Otbatril anti taractetringst in tladiament.

SLAVERY.

In the house of Lords, on Tuesday, Lord BROUGHAM moved two sets of resolutions, the first having reference to the suppression of the Slave-trade, the second to the condition of the Negro apprentices in the West Indies and their early emancipation. The first series- -I. That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, earnestly beseeching her Majesty to take immediate steps for negotiating with the Guveruments of Spain and Portugal, anti obtaining the concurrence of the Governments of France awl the United States in such negotiations, with a view to declare the trade in stases piracy, wherever the seine is carried on ; and making those whu persist in it liable to all the pains and other consequences of piracy.

"2. That it is the opinion of this House that the reward of persons engaged in suppressing the trade in slaves, by the paymeut to them of head.money, is highly inexpedient, and ought to be discontinued ; and that in lieu thereof there should be eubstitnted a payment in proportion to the tonnage of the vessels employed and the number of guns, and of the crew on board the same.

"3. That it is expedient, for the more effectual suppression of the trade in slaves, to employ a number of stentmvessels antler tie command of the cruisers of her Majesty, and to issue to private individuals letters of margin., to enable them to fit oat such vessels, but so as they place such vessels under the commend of her Majesty's cruisers; and that the money goal by way of reward un the capture of any slate-trade vessel, as well us the proceeds of the sale of such vessel when condemned, he distributed among the crew of such private vessel, subject to a deduction of one-fourth part, which should be made payable to'ithe officers and crew of the cruiser under whose command the private vessel may be."

The second series-

.. 1. That it is expedient, with a view to carry into effect the intentions of the Act of ISM, that there should be such a distribution of the work and labour of the indentured apprentices as shall lease them the half of every Friday to themselves for working in their provision grounds, and the whole of every Saturday for atteuding the market.

" 2. That it is expedient to declare all apprentices who at present are registered as non-prastlial still nom medial on the lst day of August 183d, not% ithstanding any agree. meat between them and their masters, or uuy change of employment which they may Lave mule gone or may hereafter undergo, since the time of their registration. " 3. 'f hat all questions which may arise between appreutices and masters respecting their rights, after the 1st day of August 1838, shall be decided by the Stipendiary Ma- gistrate of the district where the party complaining resides, without any appeal or other proceeding whatever.

" 4, That uo female apprentice shall on any pretence be flogged or otherwise punished by an • .n her person; and that if any such punishment shall be inflicted,or e inflicted which is found to have been wrongfully inflicted

aster, such apprentice shall be immediately declared free from that all complaints of such female apprentice, touching any see..

punishment, shall be heard by the Stipendiary Magistrate of the district alone, aed de. cided un by him without appeal. " 5. That it is expedient to vest In the Governors of the several Colonies the power or making such regulations respecting the gaols and respecting the police of the setessi colonies as they shall think tit ; the same to have the force of laws until disallowed be her Majesty's Government ; and that copies of the same shall be transmitted fortheitk to her Majesty's Government. " 6. That it is expedient that the period of precdial apprenticeship in all the rubble should cease and determine on the 1st day of August 18:18, and that until such time the foregoing regulatious ought to be everywhere observed and enforced by law."

Lord Brougham supported these resolutions in a speech of great power and eloquence, and at a length which precludes our attempting to follow it in our comparatively limited space. His appeal to the Peers for support was most earnest- " I claim your concurrence in my motion from your justice ; I claim it from your reason ; I claim it from your consciences ; I claim it from your duty to God and man ; I claim it from a due consideration to your own consietency. Follow up :in 1833 the wise and Christian principles which you asserted le 1833; that is all that I require of you. My Lords, I will rush at once into the midst of this argument. I will delay no longer on the outskirts of the ground. I will not waste a single moment in prefatory matter. I will come at once to the subject of the slave-trade ; that is the question which I bring before you ; that is the usage which I have already here and elsewhere de. flounced. On that subject there can be no difference of opinion. On that subject we have reason, argument, fact, experience, all on our side. I call upon your Lordships to take the matter into your own hand.. I call upon the Parliament of this country to legislate upon it."

After reiterating the facts he had formerly stated, which proved that horrible cruelties were the consequence of the unsuccessful attempts to suppress the slave-trade, and indignantly repudiating the assertion of a writer in the Morning Chronicle that he had overstated his case for the purpose of making an unfair impression in the House, he went on to say, that lie had looked forward with great anxiety to the 1st of August 1834, the day on which the npprenticeship system was to commence; but he had been exceedingly gratified by the conduct of the Negroes on that trying occasion- " The 1st of August arrived—that day so confidently and joyously antic'. pated by the poor slaves, so sorely dreaded by their hard task-masters; and if ever there was a picture interesting to look upon—if ever there was a passage in the history of a people redounding to their eternal honour—if ever there was a complete refutation of all the scandalous cal tunnies which had been heaped upon them for ages, as if in justification of the wrongs which we had done them-- that picture and that passage are to be found in the uniform and unvarying his tory of that people throughout the whole of the West India islands. Instead of the tires of rebellion, lit by a feeling of lawless revenge and resistance to oppres. sion, the w hole of those islands were, like an Arabian scene, illuminated by the light of coMentment, joy, peace, and goodwill towards all men. No civilized people, after gaining an ttuexpected victory, could have shown more delicacy and forbearance than was exhibited by the slaves at the great morel consomme. Lion which they had attained. There was not a look or a gesture which could gall the eyes of their masters. Not a sound escaped from Negro lips which could wound the ears of the most feverish planter in the islands. All was joy, mutual congratulation, and hope. The Negroes felt that their fetters had been loosed ; they looked forward with expectation to the time when they should be struck off, and when even the degrading marks which they had left should be wholly effaced. This peaceful joy, this delicacy towards the feelings of others, W05 all that was to be seen, beard, or felt, on that occasion, throughout the West India islands. Amusements there were none that day—not even these amusements by which the Negroes hall been accustomed to beguile the hard lot of slaves, and which remiuded them of the country of their forefathers; no, for the Negroes are an eminently pious race, and they kept as a sacred Sabbath the day of their liberation. All the churches of the islands were crowded from early dawn with congregations of orderly, well-behaved, pious persons; five or six times each church was tilled, and as soon as emptied filled again all pressing forward to render thanks to their God for the happy boon conferred upon them. In one island, where the bounty of nature seems to provoke the appetite to indulgence, and to scatter with a profuse hand all the means of excitement, I state the fact when 1 say, not one drunken Negro was found during the whole of the day. No less than 300,000 slaves were liberated in that one day, and their peaceful festivity was disturbed only ou one estate, in one pariah, by an irregu- larity which thtee or four persons sufficed to put down."

