. We may become used to anything ; but our relations with the great powers are unprecedented, and cannot continue long without danger. Viscount CANNING acceded to a direct, deliberate, and unqualified con- demnation of a policy begun with injustice and closed without dignity : he especially condemned the tone of Lord Palmerston's correspondence : the people of the country could not understand that the honour and pru- dence which guide the ordinary affairs of life should be discarded, and an imperious brusqueness of language be adopted, such as is exhibited in Lord Palmerston's letters to some foreign courts. Lord Bsausiour insisted that the ordinary tribunals of Greece had been solicited by M. Pacifico and had refused him justice. The Earl of lisrinwicxs stated that the fleet went into the Dardanelles from stress of weather, and no other cause.

Lord BROUGHAM sat in judgment on the case as disclosed by the de- bate ; having, by an accident which was not much to be deplored, read none of the blue books. No principle was involved which deserved to be called negotiations. He utterly denied that any injury to the pro- perty or person of any individual residing voluntarily in any country gives his government a right to redress, unless the other government is party to the injury. Rendering ample justice to the ability and to the peaceable intentions of his noble friend the Foreign Secretary, he disap- proved of his policy, and hoped their Lordships would now shake them- selves loose from all the responsibility of it. The Earl of CARDIGAN supported the motion. Lord WARD took the other side, as an independent Peer ; and Lord EDDISBURT backed up the Ministerial defence, as an official.

At three o'clock on Tuesday morning, the House divided on the mo- tion, and there appeared- Contents—Present 113 Proxies 56 —169 Non-Content—Present 77 Proxies 55 —132 Majority against the Ministers 37

SOLUTION OF THE "MINISTERIAL. CRISIS "

Agreeably to a notice of his intention, given on Wednesday, Mr. ROE- BUCK asked Lord John Russell, on Thursday, " whether the Government will adopt any special course of conduct in consequence of a resolution passed in another place on Monday last ? "

Lord Joins Russzr.s, rose and said, he would, with the leave of the House, make a statement in reply to this question. The House acceding by the utterance of " cheers," Lord John proceeded, and, for formality's sake, read from the Minutes of the House of Lords the record of their re- solution.

The House would perceive, that the resolution begins by affirming the ge- neral proposition, that it is the right and duty of the Government to secure to our fellow subjects residing in foreign states the full protection of the laws of those states. Lord John could not consent so to limit the right and duty of Government. The definition implies that any state, however des- potic, may make any laws, however unjust and oppressive, and that a fo- reign government has no right to remonstrate or interfere against the exe- cution of those laws. "That is not the way in which thelaw of nations has ever been put in practice by any of the great nations of Europe ; I may air, still less by the United States of America. They have all felt them- selves bound "— Mr. DISRAELI rose to order, with the greatest regret.

A very simple question had been asked, and the noble Lord, instead of giving a simple answer, was entering into a discussion—(Cheers from the qaposition)—of the proceedings in the House of Lords. There was not the slightest wish on the Opposition aide of the House to evade or prevent dis- cussion of the important subject ; and if the noble Lord wished discussion, it was in his power, as having complete control over the time of the House, to fix a fair and fitting opportunity for such discussion. The House would feel that the discussion should be full and fair; but he put it to the House whether a debate got up in this sudden manner was likely to bring out a de- liberate expression of opinion.

Lord Joun RUSSELL—" The question that has been put to me is a very general one,—' whether the Government will adopt any special course of con- duct in consequence of a resolution passed in another place on Monday last' : now I must either make a statement with respect to the line of conduct that we mean to pursue, so as to explain that conduct, or remain altogether si- lent. (Cheers.) If the House think I ought not to make that statement, I am ready to bow to their decision ; if they think I should proceed, I am pre- pared to do eo." (Cheers and cries of "Go on ! " from the Liberal benches; which Lord John accepted as a signal to proceed.)

He had stated why the Government, according to their sense of duty, could not carry the first part of the resolution into effect. But the latter

part of the resolution part a censure on the Government for the con- duct they have pursued with respect to the affairs of Greece." He would not argue the question, but he made this reply for the Government—" We are not going in any respect to alter the course of conduct we have thought it right to pursue in respect to foreign powers, in consequence of that resolu- tion." (Lord John said this with very marked and expressive emphasis, and it elicited loud cheering.) But there is another question, probably, in the contemplation of honourable Members,—whether the Government, thus dissenting from the general rule with respect to the law of nations laid down by the House of Lords, and refusing to conduct itself according to the reso- lution there agreed to, do not think it their duty to resign the Govern- ment into the hands of those who might act upon that resolution. The question induces a reference to history. " One hundred and forty years ago, the House of Lords agreed to a resolution, which they embodied in an address, that it would not consist with the honour and safety of this country to make any peace with France that would leave Spain and the Indies in possession of any branch of the house of Bourbon. The Executive Govern-

ment., in spite of that address of the House of Lords, which was carried on a division proceeded to make a treaty with France; and that treaty left Spain I and theIndies in the possession of a branch of the house of Bourbon. Not many years ago, in 1833, the House of Lords, on the motion of no less a person than the Mike of Wellington, agreed to an address to the Crown on the subject of the foreign policy of this country as regarded Portugal; and Lord Grey, in replying to the speech in support of it, is stated to have said

that he should consider the address, if agreed to, as a vote of censure and a stigma upon the Government. The resolution was carried, and Lord Grey continued to execute the policy. he had adopted ; and my noble friend near

me (Lord Palmerston) declared in this House that he should not swerve from the policy which had thus been adopted." Lord John believed that in both those eases the conduct of the Executive Government was according to the constitution of this country ; and he believed, indeed, that while a change of Government in consequence of a resolution of the House of Lords would be unconstitutional, it might produce great confusion in the state, and be to none

so dangerous as to the House of Lords itself. ("Hear, hear !") Placing on the

House of Lords the weight and responsibility of controlling the Executive Government of this country, would soon put that House in a position which

it never hitherto occupied, and which it could not maintain. (Chairs.)

