TOPICS OF THE DAY.
THE BRITISH -MONROE DOCTRINE.
WE protest with all the vigour at our command against the attempt by a section of the Press (witness the recent utterances by the American correspondent of the Times) to bluff us into some ill-advised and ill-timed action designed to solve the Home Rule question. The instrument which is being used in this game of bluff is an agitation among the American-Irish to force a solution, the particular solution advocated by them being the foundation of an independent Irish Republic through the intermediary action of the Peace Conference or the League of Nations. It is being suggested to us from day to day that if we do not do what the Sinn Feiners demand, or at any rate pacify them in some way, the condition of things in America will become so serious that we shall ultimately be compelled to do what we can now do gracefully and on our own initiative.
We confess that we find it very difficult to write with patience, or even to refrain from language which would be unbecoming to these pages and to a situation so serious, when we are face to face with the national humiliation involved in such indirect pleas, covert suggestions, and defeatist innuendoes. While writing thus we are, of course, quite aware that the Prime Minister himself may have been said to have started the game of inviting American inter- vention in our domestic affairs. When Mr. Lloyd George not only allowed, but, if we are to believe the men to whom he issued the passports, requested, an Irish-American deputation to visit Ireland and inquire into the way in which we discharged our trust there, in order apparently that they might report the result to the American people, he was, in the soldiers' phrase, asking for trouble, and it has now arisen. By this means, no doubt uncon- sciously, but none the less surely, he created the inflamed situation in America which is now actually being used by those whom we may call the British defeatist solu- tionists as a ground for declaring that we must do some- thing at once, apparently it does not much matter what, to solve the Irish problem. If we do not, we are warned, in accents of terror .which would be grotesque if they wer3 not so humiliating, that we may get a peremptory order from America which we shall be forced to obey on our knees.
To yield to pressure of the kind indicated would be a disgrace and a dishonour to this nation, even if we were listening to the authentic voice of America. But of course we are not listening to anything of the kind. The Irish campaign in America is larger in volume and more angry than usual simply because people in the United States as asesihere are nervy," and so are in a mood for forming processions and passing resolutions on anything and everything. Also, no doubt, many Americans feel that they may indulge themselves in an orgy of sentiment, always dear to the Anglo-Saxon heart, without showing ill-feeling to England, because they have had, as they think, the straight tip to do so from the British Prime Minister, whom they know to be in constant and daily touch and sympathy with President Wilson. In truth there is nothing very serious about the agitation itself. It is chiefly noise, and if we do not encourage it from here, but quietly and with proper dignity tell the section of the American public involved (there is no need to tell the American Government because of course their attitude is perfectly correct) that we do not propose to alter our policy by one-millionth part of a hair's-breadth because of any noisy agita- tion in the United States, no serious consequences will result. To use the words of a great American and a great friend of freedom, public meetings and State Legislatures, and even a body so august as the United States Senate, "may resolute till the cows come home" without affecting our policy. Our readers know that we yield to none in our love and sympathy for America, and in our desire that our relations with her should be not only of the most cordial kind, but of a perfectly different kind from those which exist between this country and foreign Powers. But we will not any more consent to be dictated to by America than America will allow herself to be dictated to by us. We should have to say this even if there were a danger of it causing ill-blood between us and America ; but there is no such danger. The best Americans hold this view as strongly as we do, and we have not the slightest fear of our plain speaking arousing resentment.
If Mr. Lloyd George when he saw the beginnings of this feeling in America, instead of granting passports to persons whom he must have known to be irresponsible agitators, had let it be known to the American Executive and to the leaders of public opinion in America that the sure way to prevent us assenting to the Home Rule agitation was hostile pressure to do so organized in America by the enemies of Britain and the friends of Germany, . and backed by the "remainder biscuit" of the Bernstorff funds, no misunderstanding on this point could have arisen. If we imagine the Prime Minister using plain and straight words in circumstances such . as we have described, he would have gone on to say something of this kind : "Every nation has its Monroe Doctrine. The Americans, wisely as we think, hold the doctrine of 'Hands off South and Central America ! ' That is a doctrine which the British Government have not only never challenged, but have always supported. We have a similar doctrine : 'Hands off the British Empire ' Following here the example of our kinsmen, we will not in any circumstances allow any tampering With our Monroe Doctrine. Any proffered interference with the British Empire and with our right of self-government and Self- determination will be not only rejected, no matter what the consequences, threatened or implied, but will be resented with the utmost indignation by the whole people."
That would have been a warning which would have been well worth giving, and one which no true American would have in the least resented. But remember when we say this we do not want to interfere ourselves with American domestic concerns any more than Americans ultimately wish to interfere with ours. If the Americans choose to allow or encourage cryptic attacks on the policy of this country by irresponsible agitators, we shall think it a pity, but we shall not dream of making it the ground of official ccmplaint as long as the American Government take no part in the matter. We shall not even officially show resentment if the Senate is foolish enough to sacrifice its dignity as one of the greatest deliberative bodies in the world in order to interfere where it has no power to carry out its inter- ference. We shall not retort by asking the House of Lords to dictate to America on the negro question, the question of the treatment of the Japanese in the Western States, or on American policy in the Philippines or in Haiti or Santo Domingo. As we have said before, and as we shall no doubt often have cause to say again, be the effervescence of newspaper articles and the platform talk what it will, we know that we have the best and most enlightened part of American opinion on our side.
But though we have thought it necessary to speak so plainly, it must not be imagined for a moment that we are going in effect to let ourselves be deflected from doing whatever may be right in Ireland because of the threat of American dictation. That would be foolish and show a want of good sense which would be utterly unfitting to our dignity as an independent nation. We will not grant Home Rule on American or any other dictation, but we will not postpone a wise solution of the Irish question if it can be found merely because of the ineptitude of an agitation conducted by the least wise section of the American people—i.e., the American-Irish. We will keep our heads cool, and consider any sound solution of the Irish question which we were willing to grant before the agitation. To summarize the position once more, the whole nation is now prepared to give Home Rule or the utmost autonomy—autonomy on the Dominion model, which is a higher kind than that of the States of the American Union—to that portion of Ireland which desires it, provided always that a similar right of self-determination is given to that portion of Ireland which desires to maintain its intimate and direct connexion with Great Britain and with the Parliament at Westminster. We will not be bluffed by a restless Press, or by Irish-American intrigue, or by politicians; however eminent, who have solutionist nostrums on their brains, into providing a solution which will mean the betrayal of the loyal Protestants of North-East Ulster. Come what may, there will be no throwing of North-East Ulster to the wolves. When once Americans. understand the situation there is not a true-hearted lover of liberty in America who will not end by applauding our decision.
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