He referred to the conduct of the Negroes during the period that had elapsed since the commencement of the apprenticeship system, to prove that the slave- owners had in reality suffered no loss, although they had received an enormous sum as compensation for the injury which it was supposed they would sustain. He referred to numerous facts in proof that there was nothing like justice for the Negroes to he obtained from their White masters in the West India Islands-

" The Chief and Puisne Judges are raised to their situations from amongst the class which includes the White men and planters. But worse than that, the jurors are taken from the sante privileged body : jurors, who are to assess civil damages in actions for injuries done to the Negroes—jurors who ate to try bills of indictment against the Whites for the maletreatment of the Blacks —jurors who are to convict or acquit on those bills—jurors who are to try the slaves themselves—nay, magistrates, jailors, turnkeys, the whole apparatus of justice, both administrative and executive, exclusively in the hands of one race. What is the consequence ? Why, it is prowl bial that no bills are found for the Blacks. Six bills of indictment were preferred, some for murder and some for bad manslaughter ; and at one assizes every one of these six indictments was thrown out. Assizes after assizes the same thing happened ; until at length wagers were held that no such bill would be found, and no one was found to ac- cept them. Well was it for them that they declined, for every one of the bills preferred was ignored. Now, observe that in proceedings, as your Lord. ships know, before grand jurors, not a tittle of evidence is heard for the prisoners; every witness is in favour of the indictment, or finding of the bill; but in all these instances the bills were flung out on the examination of evidence solely against the prisoner. Even in the worst cases of murder, as certainly and plainly committed as the sun shines at noonday, monstrous to all, the 'dills were thrown out when half the witnesses for the prosecution remained to be ex- amined. Sonic individuals swore against the prisoners ; and though others tendered their evidence, the jury refused to hear them. Besides, the puilishs ments inflicted are monstrous; thirty nine lashes are inflicted for the vague, in- definite—because incapable to be defined—offence of insolence. Thirty-nine lashes for the grave and the more definite, I admit, offence of an attempt to carry a small knife. Three months' imprisonment or fifty lashes for the equally

grave offence of cutting off the shoot of a cane-plant. " • • I have, within the host two hours, amid the new mass of papers laid before your Lordships within the last forty-eight hours, culled a sample which, I believes represents the whole odious mass. Eleven females have been flogged, starved, lashed, attached to the tread•tnill, and compelled to work until nature could no longer endure their sufferings. At the moment alien the wretched victims were about to fall olf—when they could no longer bring down the inechauisut

and continue the movement they were suspended by their arms, and at each -revolution of the wheel received new wounds on their members, until, in the language of that law so grossly ooutraged in their persons, they ' languished and died.' Mk you if a crime of h tourderous nature went unvisited, and if no inquiry was made respecting its circumstances? The forms of justice were the handmaid was present, but the sacra mistress was far away. observed;iclleINI inquest was called ; for the laws decreed that no b, ch injuries should take place without having an inquiry instituted. Eleven inquisitions were held, eleven inquiries were made, eleven verdicts were returned. For murder? illanslaughter? Misconduct ? No; but that • they died by the visitation of God.' A ,lie-set perjury—a blasphemy! the visitation of God ! He regarded the freedom of the Negro as accomplished and sure— e why ?—Because it is his right—because be has shown himself fit for it— because a pretext or the shadow of a pretext can no longer be deviai d for with. holding that tight from its possessor. I know that all men now take a part in the question, and that they will no longer bear to be imposed upon now they are well-informed. My reliance is firm and unflinching upon t! great change which I have witoessed-the education of the people unfettered by party or sect—hom the beginning of its progress, I may say from the hour of its birth. Yes : it was not for a humble man like me to assist at royal births with the illustrious prince who condescended to grace the pageant of this opening se,sion, or the great captain and statesman in whose presence I now am proud to speak. But with that illustrious prince and with the father of the Queen I assisted at that other birth, more conspicuous still. With them and with the lord i f the house of Russell I watched over its ceadle—I marked its growth—I rejoiced in its strength—I witnessed its maturity—I have been spared to see it ascend the very height of supreme power—directing the councils of the state--accelerating every great improvement—uniting itself with every good work—propping honour. able and useful institutions—extirpating abuses in all our institutions—paseing the bounds of our dominion, and in the new world, as in the old, proclaiming that freedom is the birth right of man—that distinction of colour gives no title to oppresssion—that the chains now loosened must be struck off, and even the marks they have left effaced by the same eternal law of our nature which makes nations the masters of their own destiny, and which in Europe has caused every tyrant's throne to quake."