With these opinions, he could not consent to surrender the reins of power in consequence of a resolution of the House of Lords. But at the same time, he did not deny that that resolution, carried as it was, is a matter of serious importance; for " it deeply affects the conduct of foreign powers in their relation to the Government of this country." But he should have thought the remedy easy and obvious, were it not for circumstances which no doubt influence honourable gentlemen opposite. " The honourable gentleman the Member for Buckinghamshire, who lately interrupted me, is himself in close

political and party. connexion with the noble Lord who is reported to have

made this motion in the other House of Parliament. If he had given notice of a similar motion in this House, the House of Commons could then have decided upon the merits of that motion—(Loud cheers)—and if this House had agreed with the House of Lords, there could have been no doubt or hesi- tation as to the course which her i Majesty's Ministers would have had to pur- sue. (Great cheering.) But, Sir, there is a fair and honourable interpreta- tion of the conduct of that honourable gentleman and of those who act with him. If they had believed in the soundness and the policy of the resolution I have read, they would no doubt have thought it their duty to bring for- ward that resolution in this House, in which, besides its being the House where all the administration of the Crown is controlled and advised, there is this obvious advantage—namely, that in this House sits the Minister who is charged with the affairs of the Foreign Department. (Cheers.) But, Sir, there is an honourable explanation for such conduct ; and that explanation no doubt is, that those who share the general political opinions of the noble

Lord whom I have mentioned do not share in the view which he takes either with respect to our foreign policy, generally or with respect to the affairs of

Greece in particular. If they had agreed with the noble Lord in either of those respects, there would have been no excuse for not affording my noble friend an opportunity of making in this House his defence." Lord John added, that if Mr. Roebuck wished to make a motion he should have the earliest possible opportunity.

" I can only say that we shall continue in that course which we have hitherto followed with respect to our foreign policy. So long as we continue the Government of this country,, I can answer for my noble friend, that he

will act not as Minister of kustria—(Cheers)—or of Russia (Protracted cheering of France, or of any other country—but as the Minister of

England. The honour of England, and the interests of England—such are the matters which are within our keeping ; and it is to those interests and to that honour that our conduct will in future be, as it has hitherto been, di- rected." (Loud and general cheering.) Mr. DISItAELI wished permission to make a few observations, particu- larly in reference to the insinuation that his party have no confidence in the case they could present in that House, because the Foreign Minister would be there present to defend himself.

That was not the true reason : if notice had been given of such a motion, they would have been immediately told, as they ever had been told, that ne- gotiations are pending, during which any discussion upon the question was to be deprecated. In another place that very deprecation had been made. The noble Lord was imperfectly informed of the relation which exists be- tween the noble mover of the resolution in the House of Lords and the

gentlemen with whom Mr. Disraeli has the honour to act in the House of Commons, if he supposes there is any want of sympathy between them—

(Great cheering from the Opposition)—or want of perfect agreement upon

this important subject. (Renewed cheers.) "And though the noble Lord will not come forward and ask for the verdict of the House himself—(Laugh-

ter)—but has conveniently thrown out a hint to an obviously proffered ma- chinery to assist him—(" Hear, hear !")—I can assure him, that when the occasion is offered us, I shall be prepared to uphold the decision to which the House of Lords has come."

Mr. Rossucii hoped to be allowed to say a few words.

Not entirely, agreeing with the constitutional doctrines laid down by the noble Lord, he should tomorrow 'propose a resolution, " according to the

offer the noble Lord held out." To him it seemed that Lord John had only stated one half of the great rule that governs the Executive of this country. "I admit, a mere resolution of the House of Lords is not of itself a sufficient reason to lead to the alteration of a Government ; yet it is so important in our double-chamber system of legislation that both should act if possible in harmony, or if not, that there should be a complete understanding in the public mind as to the ground of the disagreement, that any Administration which has been thus censured by the House of Lords is bound not to shrink from an appeal to the House of Commons; and if that appeal, when made,

is not succesefult then their path is clear. (Cheers.) It is because I agree in the policy laid down by the noble Lord at the head of Foreign Affairs in

this country, that I will test the opinion of this House, in order to learn whether we can find a verdict in the House in his favour, and also to learn distinctly and clearly, and sufficiently for the world to know, whether or not

her Majesty's Government has the confidence of the people of .England. (Cheers.) Therefore, Sir, I shall, in accordance with the permission of the noble Lord, tomorrow move the following resolution, of which I now beg to give notice, namely, " That the principles which have hitherto regulated the foreign policy of her Ma- jesty's Government are such as were required to preserve untarnished the honour and dignity of this country, and, in times of unexampled difficult' the best calcu- lated to maintain peace between England and the various nations of the world."

Lord Joins RrrssEri. immediately assented to postpone the Committee of Supply from Friday, in favour of Mr. Roebuck. But Mr. Dimes= suggested Monday—(Cries of " No, no ! ")—his hint, " Surely the noble Lord does not wish to take the House by surprise," causing " great con- fusion." Lord Joan assented to Monday ; and Mr. ROEBUCK consent- ing, that day was fixed.

ADDRESSES 'PO THE CROWN.

