GREECE UNDER KING GEORGE.* NOBODY who studies this book will
doubt that its author is in possession of considerable knowledge in regard to the present condition of Greece, whatever may be the views that would be entertained as to his capacity as a narrator of facts. There is no greater variety of style and treatment in any department of literature than in the writing of books about countries. Any book about Greece under King George, and indeed a. book on Greece at any period of its history, would be attrac- tive per se. At the same time, it is obvious that there are a,- great many ways of treating the same subject, and that some of these ways are more attractive than others. Mr. Bickford. Smith has evidently an exceptional liking for statistics, and has scarcely realised how few readers, even of statistical books, would share his sympathy with that sort of reading. It is probable that in setting about the writing of this book, the author suffered from an over-sensitive conscientiousness as to the duty of stating all that he knew of his subject. When a general reader, or indeed a politician, takes up a book about a- country which possesses special interest in relation to European politics, the first thing that he looks for is not a table of general statistics, nor is he desirous of working his way through two hundred pages of details about such matters as agri- culture, banking, and criminal returns, before he reaches the chapters on the Constitution, on politics, and on society. We cannot help thinking that the industry which has been be stowed on this work would have been better expended if a different order had been pursued. The title of the work is hardly indicative of the plan. For the direct and immediate influence upon the Hellenes which has been exercised by King George is left a good deal to the imagination, and little or nothing is told about his actual influence upon the people and * Greece under King George. By R. A. H. Biekford•Smith, M.A., Barrister.at- Law, late Student of the British School at Athens. London: Richard Bentley and Eon. IBM Government. Indeed, the allusions to King George are very few and far between. The volume consists of 345 pages, and it is not until p. 257 that the author begins to describe the Constitution. There are twenty-four chapters in the book. The first seventeen are devoted to everything except those matters which are of primary interest. The last chapter, headed" Con- clusion," which treats of the relations between Greece and England, might very well have formed the theme of chapter i. It is of course clear from the introduction that Mr. Bickford- Smith was strongly of opinion that tables of figures and facts should be the first consideration in dealing with the condition of Greece. And so it comes about that the first six chap- ters are detailed accounts of "Population," "Agriculture," " Forests," " Industries," " Commerce," and " Business,"—sub- jects that might well have gone into an appendix. There is, moreover, an unnecessary supply of detail which even an enthusiastic student of Greece would scarcely have demanded ; for example, the fact that in a certain seminary, lectures on Greek archaeology are given on Tuesdays and Saturdays, and the days for Aristotle's " Constitution of Athens" are Wednes- days, are not of sufficient consequence to be recorded in a book of this character. Though a great deal of such minute- ness may cause a certain weariness to the reader, it proves that the author has not spared himself in collecting a vast number of facts and figures. On the whole, the book will prove of considerable value to any one who is anxious to obtain more than casual information about Greece as it is at this end of the nineteenth century. As a book of reference, therefore, it is of course of much service.
There are necessarily expressions of opinion in regard to the Government of Greece which other students of that country might contest. But it cannot be said that Mr. Bick- ford-Smith has run into excess in his estimate of Greek affairs. He has by no means sought to do more than give a faithful account of the conditions of Greek life. He has in no way exaggerated the virtues of the modern Greeks, nor detracted from what is meritorious in their character. We are told on p. 59 that "perhaps the most hopeful sign of the actual and potential progress of Greece is the steady development of her carrying-power and carrying-trade Before the Revolution she had about 60,000 tons, but was left in 1833 with very few ships,—Galaxidi, for instance, being reduced from 250 ships to ninety. In 1891, she had reached a total of ninety-three steamboats of 46,688 tons, and 4,772
sailing-vessels of 228,976 tons." Speaking in this same chapter, headed " Commerce," upon the growth of the Greek Mercantile Marine and the extension of its operations, the
author observes :— " The Greeks are essentially a seafaring people, and are capital seamen, probably surpassed only by our countrymen. They possess an admirable mixture of caution and daring, with a happy fertility of resource in emergency. Their position between the East and the West must always give them great opportunities. I ain,not at all sure that their present success would not be enormously increased if they could dare and afford to adopt the principles of Free-trade. Again, as soon as they are connected with the trunk linos of Europe, which unfortunately rather depends on the reforming capacity of the ultra-Conservative Turk, the Peiraius ought to supplant Brindisi, and an immense gain accrue to Greece generally, as well as to her shipping."
The "obvious lessons" which our author suggests from some figures upon import and export, are, in his own words, " the steady progress of England, Germany, and Belgium, the decided retrogression of France and Russia, and the utter in- stability of the Turkish trade." There can be little doubt that Mr. Bickford-Smith is correct in holding that the trade be- tween Greece and England " is of very great importance to Greece and not unimportant to England." On this theme he enlarges in various parts of the volume, and recommends, with much cogency, that England should more resolutely take steps to encourage trade with Greece.
The armed force of Greece is not what some people imagine. " Everywhere," says the author, " the authorities complain of powerlessness for want of a sufficient armed force." We are glad to learn from this book some very hopeful accounts of the administration of justice. On p. 165 we are told that "although justice is somewhat uncertain, it is neither notice- ably nor incurably so, nor is it as dilatory as is commonly supposed, and a foreigner is quite sure of not being unfairly dealt with, at any rate, if he is on the spot, which is more than can be said of some bigger countries which pretend to possess a civilisation on an altogether higher plane." That is a sentence with some qualifications ; but still we are prepared to take the sanguine view of Greek justice.