The trial had been made, and the time had come for emancipating the slaves-

" The slave has shown, by four years' blameless behaviour and devotion un- surpassed by any English peasant to the pursuits of peaceful industry, that he is as fit for his freedom as any lord whom I now address. I demand his rights —1 demand his liberty without stint, in the name of justice and of law—in the mire of reason—in the name of God, who has given you no right to work ins justice. I demand that your brother be no longer trampled upon as your slave. I make my appeal to the Commons, who represent the free People of England ; and I require at their hands the performance of that condition for which they paid so enormous a price—that condition which all their constituents are in breathless anxiety to see fulfilled! I appeal to this house—the hereditary judges of the first tribunal in the world—to you I appeal for justice. Patrons of all the arts that humanize mankind, under your protection I place humanity herself ! To the merciful Sovereign of a free people I call aloud for mercy ; to the hundreds of thousands in whose behalf half as million of her Christian sisters have cried aloud, that their cry may not have risen in vain. But first I turn my eve to the throne of all justice, and devoutly humbling myself before Flint who is of purer eyes than to behold any longer such vast iniquities—I implore that the curse over our heads of unjust oppression be averted from us—that your hearts may be turned to mercy—and that over all the earth His will may at leugth be done I" [Lord Brougham.sat down amidst much cheering from both sides of the House.

The Duke of SUTHERLAND seconded the resolutions.

Lord GLENELG said, that no difference of opinion could exist upon the object which his noble and learned friend, whose speech had done equal justice to his name and character, had so eloquently brought before their view. But he did not coneurentirely with Lord Brougham in the means be proposed of suppressing the Slave-trade and improv- ing the condition of Negro apprentices. Lord Glenelg then entered into a long detail of the treaties concluded with Foreign Powers, and of the great and expensive efforts made by this country for the suppres- sion of the Slave-trade ; and pledged himself to the House, that no ex- ertion should be wanting on his part to induce those nations under whose flag the Slave-trade was still carried on, to take effectual mea- sures for putting an end to it. With respect to the treatment of the apprentices, he admitted, with extreme sorrow, that the Legislative Assemblies of several of the West Indian Islands, but especially Ja- maica, had exhibited most unworthy reluctance to fulfil the conditions on which the coinpensation-money had been awarded to the owners of slaves. In many cases the Stipendiary Magistrates had been assailed by the planters and those whom they instigated, and subjected to every kind of annoyance. Though be could not adopt all the sug- gestions of Lord Brougham, yet he was prepared to propose a measure which would very materially alleviate the condition of the apprentices, and prevent many of the evils which Lord Brougham had so vividly brought under review. He intended to give the Special Magistrates the power of entering the workhouses, or dens as they are called, where the apprentices were confined and maletreated- The act should declare that all places in which the apprentices should be at work, and all places where they might be exposed to secret oppression, should be open to the inspection of the special magistrates; it would give them the right of admission to all workhouses, houses of correction, and hot-houses or hospitals. The bill, would further empower the Governor of the colony to arrange the apprentices' hours of labour as he might think proper. With re- spect also to the indulgences formerly allowed to the slaves, but now withheld from the apprenticed labourers, it was important that a power should be lodged in the Governor, where he saw fit, and to the extent that he judged proper, to enforce the continuance of them. As regarded manumission, he thought it might be proper to introduce into Jamaica the same system which prevailed in some of the Crown Colonies, and establish a tribunal to determine the conditions under which it should take place. Further than this it would be necessary to diminish the injuries caused to the apprentices by the intimidation of their pro- tectors the special magistrates, and to empower the Governor, acting of course with the assistance of legal advisers, whenever legal measures should be adopted against them, merely for the purposes of vexation and delay, to arrest the pro- gress of the proceedings. In all cases in which the magistrates should be con- demned in heavy penalties, the Governor would consider whether they should not be fully indemnified. With respect to the classification of the Negroes, lie thought it would be proper to take care that previous to the day ap- pointed for the manumission of the non.priedials, the apprentices should have a full opportunity of knowing the whole state of the case, and knowing their own rig its, and that a fair and accurate revision of the lists should be completed. If the Classifying Acts passed by the Colonial Assembly should not Prove satisfactory, the Governor would be empowered to apply those principles of classification acted on in some Crown Lol, rais. The sr,aese or tae 1thillbs1013 of the special justices into houses which had hitherto been the dens and secret places of cruelty, would very much centribitte to lessen the evils of the present system. But the Governor, when satisfied that any apprentice had been tins justly apprehended and punished, would have power instantly to liberate him. This would at once put an end to the disgusting practice of flogging females, and the power of giving instant freedom would operate as a shield to the la- bourer against punishment inflicted under pretence of discipline, but in reality from a motive of vengeance, becau'e the Negro was no longer a slave. Nothing had produced a deeper impression on the mind of the public than the system of personal torture by the lash ; nothing, in fact, could be more degrading to the labourer. It was as if they had determined to coutiuue slavery in fact after they had abolished it in name. He proposed, therefore, to introduce into the measure to be brought forward a provision that after a certain date no crime committed by an apprentice should be punished with flogging. These were the main provisions of the measure. Ile might have explained them at greater length, but he thought he had said enough; and he hoped that their Lordships would agree with him, that, though it might be becoming in Govern- ment to pay deference to the feelings of the Local Assemblies, that wish must now give way to other and higher considerations.

The Duke of WELLINGTON fully confirmed Lord Brougham's ac- count of the horrors of the slave-trade. lie bad himself proved to the Congress at Vienna, that from 60.000 to 80,000 slaves were exported from Africa every year. He had always been anxious to put down the traffic, and he was so still ; but he contended, that when the Crown was called upon to take extraordinary measures, the House should inform her Majesty, in distinct and specific terms, what it was she was requested to obtain from Foreign Powers. Now, nothing could be more vague than the demand to make the trade in slaves piracy ; for who could tell what the punishment for piracy was and would be in France, Spain, Portugal, or the Brazils? lie regretted that the Colonial As.. semblies had not done all they ought to have done to carry the Eman- cipation Act into effect ; but lie did not think that their neglect would justify this country in giving complete freedom to the apprentices oa the 1st of August 1S38.