Lord Joins RUSSELL has thrown out a suggestion for the consideration of the House of Commons, regarding the presentation of addresses to the Crown carried by a vote of the House ; intimating that if ho find opi-

nion in conformity with his own, he will at some time propose an altera- tion of the existing rules. If there is any subject which requires legislation—whether a matter of ge- neral legislation or of finance—the House has an opportunity of again consider- ing the subject, and can reverse its proceedings ; but the case is different with addresses to the Crown. After an address has been Carried by vote, it is or- dered that certain Members present the address to the Queen; and then the advisers of the Crown must either advise her Majesty to reply in conformity, or to refuse compliance : if the advice to comply is` not given, it tends to create a breach between the Crown and the House of Commons, which it is desirable to avoid unless on some very grave occasion. It seems desirable to put addresses to the Crown on the same footing as other proceedings of the House ; and that the same course should be pursued with such addresses as is pursued upon addresses to the Crown in answer to the Queen's Speech on the first night of the session. The address is then moved, and agreed to ; but a Select Committee is appointed to draw up the address; they make their report on the following day ; that report is again taken into considera- tion ; and so the House has an opportunity of considering the question, and of making amendments in the Wafts before it is finally ordered to be pre- sented to her Majesty. LETTER-SKNDING ON SUNDAY.

Mr. FORSTER moved, on Tuesday for leave to bring in a bill to repeal as regards Sunday, so much of the Post-office Acts as regulate [prohibit] the transmission of letters by private channels. While the Post-office performed the duty, the restriction was necessary to protect the revenue ; that duty abolished, the restriction ought not to continue. Colonel THOMPSON seconded the motion. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER opposed it. He believed the vote which the House came to the other night was an unfortunate one, and that it will lead to even more fraudu- lent Sunday labour than is performed under the present system. But the Government took it for granted that the House is a faithful representa- tive of public opinion ; and if they are willing to submit to the hardship —much underrated—of the restriction, all the Government has to do is to carry it out. Mr. AGLIONBY thought the public had a right to com- plain of the House, and of its vote, which was completely taken by sur- prise. Lord Joins Russ= objected to the motion, as tending to set up a sort of private post-office through which letters of all descriptions might pass. But he thought the delay of letters relating to accidents or dan- gers is contrary to the general convenience and to the true spirit of Chris- tianity, and contrary to the spirit of the Christian religion, that man was not made for the Sabbath. In opposing the motion, he regretted the de- cision to which the House had come, and he regretted that there should have been a strong feeling on the part of the public. The motion was negatived without a division.

On Thursday, [the new Post-office order having appeared in the even- ing papers of that day,] Mr. LOCKE inquired if there will be any ob- jection, within prescribed hours, to allow parties to apply personally for their letters. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER could not answer. Mr. W. J. Fox learned that newpaper-agents had only that afternoon been informed that the usual facilities would not be afforded them next Sunday [tomorrow] : would it be impossible to afford a little more time for preparation ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER could give no hope The instructions given are in strict accordance with the vote of the House. (Loud laughter.) He had not the slightest doubt of their inconvenience ; he stated so at the time; honourable Members are now finding that out. He had intended to present a petition from certain persons to that effect ; and no doubt many petitions would come up from the country on the sub- ject. He hoped in due time honourable gentlemen would receive represent- ations which would induce them to rescind the vote to which the House had come.

Mr. OSBORNE inquired, why, if the Chancellor of the Exchequer felt bound to carry into effect this resolution of the House, he had not felt bound to carry out the resolution of Dr. Bowring respecting the payment of the whole of the revenue of the country into the Exchequer. Sir CHARLES Woo]) replied, that that resolution was "not binding on the Government in the same sense " as this.

THE IRISH LORD-LiEuTENANCY.

In the resumed debate, adjourned from the 10th instant, on the Lord- Lieutenancy Abolition (Ireland) Bill, speeches of political interest were made by Sir ROBERT PEEL, Mr. NAPIER, and Sir GEORGE GREY.

Sir ROBERT PEEL felt that the bill was undoubtedly brought forward to promote the good of Ireland, and was therefore entitled to most respectful consideration ; but he did not participate in the confidence felt by some that the measure would promote that good : while on the whole perfectly willing to consent that the experiment should be made, he gave his consent with much hesitation and doubt as to the probable advantages. He felt the dif- ficulties of governing Ireland, but apprehended they were less due to the constitution of the office of Lord-Lieutenant than to inherent peculiarities in the state of Irish society. There are also difficulties inherent in the consti- tution. Under the local Parliament, the relation of the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant was a natural and subordinate one ; but when we abo- lished the local Legislature, that relation became anomalous and embarrassed. The making of the Chief Secretary a Cabinet Minister was but a clumsy device for remedying the difficulty inherent in the constitution; for it not only disturbed but inverted the relations of the two offices, leaving the Lord- lieutenant without superiority, and encouraging the Secretary to assume in- dependent powers. But the objections both to the evil and to the remedy incline one to receive the proposalfor making new arrangements. It must be admitted that the increased of communication certainly give in- creased facilities for dispensing with the Lord-Lieutenancy altogether, and that no period could be better selected than the present. That which would best reconcile one to the experiment, is the unity of system which is to be substituted : but if you have two Secretaries of State, will you not forfeit much of the advantage you hope to obtain by extinguish- ing the Lord-Lieutenancy ? In 1816 we consolidated the Exchequers with great advantage : every argument then applied to the administration of the finances would now be applicable to the administration of justice and the exercise of the executive functions. If you have two Secretaries of State, give to one of them Wales and Scotland, to the other England and Ireland ; and then you would give Ireland satisfaction, by convincing her that the same principles of administration of the law and in the exercise of the prerogative of mercy would be applied to all parts of the kingdom. In times of trouble and simultaneous disturbance, one civil officer would administer the execu- tive more effectively than two men equally responsible for the publicpeace in different divisions of the kingdom ; and you would avoid the risk of con- flicting views on such an important matter as the application of military force. With respect to unity of legislation also, it would be of the utmost advantage to have conformity of principle and detail for the two countries. If there be two Ministers, there must be constant communications, involving a risk of want of harmony. But assuming harmony of persons, " I would rather be responsible for the whole of the legislation of the country, than for all the unsatisfactory details which would be inevitable under such a system " ; and " my opinion is, that the burden cast on the shoulders of the one Secretary would not be more onerous" than if you impose on him