Upon certain defects in publio order, Mr. Bickford-Smith does not veil the fact that there is some connection between the popular vote and a lawlessness which takes the form of fugitives from justice not being recaptured at election- time. In this connection, the author gives a home-thrust when he remarks on p. 169: "However, after the release of the Gweedore folk, perhaps an Englishman ought not to say much." Many readers who are disposed to travel in Greece will be glad to learn from this book that " brigandage is dead; it was buried with Mr. Vyner's murderers in 1870."
A chapter that commands much interest is that which is headed " Culture," and will be found to tell many people what they want to know in respect to the attitude of modern Greeks towards the ancient literature and art of the country.
The Society for the Propagation of Hellenic Literature, founded in 1869, with twelve hundred members and a con- siderable capital, may be supposed to be doing useful work.
There are, as would naturally be expected, a number of learned societies in Athens and throughout Greece. Byron's heart is still at Mesolonghi, and the society called by his name and founded in 1868 testifies to a Catholic spirit in the love of poetry on the part of the modern Greek :- " The Society erected a statue of Lord Byron at Mesolonghi, which was unveiled on September 24th, 1881, when the little town was en fete for three days, a considerable force of infantry and artillery having been sent to join in the grateful demonstration. The Society is chiefly engaged in educational work, and sends consignments of books for public use in different towns and villages ; its attempts in the direction of free village libraries have not yet succeeded. It published a periodical from 1877 to 1881."
The author makes an earnest appeal on behalf of the English School at Athens, which, unlike the French and Ger- man schools there, does not receive Government grants from home. These schools are spending money upon excavations, and it is obvious that we should take our fair share in the cosmopolitan work for promoting the knowledge of ancient Greek literature and art :- " It may he well, perhaps, to refer to the question of the restoration of the Elgin Marbles. Every year or so it is rumoured in Athens that we are going to send these stolen treasures back. England is the only nation in the world which has ever been known to surrender valuable territory unthreatened and simply on sentimental grounds. If England gave up the Ionian Isl Inds, they argue, worth several millions sterling, why should they not give back the marbles, which, if put up to auction in lots, would hardly fetch a million. Captain Trent, writing in 1830, said that it was reported that the King of Bavaria, who was a great Philhellene, had expressed his intention of making his Olyptothek at Munich disgorge the Aiginetnn Marbles and restoring them to Greece. He, rightly, thought it problematical, and they are, of course, still at Munich. Oddly enough, the people who abuse us most for having robbed the Parthenon are not the Greeks, but the French, who have done more of that kind of thing than any nation since the Romans. This occurred to Chatcaubriand (who confessed to a certain amount of mild spoliation himself), and he attempted to contrast our thefts with those of his compatriots ; his first distinction that they did not pull down to take away is plausible, but will not bear examina- tion, as the bare places they left behind them in Italy were quite as great eyesores, and the precious prey did not stand in so great need of protection ; his second distinction, that in their case the glory of France required it, smells too much of vanity for us to have anything to do with it. The question of the restoration of the Elgin Marbles is one of artistic expediency. Few Englishmen would maintain that we had a moral right to keep them longer than is necessary in the interests of art. The first question to be decided is whether they are more useful to the world in London or in Athens. If it be in doubt, the original ownership of Athens should shift the balance of proving the superior advantages of London on to us; if it be admitted that Athens is the more suitable place for them, the question resolves itself into selecting the right moment for their restoration. This will obviously be when they will bo in no danger from either a foreign enemy, or a revolutionary mob. I am inclined to answer the first question in favour of Athens. To the second, I should reply that as long as Doleyannism exists the marbles must stay in the British Museum, which means that, before they go, the criminal statistics must show a very marked improvement, and the drachma must get to within 10 per cent. of its nominal value. Probably it would be better if Greece had already obtained possession of Constan- tinople."
By far the most agreeable part of this work are the chapters on "Religion," " Constitution," "Politics," and " Society ;" there are few figures, and more general analysis of the character of the modern Greeks. And here we might linger, if space per- mitted, to make some quotations. It is instructive to observe the baneful consequences of the payment of Members of Parliament to which the author draws particular attention on p. 290 :—" The rewarding of political partisans has been carried so far even (not under the present Premier, of course) as the bestowal of a pension for previous services on a con- victed forger." In the chapter on "Panhellenism," we quote the following notable passage :— " All Europe, except of course France, is disgusted with Russia's ways of extending her influence. The revelations we have lately had about the official machinery by which she has carried out assassination in Turkey and Bulgaria—to omit minor crimes— have probably convinced most Englishmen that it would be an insult to civilisation, an insult to liberty, to advocate the claims of a Power that is morally still in the nursery, and should be in the corner. It is interesting to observe that the Panslays not only reject Panhellenism, but follow the lead of Fallmerayer, who declared that the modern Greeks were not Greeks at all—a bubble exploded everywhere except in Russia."
On the whole, this book may be regarded as a very fair and unbiassed contribution to the histories of Modern Greece, and is not without its side-lights thrown upon the Greece of classical history. It contains much valuable information, and is undoubtedly worthy of a place in any political or scholastic library.
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