The Marquis of SLIGO thanked Lord Glenelg for the measure be had promised the House, and hoped that Lord Brougham would with- draw his 'notion.

Lord BROUGHAM ridiculed the idea of reluctance to compel Portugal to put an end to the slave-trade. A squadron was sent to bombard Algiers for refusing to abandon a system of piracy not half so inhuman or extensive as that which the Portuguese Government sanctioned. He was very glad to bear that Government intended to bring in a bill which would probably include the object of his second series of resolu- tions. He would only put the House to the trouble of dividing on the resolution which proposed the abolition of head. money.

The House divided—

For the resolution Against it 31 Majority 24 Lord Mien' said, that he had received many letters from naval offi- cers complaining of the imputation that they were fond of blood-money. It appeared from returns for which he had moved, that naval officers did not allow empty slavers to escape while they ran after loaded vessels for the sake of the head. money. Of thirty vessels taken since the pro. mulgation of the treaty with Spain, nineteen were taken under the equipment article, and eleven when loaded with slaves.

Lord BROUGHAM said, that since naval officers, according to Lord Minto, did not care a farthing for head-money, it was a pity that his resolution for abolishing it had been rejected. l'he Duke of Wel- lington knew that there was such a thing as prize-money in the Army, and would not pretend that the soldier was only actuated by a sense of public duty ; but as the naval officers did not care one straw about head. money, why not give it up ? That question was more easily put than answered.

Lord EsseNnortoren thought that the arrangement proposed by Lord Brougham would be best even for the officers themselves.

Lord MINT() said, that a bill offering a tonnage reward was under the consideration of Government.

Lord BROUGHAM'S remaining resolutions were put, and negatived.

On Thursday, Lord BROUGII AM presented a number of petitions from various places, including Bath, Stroud, Bradford, and Liverpool, for the abolition of slavery in the West Indies. The Liverpool peti- tion had between five and six thousand signatures, many of them those of bankers and merchants ; and Lord Brougham said he had peculiar pleasure in presenting it, as it came from persons ssho had protested against the registration of slaves, the abolition of the slave. trade, and the emancipation of the slaves, declaring that each measure would ruin them ; but now they came forward to petition the Legislature to put an entire end to slavery.

Lord BROUGHAM then gave notice, that on Tuesday next lie should submit a proposition to the House on a very important subject— He meant an act, on the part of her Majesty's Government, which went to revive the slave-trade on an extensive scale—the oils[ in Council which her Majesty's Ministers had advised her Majesty to issue on the 14th of last July, permitting the importation into Guiana of iudividuals from all the countries of Asia within the bounds of the East India Company's charter. He meant to move for a copy of the order, for a copy of any despatch which had been sent out to the Governor of Guiana on the subject, and cur a return of the date of the London Gazette in which the said eider in Council had been published. He had no hesitation in saying, that he expected the return to the last branch of his motion would be nil; fur lie believed that the order had never been pub- lished in the Gazette. He had three weeks ago, and 1.03..equen!ly, mentioned the subject in the House. None of their Lordships, thereline, could say that they were unprepared. And he repeated, that it the order were in existence, nothing should prevent him from taking the sense of the House tat ..a it.

The Duke of WELLINGTON said, that he could not be in town OE Tuesday ; and he hoped Lord Broughton would mime another day for his motion. Lord BROUG11 AM said, then, to accommodate the Duke, he would name next Friday.

Lord GLENELG objected to the appointment of so early a day. There were several important documents connected with the subject, for which he intended to move. Lord BROUGHAM said, the documents were only orders is Council, and could not be very voluminous.

Lord GLENELG observed, with reference to the order in Council of the 14th of July 1837, that it was not usual to insert such orders in the Gazette.

Lord Baounireast could not possibly imagine a worse habit than that of not publishing laws made by the Crown for half the world—

The consequence of this order was, that above two hundred vessels were at the present moment employed in carrying on the slave-trade between the coasts of Asia and Guiana. Had he seen the order in the Gazette, he should not have allowed five minutes to elapse without bringing it under their Lordships' con- sideration. His noble friend was perfectly free from blame ; for he bud merely follatved precedent. He hoped, however, that the practice of not inserting such orders in the Gazette would be discontinued : for if the Crown were to have the prerogative of making laws affecting the lives, liberty, and property of so many persons iu a remote part of the globe, the least that could be done was to publish the fact in this country.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH asked Lord Glenelg, when be intended to intro- duce his bill for carrying into effect the Emancimaion Act of 1833; and whether it would be brought before the Lords or the Commons first ?

Lord GLENELG replied to the first question, " Very shortly." Ile had not determined in which House the bill should be introduced.

Lord EsssNnouounn observed, that " very shortly" were awful words in Lord Glenelg's vocabulary. From the Canada correspondence it appeared that " very shortly" sometimes signified four months.

Lord Boot:Gleam asked, why the House of Lords could not origi- nate the bill? Was it not their peculiar province to legislate upon sub. jects of that description ?— If the bill were brought into the other House, in consequence of the quail. city of business to be disposed of there, it would come up to their Lordships' House at a time when it would be too late to proceed with it ; and it would be tided over to another session. Their Lordships were doing nothing at present ; and in order to quicken, as he hoped, the production of the noble lord's bill, he gave notice, that if within a week from that time the noble lord's measure did not make its appearance, he would present to the House a bill founded on his cwn resolutions. He was in possession of the subject ; his resolutions had been before the House; and he had withdrawn them in order to give the noble lord an opportunity of bringing forward his measure. But if he found that the noble lord, instead of taking up his resolutions, and bringing in a bill upon them, sent them to another place, where be could trust neither Lord John This nor Mr. Spring That—(Laughter)—if he found that the noble lord sent the reso- lutions among aliens, and, for aught he knew, enemies—(Laughter)—he would take care of iris resolutions, and bring in a bill founded upon them himself.