the necessity of harmonious action with the head of another depart- ment. If the functions of the Home Secretary be too onerous already, they can be well relieved. If the constitution of the Chancellorship is about to be altered by appointing two Judges, those officers may have the duty of administering the details of criminal justice. What is wanted for Ireland is a man of the highest authority ; that authority would be much heightened if exercised by the Secretary of State for the Home department, with all the power of the Crown to administer the whole connected affairs of the united empire. Is the new Secretary to be resident in Ireland, while not present in Parliament ? if he is, his office will be as objectionable in some respects as at present : if he is not, why not call on the Home Secretary to perform his functions ? "If the right honourable gentleman (Sir George Grey) would only say, I will undertake to perform the Irish as well as the English affairs, only give me a proper number of subordinates,' my opinion is he would find it perfectly practicable to accomplish the object desired. If he would take upon himself the sole control over the administration of criminaljustice, and over the legislation on that branch of the government, he may depend upon it he would not have a greater demand upon his time than he would have if he were united with an Irish colleague, who would be constantly telling him, what all Irish Members were ever telling us, that Englishmen know nothing about Ireland—that no Englishman is at all fit to govern that country. It is true, when Irishmen came over here, they heard Englishmen talk of

certain principles of justice and of equity and so forth ; but still no English- man could understand the mystery of Irish society. This Irish Secretary

would no doubt be followed by many of his Irish friends in this House, and the right honourable gentleman would soon find the Irish Secretary, codrdi- nate and coequal with himself, a very disagreeable colleague, and one not likely to relieve him from the burden of any portion of that business the dis- charge of which was the cause of great anxiety and uneasiness of mind to him on whom the responsibility of that department of the Executive Go- vernment devolved. I therefore most honestly and earnestly advise the right honourable gentleman, to take the adminstration of those functions upon himself, even though he should have another 10th of April to contend with. For it is of importance that the same mind which has to guard against any. dangers that may threaten this metropolis, should be equally called upon to take into consideration whether similar arrangements would be necessary in the event of the city of Dublin or any other part of the United Kingdom be- ing in danger of having its peace disturbed. A command of time, and less of change, a unity of system, and a prospect of inspiring confidence, besides the facilities for conducting a joint administration of affairs, are in my opinion advantages infinitely more likely to be enjoyed if the functions of this department are exercised by one Secretary of State than if the duties should be performed by two." If the corporations are entitled to additional powers, let them be given : that is a separate question. If Dublin is likely to be seriously injured by the loss of the Lord-Lieutenancy, we are bound to consider equitably and liberally her claim to compensation. Mr. NAPIER said, his mind had been caught, when Lord John Russell introduced the bill, by the prospect held out of union in law and union in administration : but, so far from providing one administration, the bill will perpetuate two distinct administrations ; transferring the head of the Ex- ecutive to London, and leaving the rest of the Government to work its way in Ireland.

There is much talk of uniting Ireland with England : that would never be done. They might attract Irish sympathies, conciliate Irish feelings, and gain Irish affections; but they would not remove those mental peculiarities, or destroy those distinguishing lineaments, which had been stereotyped by the hand of God. In the words of Bacon, if they wished to conquer

Mature, it must be by obedience. But he hoped the day would come

when such distinctions as are made by the laws only would be seen no more, and when the genial influence of the British constitution might be brought to bear fully on Ireland. He should be sorry for any such mea- sure as one for uniting the bar of Ireland and England ; but if the fusion of the two bars were necaaaary for the happiness of Ireland, he would say, perish the bar of Ireland and let her people be happy. Was it carrying out the principle of the Union, to have an officer open to political influence in Eng- land, and to political pressure from Ireland, with nothing but secondhand experience, and under the screw of what is termed state policy ? A Lord- Lieutenant residing in Dublin would have every channel of information open and accessible on the spot—the Judges, the Assistant-Barristers, and the gentlemen of the country. Admitting all the difficulties in his way, such a person must be more hkely to get accurate information on the spot than a person living in London, and far removed from the scene of the par- ticular occurrence; and the staff of lower officials who would be left behind would scarcely be able to aid him from their inferior sources of information. The daily conference with the legal functionaries in Dublin on matters familiar in Irish Government would also be cut off by this bill. Were the

Attorney, and Solicitor-General and the head of the Constabulary to remain in Dublin or London ? rand was it not more important for the individual

charged with the government of Ireland to hold communications with them than with the Cabinet Ministers, to whom he could go whenever he pleased ? Is this the time to propose a measure for abolishing the office of Lord-Lieu- tenant of Ireland—a tune when the whole social system is racked and shi- vered, and the country smitten with sterility ; is such the fitting time to bear hard upon the people's feelings in Ireland, to set them all at sea again ? Surely that was the last moment that any one would choose for the purpose of trying political experiments upon a poor, diseased, afflicted, and impover- ished people ? Feeling that the separate system could not be rendered salu- tary or effectual—believing that the Irish Government in Dublin might be allowed to remain there, and yet be stripped of all its evils—he therefore could not vote for the present bill. Sir GEORGE GREY agreed with Sir Robert Peel, that there should be unity of action in every part of the Government. It would no doubt be highly desirable to see the whole business of the Se- cretary of State for Home Affairs managed by one man ; and the time might

come when such an arrangement could be entered into as was done in the case of Scotlande which for many years had a separate Secretary for the de- spatch of its business. This is, however, clearly a matter for future arrange- ment, and one which in present circumstances it would be hardly possible to carry into effect.

