MR. O'CONNELL'S " POLICY."
CONSIDERING that the Irish Tithe Bill of last session would re- establish upon a firm basis the grand grievance of Ireland,
enabling the clergy of a small minority to obtain support at the general expense; that the bill flings to a particular class, who little deserve the boon, a considerable portion of funds which be- long to all, thus robbing the public for the sole benefit of the landlords; that the only clause of that bill which even partakes of a just or popular principle—viz. the Appropriation-clause-
asserts no more than that the clergy of the minority shall not be oropaid by all, leaving wholly untouched the intolerable griev- ance of ample payment by all to the clergy of a small minority ;
and further, that there is not the slightest chance of carrying that bill in the next session ;—taking all these things into consi- deration, we have been truly astonished at Mr. O'Cosnsett's per-
tinscity in still insisting on the Irish Tithe Bill of last session as if it were a measure of vast importance. But Mr. O'CONNELL acknowledges the infinite meanness of the measure, valuing it at twopence-halfpenny in the pound. Give us, says he, but that very small instalment, and we will then go for more. His whole speech, the other day, at the General Association, is a pleading, not for the principle of the measure, but for the policy of support- ing the measure, though it be devoid of any principle meriting popular support. Let us take what we can get, and then ask for more. This is the one argument, if so it may be termed, with which Mr. O'CONNELL still advocates the old, rejected, and, as he admits, now wholly inadequate measure which was founded on Mr. "WAniis resolution. Policy, he contends, requires that we should support a scheme which we really despise, as if it were dear to the heart of Ireland. Let us examine this "policy."
Mr. O'Cosorett's argument is divided into two parts. First, as the surest and easiest method of obtaining more, he is for taking whatever can be got,—for accepting, as such, the smallest possible instalment. Secondly, with a view both to the petty in- stalment and to the remainder by and by, lie would support the Ministerial plan,—the whole of it, and nothing else,—as a means of keeping the present Ministers in office. In the first place, then, we have to observe, that the take-what- you-can-get policy, however expedient on some occasions, can have no real existence except when there is something to be got by it. But what are we to get in the present case? Will the Lords give us the instalment?—Certainly not, Mr. O'CONNELL must be the first to acknowledge. If we had a Tory Ministry, able to pledge itself for the Lords, and if such a Ministry offered us an instal- ment, then indeed there might be policy in the take-what-you- can-get plan. Just so it was, last year, politic in Ministers to propose, and in the House of Commons to support, a measure which they then hoped that the Lords would pass. But since then the Lords have declared war to the knife against Ireland, the Ministry, and the Commons; sine then, all hope has departed of tl:e slightest concession from the Lords, unless to a Tory Mi- nistry. The instalment is not to be got ; it is not even to be hoped for•' and thus the take-what-you-can-get policy has evapo- rated and disappeared. Where is the " policy" of hugging as a reality the deceitful shadow of a non-existent thing? Whether the instalment policy be good or bad, is not now the question : under present circumstances there is not, and there cannot be any such policy ; and those who talk of it, either delude themselves or would delude others.
The second division of Mr. 0'0m:sett's argument falls with the first. The Whigs, he would say, turned out the Tories by adopting a system of instalment-justice to Ireland; and if we would keep them in, we must support them in that system. The answer may be as short as it is conclusive. There is no such sys- tem. The Whigs cannot give to Ireland the smallest instalment of justice. Their Irish policy is entirely defeated by the new pos- ture of the Lords. Under present circumstances, with a view to any practical results, any instalment however small, the reintro- duction of their Irish Tithe Bill of last .session would be merely ridiculous. To pursue the same course under opposite circum- stances, is not consistency, but controdictioa. When there was a hope that the Lords might pass the Appropriation-clause, that part of the Tithe Bill deserved to be called an instalment, though but a very, vei y small one, of justice to Ireland ; but now, after last session, with the Lords at open war with Ireland, Ministers, and the Commons—Conformity thrown aside, and Toryism ram- pant throughout the country, triumphing in the weakness of Mi- nisters, which reults from the infinite smallness of their plans, and daring them to a general election—now to bring in the re- jected Irish Tithe Bill of last session, under the name of an instal- ment of justice to Ireland, would be either a fraud or a folly,—and if a fraud, still a folly,—which, instead of serving Ministers, would but render them mere than ever liable to dismissal by the hostile Court. Brought in again the bill may be, but it cannot be sup- ported as before without a constant lie. As a bill intended to be- come a law—as a measure expected to pass—as any thing but a mere proposal for rejection by the Lords-7-it cannot, at present, be submitted to the Commons. It is not with the future, but with the present that we have to deal. Dues Mr. O'CONNELL mean to say, that a mere proposal of twopence-halfpenny in the pound fir certain rejection by the Lords—that is, nothing—is an instalment of justice to Ireland? Impossible. It follows, therefore, that Mi- nisters may take leave for the present of their miserable Appro- priation-clause, without fin feiting any part of their claims to the support of Ireland and the House of Commons. But