Lord GLENELG said, that before the reces, be had told Lord Brougham that he intended to bring in a bill on the subject.

Lord BROUGHAM thought, that in two months the bill might have been brought on the anvil. Unless Lord Glenelg previously intro- duced the Government measure, he would on Tuesday give notice of a bill, founded on his own resolution,!to carry into effect the Act of 1833.

ELECTORS AND FREEMEN BILL.

In the House of Commons, on Monday, Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved the third reading of the bill for abolishing the Stammduty on the ad- mission of Freemen, and enlarging the time for paying Rates and Tuxes as a qualification for voting.

Mr. MACLEAN said, that the bill mixed tip two distinct questions : it was right that the Stamp-duty on the admission of freemen should be repealed, because the municipal advantages to which they were for- merly entitled no longer existed : but the 101. voters created by the Reform Act had no claim to such an alteration of that act as Lord John Russell proposed. He was convinced that Lord John would yield by little and little till he had conceded the ballot, a reduction of the household qualification, and at length universal suffrage. He moved that the bill be read a third time that day six months.

Sir ROBERT PEEL called the attention of the House to the reduc- tions in the pecuniary qualification for voting, which bud already been indirectly effected— When the Reform Bill passed, in 1832, the House-tax was in force; and he apprehended the Assessed Taxes falling under the operation of the enfranchising provisions of the Reform Bill were the House-tax and the Window-tax. They bad repealed the House-tax in 1834, and bad thus altered the qualification of the voter, and had enlarged the number of those capable of acquiring the franchise. The window-tax remained, but if that did not remain there would be no Assessed Tax demandable from the voter ; but one-half of the Window-tax Lail also been repealed. There remained only the parochial rates, to the payment of which the voter was also, in 1832, subject; but what progress had been since made din the reduction? In the year ending 1833, the amount of parochial rates payable in England and Wales, and raised for the relief of the poor and for other parochial purposes, was 8,739,8311. in 1836-7, the total amount of these parochial rates was 7,511,219/. ; but the whole amount raised for the year ending 1838 was only 4,808,000/. He had thus shown that Parliament, since the passing of the Reform Bill, had repealed the House-duty, had remitted one half of the Window-duty, and that the amount raised for Poor-rates was reduced from 8,739,000/. to 4,808,000/. The qualification, therefore, affixed to the right of voting in the year 1832, had, by the operation of those acts, been already greatly reduced. The noble lord said that sixteen weeks was not suf. ficient for the payment of the rates, and asked them why not extend the time for six months ? For himself, he thought such an extension bad in principle: lie considered sixteen weeks as amply sufficient for those who had sufficient poenuiary ability to pay the arrears due from them. He bad shown how a distinct notice might be given to the voter, so as to cure any lathes and prevent any improper conduct or imposition; but the main ground of his objection, and to which he could not consent to appear by his silence to lend any sanction, was, that it was an unnecessary and uncalled-for alteration of the elective fran- chise, which might on a future day be appealed to as a precedent when other changes in the representative system should be proposed.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, that be was not one who advocated a pedantic adherence to every provision of the Reform Act : such a

course was not in accordance with the principle of the act, the conve- nience of the public, or the practice of gentlemen opposite themselves. The time of keeping open the poll had been altered from two days to one ; the number of polling-places had been increased ; and now it was proposed to abolish the registration-shilling, with the entire concur- rence of Sir Robert Peel and his friends,—who, indeed, had been so anxious to effect the latter alteration, that they would not wait for the Registration Bill, but divided the House on the motion for inserting a

provision in the present bill for that purpose. He denied that the measure before the House trenched on the principle of the Reforal Act- " It was a principle of the Reform Act that the rates and taxes should be paid in cities and boroughs before the voter could acquire the right to vote, Did that bill take away the necessity for such payment ? It did no such thisg, It provided that if in the first year the voter did not pay the taxes up to the stil

i

of April, but that if he were already registered, or in the second year of Eu registration if he had not paid his taxes up to the 11th of October, he would not be admitted to vote. So that they had first the assurance of oue Nei payment of rates up to the 5th of April, and, secondly, he must have paid a touch of the next year's as should become due up to the 11th of October. It*, therefore, could it be said that the voters would be insolvent and unable to ply their rates? The principle was preserved ; and all that was done, what all had ought to be done, was to prevent vexation and annoyance. Mr. GOULBURN, Colonel SIBTHORPE, and Sir WILLIAM FOUR!r spoke in favour of the amendment ; Mr. SPRING RICE supported the bill ; but no arguments or statements were advanced on either side which had not been repeatedly urged in previous discussions on this sub4ect. he House divided—

For the third reading 189 Against it 172 Majority

TILE IRISH POOR.

The consideration of the Irish Poor Bill was resumed in Commit. tee, on Monday. Clauses 31 to 33 inclusive were agreed tu, without discussion. Claim 34 was postponed. On the 35th clause, which provides for the building of workhouses, being proposed,

Mr. Slime moved the insertion of a provision, limiting the relief to be provided by the bill, to the necessary relief of the lame, the impo. tent, the blind, the old, and other destitute persona not able to work. A debate followed : Colonel CONOLLY and Mr. O'Cosrisnr. sup. ; porting the amendment ; Lord Monet:Fir, Lord CLE/.IENTS, Mr. Bit. LION, Mr. LUCAS, Mr. Poet ETT SCROPF., Sir EDWARD SUGDEN,and Lord .TOIIN RUSSELL opposing it. Mr. WRIGHTSON appears to have been favourable to the amendment ; but the report of his speech, which seemed to make considerable impression on the Committee, frau) the practical knowledge he brought to bear on the question, is very hirer. fi Colonel CONOLLY, whose merits as a resident landlord were ;Anon.. ledged by Mr. O'Connell, recommended that strong encuuragement should be given to emigration.