As to any transfer of the law-courts from Dublin to London, the measure never entered the heads of any members of the Government. Mr. SHELL supported the two propositions, that the Lord-Lieutenancy is worse than useless, and that the government of Ireland ought not to be absorbed in the Home Office. His arguments on the latter point were condensed in an eloquent peroration. " When the moral aspect of Ireland shall have changed—when she shall have passed through a process of social and political amelioration— when the disaffection which is still smouldering shall be extinct—when the

embers, still pregnant with fire, living though latent, shall grow cold—when the rights of property and the rights of poverty (for poverty has its rights as well as property) shall be reconciled and adjusted—when an Irish landlord shall learn to look on a poor-house, not as a memorial of extortion, but as a monument of public mercy—when you shall adapt your institutions to Ire- land, and give up the idle endeavour of adapting Ireland to your institutions —when the Parliament shall give the Government leave, or, I should rather say, when the people of England shall give the Parliament leave to do what A is so hard to do, NA what every man who has the least acquaintance with Ireland pronounces it to be, for the purposes of wellbeing and even of safety, indispensable to accomprmh—when, I say, these things shall have come to pass, then, and not till then, let the administration of England, of Scotland, of Ireland, be as indivisible as the realm : but until then, in the interval— long, perhaps, in reference to individual existence' but short in reference to a nation's life—let us wisely abstain from adding to the weight of toil and care necessarily incidental to the internal administration of this great Wand, a cumulative load of labour and of solicitude, which it would require a rare and almost hopeless combination of intellectual power and of physical en- - durance to sustain."

Sir ROBERT liens not dazzled by the gorgeous eloquence of Mr. Shell, bad no difficulty in seeing through one allusion in his speech— rendered significant by the cheers which greeted it : it was impossible not to see that the goal towards which he thought uniform administration and centralization are tending, is the reestablishment of the Church of Rome in the kingdom of Ireland. (Cheers and counter-cheers.) Ile would strenu- ously oppose a bill fostering such an object.

The other speakers in favour of the bill were Mr. SA.DLEIR, Lord Nats, and Colonel THOMPSON ; against it, Mr. RUCHE, Mr. M'Cum.ann, and Mr. BUTLER.

On a division, the second reading was carried, by 295 to 70.

ENCU3IBERF.D IRISH ESTATES.

The Encumbered Estates (Ireland) Act Amendment Bill having been read a third time, the Marquis of WESTMEATH moved the addition of a clause restricting the Commissioners from selling any estate fur less than fifteen years' purchase. The Earl of CARLISLE opposed the clause ; and was supported by Earl FITEWILLIAM and the Earl of STRADBROKE. Lord STANLEY spoke for the clause. On a division, the clause was carried against Ministers, by 32 to 30. Another clause, to restrain the Commis- sioners from taking possession of the debtor's property out of the country, Was moved by the Marquis of WESTMEATH, opposed by the Earl of CAR- LISLE, and carried without division. The bill then passed.

MERCANTILE MARINE.

On the order of the day for the second reading of the Mercantile Marine Bill, several Members, especially Mr. Huato, Mr. HERRIES, and Mr. FORSTER, objected to proceeding, on the ground of extensive alterations made in the bill at the eleventh hour—fifty clauses altered, seven struck out, and thirteen introduced. Mr. LABOUCHERE laid great stress on the fact that the majority of the shipping interest now cordially approves of the bill and desires its enactment. lie earnestly pressed for a second reading ; and explained the alterations, which do not affect the principle.

They go merely to obviate the objections made by the shipowners at the outports to the centralizing character of the bill—its tendency to throw the whole management of the shipping interest into the hands of the Board of Trade. After deliberation, and the most frank and repeated negotiations with the representatives of the outport shipping interests, he proposes to es- tablish local marine boards in ports having more than 30,000 tons of ship- ping engaged in foreign trade. These boards would be composed of twelve members. Six would be elected by the shipowners of the port ; four would be appointed by the Board of Trade ; and the Mayor or Provost and stipend- iary Magistrate to be ex officio members of the board. These local boards would have concurrent powers with the Board of Trade in appointing ex- aminers and in examining at the local examinations, in appointing and re- moving shipping-masters and mates, and in investigating the conduct of eaptaiini. These arrangements would lessen the centralizing power, and yet guard against the perversion of the courts to centres of political agitation. He had resolved against having two classes of certificates. He had resolved not at present to extend the bill to the coasting trade.

The objections against proceeding were renewed with great force. But Mr. CARDWELL, Mr. GLADSTONE, and others, who feared that delay would be fatal to the bill, sided with Mr. Labouchere ; and, with their assist- ance, the House was induced to read the bill a second time pro forma, on the understanding that it be printed, and recommitted on the 4th July.

EDUCATION IN SCOTLAND.

The second reading of the School Establishments (Scotland) Bill was moved by Lord MELGUND, with a statement of reasons for new legislation. So early as 1494, an act of the Parliament of Scotland had directed all per- sons to send their eldest sons to school ; and there were then lecture-schools planted in the greater number of the principal towns. The origin of the present system, however, is traced to the time of the Reformation. The Reformed clergy resolved that the funds of the subverted Church should go in equal portions to the clergy, the schools, and the poor : but the arrange- ment was not carried out. In 1696, the act passed which first regulated the parochial school system ; and in 1803 it was made imperative to establish a school in every parish. The existing system works ill ; yet religious diffi- culties have always prevented any beneficial amendment. Had not religious difficulties intervened, the Government itself would no doubt have stepped in and put the schools in a better condition than at present.