there remains one word which may be said in favour of ad- hering to the rejected Irish Tithe Bill, though merely by way of proposal for rejection by the Lords. A general election is coming on ; and it is well that Ministers should persevere in showing good intentions towards Ireland. Grantii to the fullest extent : but the good intentions of Ministers towards Ireland have been shown already, as much as they can be by this Tithe Bill. And if the show had been confined to this Tithe Bill, which Ministers, be it observed, treat as a final settlement of the question, the evidence would have been little worth. Twopence-halfpenny in the pound, when offered as payment in full, is no great object for the creditor. But letting it pass for its utmost value, we repeat that Ministers will not, by again proposing the rejected Tithe Bill for another rejection by the Lords, establish any claim which they do not now possess, or add any thing to their present claims on the sympathy and support of the Irish people, At best, it would be a wisrk of supererogation. But on the other band, considering that the Irish Corporation Bill and Lord Mutoesve's Administration afford an all-sufficient reason why Ireland should support the present Minis- ters—that nothing more is wanted to insure from a general elec- tion in Ireland the result most favourable to Ministers—we may be permitted to recollect that a general election is not confined to Ireland, and to examine the election policy, as regards England and Scotland, of making the Irish Tithe Bill a prominent matter of " appeal to the country." The Irish Tithe Bill has two distinct parts. That part of it which embodies the principle of payment by all for the church of a few, has met with the warmest approbation of the Tories and the Lords. That part of the bill is of a most Tory or Lordly character, and is therefore regarded with dislike by the Dissenters and earnest Reformers of England and Scotland. But this is the main part of the bill. The Appropriation-clause is but an insignificant appendage, worth absolutely nothing except as it recognizes the principle that the State may deal with that portion of a fund raised for a particular church, which may be more than sufficient for paying the clergy of that particular church. The "possible surplus" scheme offers, indeed, but a most miserable instalment, whether of justice to Ireland, or of concession to the desires of Dissenters and Reformers in England and Scotland. If the Dissenters and Reformers of England and Scotland should strenuously exert themselves to return Ministerial candidates at the coming election, it will not be for any thing contained in the Irish Tithe Bill. Yet there is that in the bill, which the more cunning of the Tories know how to turn with great effect against Ministers. They represent Mr. O'CONNELL'S tw opence-half- penny in the pound as the sure forerunner of payment in full—as a scheme purposely devised for the destruction of the Protestant religion—even as an abominable project for the restoration of Po- pery; and they thus inlist on their side all that remains in Great Britain of religious bigotry and fanaticism. The poor Apropriation- clause will not obtain for Ministers any zealous support at a general election in England or Scotland, while it is certain to procure them no little most zealous opposition. Where, then, is the " policy" of doing that which will not encourage your friends, but will surely stimulate and strengthen your opponents? The ground of " po- licy " appears to us to be the very weakest on which to insist on a repetition of last year's farce about Irish tithes. Wholly un- called for with a view to any good purpose, yet abounding in evil consequences, it would, we cannot help thinking, be an act of the grossest impolicy. It would not follow, however, that Ministers ought to introduce a new bill, more or less founded on Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD'S resolutions. There is no chance whatever that any Irish Tithe-bill will become law- -that any instalment whether great or small will be obtained—until after a general elec- tion. At all events we must wait. Then, why—for no purpose—with no practical end but to give your enemy his own ground of battle when the choice rests wholly with yourself—bring forward any bill at all next session relating to Irish tithes ? If you must wait, can't you wait and be quiet? After boldness, time and opportunity are every thing in politics. "Policy" in- deed! Mr. O'CosiNett has a strange notion of it, if he really thinks that this is the moment for pressing Ministers to rely on their own or any other bare proposal about Irish tithes. Allowing for Mr. O'CONNELL'S sagacity, there is but one way of accounting for his present course. He probably has the means of knowing the sentiments of Ministers ; and, finding that they intend to revive the Irish Tithe Bill of last session, though but as a were proposal for rejection by the Lords, he would procure for them all the support which his own great influence can command, even in that most impolitic step. And this may be good " policy" on the part of Mr. O'CONNELL. But if so, the goodness of Mr. O'Cissisrett's policy rests upon the gross iinpolicy of Ministers. The truth will soon be known. But, we here declare, after most anxious reflection on the subject, and with peculiar means of ascertaining the state of opinion with regard to it in England and Scotland, that the greatest danger to Ministers is to be appre- hended from giving prominence at a general election to their Irish Tithe Bill. Let us assure Mr. O'CONNELL, that the best policy for Ministers would be the adoption by the General Associa- tion of Mr. CRAWFORD'S resolutions, with an additional one, to the effect that the people of Ireland, though insisting on complete justice, are willing to postpone their demand to a more convenient season.
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