On a division, Mr. Shaw's amendment was rejected, byes ma;ority of 134 to 75. The clause was ordered to stand part of the bill; and the Committee rose.

REPEAL OF THE ENGLISH POOR ACT.

On Tuesday, a vast number of petitions, with many thousand signs. tures, were presented to the House of Commons, principally by Mr, JOHN FIELDEN, for the repeal of the Poor-law. Mr. FIEI,urN then moved to bring in a bill to repeal the Poor-law Amendment Act. He contended, that there was no occasion for doing away with the old Act, which in many places in the North of England had worked exceedingly well, and was much more economical than the new law had proved to be. There was a universal outcry against the barbari- ties of the new system. The workhouses were little better than dens of torture and murder. The practices in Ampthill Workhouse, and others, had been such as he could not trust himself to describe. He had in his possession an immense quantity of evidence which proved that the atrocious law never would be tolerated by the people of Eng. land ; and he would frankly assert, that if gentlemen persisted in forcing it upon the people, he would not give much for the estate of any Member of that House.

Mr. WaxLEv seconded the motion. Nothing would give greater satisfaction to the people of this country than to see this detestable law erased from the Statute-book.

Lord HOWICK entered into a long exposition of the abuses of the old system ; and contended that they bad been remedied wherever the new law had been introduced. He would not believe, without evi- dence, which had not been produced, that there was that violent dissa- tisfaction with the law, which Mr. Fielden and Mr. Waklcy had de- scribed ; and he trusted that the House would negative Mr. Fielden's motion by a decided majority.

Mr. LIDDELL believed that, with some modifications, the law might be rendered agreeable, acceptable, and profitable to the labouring com- munity.

Mr. CLAY would not object to any beneficial amendment of the Act, but was decidedly opposed to its repeal.

Mr. DARBY could not vote for the present motion, though he WO aware of numerous defects in the working of the Poor-law. Same practical modification of the Act should have his support. Mr. HODGES had opposed the new law on its introduction, and still adhered to his former opinions respecting it ; but he could not consent to its abolition. He thought that, next session, after the Coin. tnittee had concluded its inquiries, the subject might be more adroit- tageously brought forward.

Mr. IlaavEv moved the previous question ; with a view, as he said, to curable those to vote who could not conscientiously support the motion, or give it a decided negative.

Lord JOHN Russess would not permit the question to be got rid of by a sidewind. He was persuaded that the agitation against the law was artificially got up ; and would call upon the House to say at once, whether they would sanction the shifting and exaggerated charges brought against it. Sir ROBERT PEF.L considered that the new system had worked quite as well as could have been expected ; and it would be most dis- creditable to Parliament to hold out the hope of a return to the old law.

Mr. FIELDEN said, that he had now done his best to get rid of the, law ; and the responsibilty of continuing it would rest with Lord John Russell and his colleagues.

—17

The House divided—

For Mr. Harvey's amendment 13 Against it 321

Another division took place on Mr. Fie!den's motion to repeal the law-- 17

For the motion 309 Against it THE COLONIAL MINISTER.

Sir WILLIAM Moseswomrit gate notice on Tuesday, that he should bring forward his motion of remit of confidence in Lord Glenelg, on the 6th of March. He wished to offer one word of explanation ; but was interrupted by the SPEAKER, who observed that it was unusual for Members to speak on giving notice. Sir WILLIAM Mosssworeris then gave a further notice, that he should on Thursday move a call of the House for the 6th of March. Accordingly, on Thursday, he formally moved the call ; and took the opportunity to say a few words on an imputation which had been thrown out against himself— It had been imputed to him, that he had no serious intention of bringing forward the motion in reference to her Majesty's Secretary for the Colonies, because he had at one time been one of the stanchest supporters of the present Ministry. Ever since the noble lord at the head of Home. Department had delivered his speech at the commencement of the session, he had, however, been as indifferent about the fate of her Majesty's present Ministry, as he was about the fate of the Ministry of the Grand Turk or of the Emperor of China. (A laugh.) But he was anxious, iu the first place, to relieve the Colonies, and the many important interests depending on them, from an imbecile and a worthless administration of their affairs; and in the second place, as far as any party question was concerned, he wished to exhibit to the House and to the Tories, Whigs, or Radicals, would, for mere party purposes,

country, how many

venture to negative or refuse to affirm a proposition of the greatest importance to the country, and which he was persuaded every one in the House believed in his conscience to be perfectly true. These were the reasons which induced him to move that the House be called over on Tuesday, the 6th of March.

Mr. Hosts: seconded the motion ; and it was agreed to, neat con.

INTIMIDATION OF VOTERS.

Mr. SLANEY, on Thursday, rose to move for leave to bring in a bill to prevent intimidation of Parliamentary electors. He was beginning to state the chief provisions of the bill, when he was interrupted by cries of " Move, move!"

Mr. WARBURTON said, be could not allow a bill of this nature to be introduced without an explanation of its provisions.

Mr. SLANEY said, be had endeavoured to frame a measure that should effect his purpose without affixing punishments too severe to be enforced— Ile intended that any landlord, customer, master, or any other person who should in any form or way interfere with the independent exercise of the fran- chise, should be considered guilty of a misdemeanor. He meant, next, that any person so offending should be liable to he convicted before two Magistrates, 0i-indicted at the Sessions befime a Jury. If taken before two Magistrates, he should have the power of appealing to the Sessions—not to the hutch of Magis- trates, but to a trial by jury. Should he be convicted, he would he liable to a fine of 10111., with a power of mitigation, under special eh citinstanees, to 50/. The person it:timid:0ml he intruded should be a competent u:tness; and if lie were a voter he :eight have half the fine paid liver to loin. Tice plot., ittling on this measure was limited to six months after the period when the otIence was committed. Ile did not pretend to say that such a me would altogether prevent, but lie thought it well calculated to diminish, the number of offencts committed on the ground of intimidation.