The actual condition of education in Scotland is far from being what it ought to be, though perhaps still not so bad as in England. From the Prison Report of 1846- 7 it appears, that out of 16,000 prisoners one in three could read well, one in thirteen write well, and one in fifty knew more than writing and reading : but from tables of criminal offenders in Scotland pre- sented to the House a few days since, it appears that out of 4,357 criminals, - 20 per cent could not read or write at all, and 82 per cent could do so but imperfectly. Inquiries in Glasgow in 1846 showed that not above one-half of those between the ages of six and sixteen attended school, nearly one-fourth were unable to read, and lees than one- third had received instruction in writing. In Edinburgh, 92 per cent of the criminals are uneducated, not- withstanding the large educational establishments there. There are in Scotland 883 parish schools, with a total attendance of 74300 scholars ; 200 supplemental schools, attended by 16,800 scholars; and 125 General Assembly schools, with 15,000 scholars ; total Established Church scholars, 106,000. The Free Church has 626 salaried schools, with 65,000 scholars ; and 190 non-salaried schools, with 10,000 scholars ; total Free Church schola 65,000. All other schools have about 150,000 scholars. The grand total

• is about 321,000 scholars; and as there are 600,000 children in Scot- land, it appears that 180,000 are left quite uneducated. A large number of the schoolmasters are incompetent from age and infirmity ; and they are paid inadequately both by the Established Church and the Free Church, though the latter are better-off of the two. The masters of High-

land schools have an average of 51. a year—in some cases but 3/. or 21 ; and it often happens that when the herrings come into the loch, the school- master closes the school-room, and by fishing earns more in a night than by schooling he earns m it year. The taxation for the support of the parochial schools presses with very unequal force : while in the town parishes it is not more than 6d. or id. a child, in the thinly-peopled rural districts it is 48. 6d. or 5s. a child.

Within the last few years, fifty or sixty teachers have been expelled from parochial schools, for no other reason than that they attended the Free Church. Yet as regards the greater part of the people, there are no essen- tial religions differences : the Established Church, the Free Church, and the United Presbyterian Church, appeal to the same Confession of Faith, and use the same Catechisms in their schools ; the differences which have arisen are not upon questions of religious doctrine, but upon questions involving political consequences. Indeed, the practice of all the Churches, including even the Episcopalians and Roman Catholics, was hitherto to act together in education ; and returns show that in 915 out of 924 parochial schools, the parents were in the habit of sending their children without reference to their own religions opinions. It would be impossible, without immense expense, in the case of a thinly-scattered population like that of many districts in Scotland--those where there are eight children to the square mile—to avoid the system of united education. As Dissenters are scattered all over the country, and as the adherents of the Establishment arc now a minority of the people, it is absurd to expect that the Establishment should possess a monopoly in regard to schools intended for the whole population. Therefore the measure brought forward proceeds upon the old territorial system ; and the principal difference between it and the act of 1803 is that the bill pro- poses to abolish all tests. It proposes that the schools shall be open to all classes, and that all persons shall be enabled to compete for the honourable office of schoolmaster.

Lord Melgund had not ventured, as be wished, to make it compulsory to provide a sufficient number of sehools,—fearing the dislike to. dditional taxa- tion : he did not much approve of grants, but as that system is in operation Scotland is entitled to her share in aid of local taxation.

Sir GEORGE CLERK conceded that extended means of education might be necessary, but demanded that the parochial schools be left intact.

The grievance is, that the parochial schools are an integral part of the ec- clesiastical polity of Scotland. Giving full credit to the Free Church for its efforts to establish schools, he believed that in some instances those schools were established in a spirit of mere rivalry. In 1842 the scholars of the Assembly schools greatly fell off, but in the last five years they have so in- creased that their number is nearly what it was before the secession. The present conduct of the sehoole is so liberal that a very strong case must be made out to justify resort to an untried scheme. There are about four schools in every parish in Scotland ; it is therefore unjust to say that the parochial schools oppose any barrier to the spread of education. Severance of the Established Church from the parochial schools is the short aim of the bill; and therefore Sir George moved that the bill be read a second time that day six months. Mr. OSWALD strenuously opposed the bill, as a blow at a portion of the Revolutionary settlement ; Mr. CUMMING BRUCE, as the measure of an important sect, ambitious to obtain the control of the parochial schools.

Mr. Fox. MAULS approved of the principle of the bill. While disavow- ing any hostile feeling to the parochial school system, he held that the arrangement ought to be given up which retains to the church of a minor- ity the sole control of the public schools ; and if the House do not soon interfere with a timely reform, the people of Scotland will themselves make a much more sweeping Change. Mr. Faeces and Mr. 11‘Ga.seion also supported the principle of the bill.

On a division, the amendment was carried by 100 to 94—majority 6; so the bill was lost.

FRIENDLY Socurrius Bus..

Mr. SoTiraRox moved the second reading of the Friendly Societies Bill, with a statement of the important interests involved and the objects of the measure.