Mr. IVARBORTON said, that to prevent intimidation by penalties, was just as impossible a problem in politics or morals, as the squaring a circle in geometry or perpetual motion in mechanics. When a per- son withdrew his custom, did he tell the tradesman why ? Now, that no penalties are attached to such folly, he did not : would he then expose himself, when the withdrawal of his custom for a political pur- pose was made a penal offence ? The bill was a mockery of Legis- lation.

Mr. P. HOWARD, Colonel DAVIES, Mr. HAWES, and Mr. HOME opposed the bill.

Mr. Si ANEY wished the bill to be introduced, that it might be seen how far it would really go towards preventing intimidation.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, that what had passed confirmed the opi- nion lie had given the other night, that the advocates of the Ballot would oppose all attempts to prevent intimidation except that which they favoured. He felt the force of Mr. Warburton's objection ; but at the same time, was disposed to attach considerable weight to the declarations and resolutions of the House of COMMOBS- He had suggested to his honourable friend, when he saw on the paper this notice to bring in a bill, that it would be a more proper way to preface it by re- solutions of that House. They had resolutions with respect to bribery ; and they had a Committee with regard to bribery and intimidation, which found ea difficulty in the investigation or proof of those evils ; and he therefore was persuaded that resolutions in accordance with the law and the well-known insti. unions of the country must themselves make some impression as a declaration of the sense of that House, and must form a more proper foundation for any measure than the authority of an individual Member. Being, however, con- vinced that great evil existed from the manner in which intimidation was prat- tired, and it being the opinion of the honourable gentleman that some good might be accomplished by his bill, he could not give a vote against its introduc- tion. He hoped that the House would not so far discountenance an attempt of this kind as to refuse to examine the provisions of this 1i:enure. Mr. SCARLETT said, that to snake the voter independent, they must raise the qualification.

Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND wished the bill to be introduced.

Mr. Jeans said, the bill would constitute the worst possible tribunal. Two Magistrates with a jury of farmers! There was no such analogy between bribery and intimidation as Lord John Russell supposed to exist. Bribery was a distinct act, open to proof and punishment ; but Intimidation might be practised in a thousand ways without the possi- bility of detection.

Mr. SPRING RiCE said, be would take his stand on Me Bill if Rights, Which declared that all elections should be free ! He thought Mr. Slaney's bill should be brought in, and not pronounced worthless with- out examination. Mr. GILLON said, the resolutions passed every session by the House were quite farcical. It was not disguised now that Peers interfered in elections.

Mr. FORBES said, that any bill to prevent intimidation should punish intimidation by blows—a very effective method.

Mr. JAMES considered the bill an attempt to divert the public mind from the only real remedy for intimidation—the Ballot.

Colonel SIBTHORPE said, that no bill would be effectual which did not prevent the interference of Government in elections. Intimida- tion was practised in high places— It was currently reported, as well out of the House as within its walls, that in consequence of what took place upon the debate on the Ballot, a scene oc- curred in the Cabinet which for a time placed all the members ni it completely at sixes and sevens. It was currently reported, that something like an alterea• Lion took place, and that one noble lord, exercising a vast portion of the influ- ence of the Ministry, said to another noble lord, "Either you or I must go nut." This produced the necessary obedience. But if such an exertion of in- fluence had its effect in the vet y Cabinet itself, composed, of course, of limn of strong and high minds, bow much more powerful must it be when applied to persons in less eminent situations? It was often difficult to know what was meant by bribery and intimidation. He Lad been charged with both, because he had performed common acts of charity, and discharged what he considered to be his duty to his fellow creatures. Benevolence extended to the widows of dem'ased voters, front whom he asked no favour in return, had hem magnified into the grossest bribery and curroption.

it (IfonGE SINCLAIR was opposed to the futile and it:efficient remedy proposed by the bill.

Sir JOHN CAMPBELL said, it was contrary to custom to oppose the introduction of the bill; but he would not promise to support it in Conn»ittee.

Lord GEORGE BENTINCK thought the nostrum proposed by the bill so nauseous, that it would be mere waste of time to elk any more about it.

The House divided—

For leave to bring in the bill 5) Against it Ministerial majority MISCELLANEOUS.

THE HIPPODROME. On Monday, Lord GEORGE LENNOX moved

the second reading of the Notting Hill Footway Bill ; the object of which is to enable Mr. Whyte, the proprietor of the racecourse in the neighbourhood of Kensington, to shut up a footway across the course ; at the same time offering a shorter and a better road to the

inhabitants of Kensington. The motion was opposes! by Mr. G. W. does: ; and supported by Mr. SLANEY, Mr. Henvev, and Sic JulIN CAMPBELL. The second reading was carried.

PLI`IIALITILS Bus.. Lord JOHN RUSSELL stated, on Monday, that it Nees not his intention to proceed with this measure until the frhilt Poor Bill a7iil the Irish aluuicip tl Bill were cerried tiaoty,:!! the I- ,c c.

;• I AND, TTI reply to 3 question fl%11,1 • 1: - t.h,:t !-.c skull:a Inc I... ..ht to st.t.. It 7•'■

• ',,::1,1::•‘•:: v:;T:1 .1`;')

Mr. III nwv..11 for r' ('Dries all It two between Mr. Mime, Mr. Roebuck, .1:si 60114 in Great Britain, with Mr. l'apincau, 3Ir. Dr. ilmieteok,!, any other individuals who have held public situations in the proviaceN Upper :old Lower Canada, which have been seized in those provinces, ut

wise ea:ale into the possession of Gm/eminent."

Sir GEORGE GREY said there would be no objection to this motion ; but the return to it would be nil, as the Government was not ill ties- session of any correspondence of the kind. Mr. Hume said, that the fact would disprove the ridiculous calumnies against himself and other friends of Canada, of having held treasonable correspondence with the insurgents. Of his letter to Dr. buncombe, published in the WV'S., papers, he had no reason to be ashamed.

CLAIMS ON THE FRENCH COMPENSATION FUND. On Thursday, Mr. MACKINNON moved fur a Select Committee to inquire into the claims of Mr. D'Arcy Talbot to compensation for injury to his pro. petty committed by the French during the last war. Mu. Mackinnon said, lie inelerstoed that there was a sum in the Treasury of between 200,G00/. and 300,3001 liable to these claims ; and he believed it would appear that there was only a technical objection to that preferred by Mr. Talbot. The Commissioners had admitted Mr. 'Talbot's title to interest on the amount of his claim.

Mr. SPRING RICE said, there was not one farthing in the Treasury to answer these claims. Mr. Talbot had signed a paper agreeing to abide by the decision of the Commissioners ; amid yet he now appealed from that decision to the House. The case had been already decided, and he would not consent to reopen it.

Mr. PRAED observed, it was very extraordinary that Mr. Rice had nothing to say about the admitted claim of interest. Mr. Al ACKINNON asked where the compeneatiommoney was ; and how much there Was of it ? Mr. RICE replied, that the whole of it—and more, he f. tired, than they had in hand—was appropriated to claimants, though all had not been paid. The motion was rejected, by 101 to 52.

Mr. WARBURTON then brought forward the claims of Baron de Dude to compensation from the same fund. After a copious statement of the Baron's case, he moved for a Committee of inquiry. Mr. HAWIS4 and Mr. Went) supported the motion. Mr. RICH stated the case egainst the Baron. Mr. SPRING RICE resisted the motion ; and said that the Laren had misrepresented the purport of a conversation with Mr. Finlaison' in asserting that Mr. Finlaison had been com- missioned to offer him 300,0001. on the part of the Treasury as a com- promise of his claim. Mr. WARD said, in explanation of this charge, that lie had been informed, on high legal authority, that of Mr. Langstow, that Mr. Finlaison had estimated the Baron's claims at 305,0001., and offered to use his influence with Mr. Spring Rice to get it allowed. On a division, Mr. Warburtun's motion was rejected, by 1O8 to 28. Subsequemli, on the motion of 1V, r. SPRING RICE, copies of Mr. Fitulaison's and of the Baron de Bode's letters in reference to this subject were ordered.

OBSERVANCE OF THE SABBATH. Mr. PLUMPTRE obtained leave to bring in a bill to prevent trading on the Lord's Day.

BISHOPRIC OF SODOR AND MAN. In the House of Peers, on Thursday, a bill to prevent the annexation of the Bishopric of Sodor and Man to the see of Carlisle, which arrangement had been made in compliance with the recommendation of the Church Commissioners, was read a second time. Lord MELBOURNE expressed his regret that it should be deemed necessary to disturb the arrangement and alter a law passed so recently.

ELECTION PETITIONS.

The Committee on the Roxburgh election reported on Monday, that Mr. John Elliott, the Whig Member, was duly elected.

On Tuesday, in the House, Sir CHARLES VERE moved that the evidence given before the Committee should be laid before the House ; which motion, after some opposition from the SPEAKER, was agreed to. The Committee to try the petition against Sir Samuel Whalley's seturnf or Marylebone, was chosen on Tuesday.

Liberals-3 ; Mr. Heathcote, Mr. Winnington, Mr. Luke White.

On Wednesday, the Committee reported that Sir Samuel Whalley did not possess a sufficient qualification to entitle him to be elected Member for Marylebone ; and the election was therefore &dared null and void.

The Sligo Committee decided, on Wednesday, that the qualification of Mr. Somers was sufficient. An attempt was made by the counsel for the sitting Member, to prove that the petitioner's expenses were defrayed from the Spottiswoode fund, with a view to found au applica- tion to the Committee to declare the petition frivolous and vexatious ; but on Thursday, the attempt was abandoned, after several witnesses bad been examined, (among them, Colonel Perceval,) in order to make out the case. The Committee reported on Thursday evening, that Mr. Somers was duly elected.

Sir Alexander Grant's petition against the Liberal. Member for Honiton was withdrawn on Tuesday.

On the same day, the Bristol Committee reported that the Liberal Member, Mr. Berkeley, was duly el-cted.

Mr. Rigby We :on withdrew his opposition to Mr. Gibson's return for Ipswich, on Wednesday.

On Thursday, the Tynemouth Committee was appointed.

Liberals-3 ; Tories-6 ;

Mr. Poulett &Tope, Mr. Gaily Knight, Mr. George Anson, Mr. Dowdeswell, Mr. Walter Campbell, Lord Adam, Dl r. Labouchele, Colonel Powell, Jeplison. Mr. Baring Wall, Lord Clive.

The petitioner is Sir Charles Grey, a "Doubtful," against Mr. George Frederick Young, also a "Doubtful," but inclined to support the °overtime et.

The Youghal Committee was named on the same day.

Liberals-6 ; Tories-6 ;

Captain Deans Dundas, Lord Ernest Bruce, Mr. Sri angways, Mr. Ashley Cooper,

Mr. Richard Walker, Lord Northland,

The Earl of Surry, The Marquis of Granby, Mr. Standish. Mr. 11 B. Lygon, Mr. John Young.

The petitioners are Tory electors of Youghal, against Mr. Frede- rick Howard, the Whig Member.

Tories-8;

Mr. Pusey, Mr. Blackburne, Alderman Copeland, Mr. Farnham, Mr. William Miles, Mr. Shut, Mr. Chisholm, Lord Eastnor.