There are 14,000 enrolled friendly societies, numbering 1,600,000 mem- bers, who subscribe an annual revenue of 2,800,0001., and have accumulated a capital fund of 6,400ffi001. There are also a vast number of unenrolled so- cieties. Of the Manchester Unity there are 4,000 societies, with 264,000 members, who subscribe 400,000/. a year. In addition, there are the unen- rolled Foresters, Druids, lleehabites, Old Friends, and others. The grand total gives 33,2'23 societies, with 3,052,000 members, who subscribe 4,980,000/. a year, and have a capital fund of 11,360,000/. The whole adult male pu- lation of Great Britain and Ireland was at the last census 6,300,000 there- fore nearly half the adult male population, without distinction of rich and poor, are actually members of these societies. It is proposed to con- solidate the laws relating to them. The unenrolled societies shall send in their rules and be enrolled—without the necessity, however, that their tables be certified by an actuary. For registration, each main body to pay the customary fee of one guinea, each branch to pay 28. 6d. ; an ar- rangement to which he believed no objection is felt. He proposed to _give to these societies, which he would designate "provisionally registered societies," that one privilege possessed by freemasons of exemption from the penalties of the Corresponding Societies Act, although they use secret signs and priee- words. The bill includes burial-societies : it requires that deaths inquired into by the coroner shall be certified by the coroner and a surgeon, instead of the coroner and a householder only ; and that the whole benefit-money shall be expended on the funeral ; and 'it raises the age at which entries may be made, from six years as at present, to ten years. In return for these advan- tages, the bill only requires publicity—a certified annuel balance-sheet, so made out that the humblest member can ascertain the exact position of his club.

The principle of this attempt at legislation on behalf of the working classes met with general sympathy, and educed general praise of its au- thor ; but Mr. SCROPE doubted whether publicity alone would be enough to guard the poor man ; and Mr. SLANEY doubted whether the provisions were wide enough to embrace all the societies intended. Mr. RoeaucK thought the measure by far the moat important bill of the session, and insisted that Government should take upon itself the responsibility of it. Compared with this bill, all party disputes are as dust in the balance. It affects the heart, and feeling, and constitution of the greet laborious popu- lation of this country ; and there is no labour that Parliament ought not to be willing to dedicate for the purpose of maintaining that high feeling amongst the labouring classes which it is the purpose of the bill to maintain. There is great insecurity about a bill brought in by a private Member ; and it is impossible that a private Member can deal with the subject as the Government can. It is not a question for a private individual, but for the House of COHADOLtS, acting ae the administration of the country. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER could not assent to this doctrine, which he was aware had gained ground of late years ; but thought the practice of allowing private Members to bring in such bills as this the sounder and wiser course.

There can be no objection to the principle of the present bill ; but several clauses will call for observation, and in all probability for amendment, in Com- Mittee. It is impossible to guard against all fraud and risk; and it is better to incur souse risk, than to adopt that degree of government which would be neces- sary in aiming at further security. It win be desirable to have a clause pre- venting the abuses of rich persons availing themselves of these societies to obtain the high rate of interest offered.

The other cordial supporters of the bill were Mr. COCKBURN, who had seconded the motion for the second reading ; and Mr. ADDERLET, who thought publicity the only safeguard.

Read a second time.

GROWTH op Corros rs Ia-nu.

Mr. BRIGHT moved the following resolution- - That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying her Majesty to ap- point a Commission to proceed to India to inquire into the obstacles which prevent an increased growth of cotton in that country, and to report upon any circumstances which may injuriously affect the economical and industrial condition of the native population, briny cultivators of the sod within the Presidencies of Bombay and Madras."

The cotton trade employs probably not less than two millions of the popu- lation of the United Kingdom, and an amount of capital far greater than is to be found engaged in any other trade. The consumption of cotton at the beginning of this century was 56,000,000 pounds • it is now 754,000,000 pounds. Our supplies are drawn from foreign countries in this proportion— the United States 78i per cent, East Indies 10i per cent, Brazil 7 per cent, Egypt al per cent, West Indies r per cent. In 1838, the cotton crop of the United States was 1,360,000 bales ; in 1848, it was 2,700,000; in 1849, but 2,000,000—a falling-off of 25 per cent. The advance of a penny per pound last year made a difference of price on the ootton consumed of nearly 3,000,000/. ; and an advance of threepence per pound, by reason of the short crop last year, will cost between 8,000,000/. and 9,000,000/. to the manu- facturer. There is no quarter to which we can look for a large addition to present supplies except India ' - and there is good reason to believe that within the hmits of our Indian territory aquantity of cotton is already grown not very far short of the whole crop of the United States of America. All the authorities concur in this view ; including the East India Company itself, which has prosecuted inquiries and experiments on the subject for more than half a century, at a cost of at least 100,0001. Whether all the authorities are wrong, the Roy al Commission would show. It is impossible to reiterate too often, what is proved by all concurrent testimony, that the Condition of the cultivating population of India is one of extreme, abject, and almost universal poverty ; and it is impossible., looking to past history, to forget that India was once remarkable for wealth, which could not have been created unless by the industry of its people. Under the ancient Gentoo go- vernment, in the South of India, a certain proportion of the revenue was al- lotted to preserve the tanks and watercourses: "this," said Major Dal- rymple, a Company's officer, in 1783, "is taken out of the gross produce of the lands, before any partition is made between Government and the in- habitants ; and it appears the free gift lands paid a greater share for the re- pair of tanks than t e Circar grounds." At present, the condition of the great works of this sort which the ancient Princes constructed, is such that thousands and thousands of lives have perished by famine, from the failure of the means to retain an element which, in India above all other countries, is the first necessary of life. The state of the roads may be exemplified by one fact : in two seasons, when Sir Samsetjee Jejeeboy contracted for timber in Belganon, the loss of bullocks was so enormous that the line from Patna to Bartsee may still be well made out by their skeletons and by the aban- doned timber. The fiscal arrangements of the East India Company complete the enumeration of disadvantages under which the .people labour. "The Government of India has the power to fix any proportion of assessment ever the major part of that country ; it has the power of collecting even to the main of the cultivator. In some districts the collectors are magistrates, and I believe even the Native collectors have the power to fine and imprison cultivators who do not pay up the arrears of their assessment. The East In- dian Company when it lets land meets with no competition. The tenants must have the land, for there is no other means of obtaining a living. The collector can fix any amount of rent which he thinks it probable he will be able to get ; and can we doubt that the collector does proceed to the utmost point of endurance?" Bundlecund was an instance of the consequences of this system : in 1815, that province had a collector whose name should be infamous for ever in connexion with Indian administration. "He raised the assessment so that from 1815 to 1835 he actually devastated and depopulated the province,- and I have heard, on the best authority, that parents actually offered to sell their children for the tax which they had not the means to pay." Admitting that there may be differences of opinion as to the best

system for India, the more proper it is to appoint this Commission. In conclusion, Mr. Bright made some references to the enormous revenues— a clear 20,000,000/. a year—and powers of the East India Company. Their charter will expire in 1854, and next year they must give notice whether they wish for its renewal: Parliament will be better able to decide with the additional information which this Commission will place under its attention.

The motion was opposed by Sir Jons 110BHOUSH and Sir JAMES WEIR 110043. Mr. Bright, they said, had not made out any peculiar urgency of the time for bringing forward the motion now ; and as to the general lineation, it is conceded that the Indian Government is both interested and active in the matter,—as is shown by the length of time during which it has prosecuted inquiry and experiment, and by the large emit of those measures. Manchester itself by no means unanimously agrees with Mr. Bright ; the Commercial Association, headed by Mr. Aspinal Turner, a high authority on cotton, deprecates his object; the Manchester Guardian deems it absurd. There is some reason to doubt, after all, if cotton can ever again be grown in India as a profitable staple : the cultivation of indigo and sugar has spontaneously grown up on a vast scale; while cotton-cultivation, from having been the most extensive of all in- dustries, has faded to its present insignificance : the fact is most likely to be explained by the simple reason, that the first two are profitable crops, and the last an unprofitable one, in comparison with each other. Let the capitalists of Manchester supply the capital for cultivation, as other capitalists supply the means of indigo and sugar cultivation ; and if the speculation be sound, it will doubtless need no Government assistance.

The motion was also supported by Si.. DWARD Cotmanooxii and Mr. GEORGE THOMPSON ; opposed by Mr. N,:win GATE and Colonel &STROUP. Mr. &Irony, considering his object gain •d by the ventilation of the sub- ject, wished to withdraw the motion ; but Colonel Srarnoree objecting, it was negatived without division.

Ax AMBASSADOR REPELLED PROM TER HOUSE OF PEERS.

The debate in the House of Peers on Lord Stanley's motion, on Mon- day, attracted an unusual attendance both of Peers and distinguished auditors. Among these, in a gallery appropriated to ladies, was observed sitting the-Chevalier Bunsen, the Prussian Ambassador ; and his Excel- lency's presence in that particular part of the Ifouse was objected to

by Lord Brougham, and caused a scene which is thus described in the leading columns of the Times- " It appears that the gallery on the left of the Throne in the House of Peers used to be allotted to the members of the Diplomatic Corp.; but for some time a change has been made, and it is now set apart for Peeresses and their daughters. No kind of notice of the change, however, has been given to the members of the various missions. The Chevalier Bunsen presented himself with his wife and daughter, and requested the officer to conduct him to his usual seat. This functionary naked him, if for that once he could content himself with a standing-place on the steps of the Throne. The Prussian Minister declined this proposal ; for it appears, a late serious indis- position would have made a standing posture for so many hours painful to him. Thereupon the Usher replied, that he had a right to his place if ho insisted upon it' ; and conducted him to the gallery as usual, requesting him only to leave the places on the left band of the door free, as these had been set nide for the use of the Dutehess of Cambridge."

As soon as business commenced, Lord BROUGHAM addressed the House on the breach of privilege : we now quote the Parliamentary report of the Times- "' My Lords, I have given notice, yes, I have given notice, to the party on whose conduct I am now about to make some comments. I believe that it is well known to your Lordships, that no Peer or Commoner has any right in the gallery of the Peeresses, and that any nobleman or gentlemen being there infringes on the rules of the House. There is one gentleman there now, and he has no right to be there. (Laughter among the Peeresses.) If he does not come down, I must move that he is infringing the rules of your Lordships' House. (A pause.) Besides, that gentleman has a place assigned to him in the House itself, and by his presence in the gallery he is excluding two Peeresses. (Boars of laughter both in the House and among the Peer- eases present.) I move that the standing orders be enforced by your Lord- ships officers. (A laugh.) Let it not be supposed that I am doing this discourteously. I have given that gentleman ample notice that if he did not come out, I would address the House upon the subject and have him turned out.' (Continued laughter, and some conflation.) His Lordship then ad- dressed the individual in question, and said, You must come out now.' "The gentleman remained immoveable ; whereupon Lord Brougham stalked down the House to the bar with great haste, and addressing either the Usher of the Black Rod or one of the messengers, (for in our position we could not see which,) said, Go and take him out.' " Shortly afterwards, Sir A. Clifford went into the gallery, and immedietely the Chevalier Bunsen rose from his seat, and, accompanied by two or three ladies, left it. We may here notice, that we have frequently seen Lord Brougham himself conversing with ladies in this gallery ; as well as the Duke of Argyll, the Earl of Carlisle, and other Peers."

This unpleasant episode having passed, the Greek debate commenced.

Next evening, referring to this incident, Lord LANSDOWNE gave notice, that on Friday he would propose to appoint a Committee to consider

whether any alteration. cannot be made in their existing arrangements so as to have a place appropriated for Foreign Ministers, where they can sit, and they alone. He believed the incident referred to arose out of * misapprehension and mistake.

"A Foreign Minister of the highest character, for whom as an individual I have the highest respect, was obliged to leave a situation which he con- ceived he had a right to occupy, but which he certainly had no right to occupy according to our regulations." " The subject is already painful enough."