THE WAR AND AFTER : THE LABOUR QUESTION. (To rns
Elerroa or TEE " fiseuriana."1 Su,—The war and after- suggest the questions now engaging the attention of thoughtful people. Of the war there is but one opinion. We must "carry an " until we can secure .a peace which will be lasting, and obtain a recognition of the great principles for which we are fighting; but of our position after the war, social, com- mercial, and industrial, there are many opinions. There is, however, a general agreement upon some vital points. Our social life must be recast upon a higher- plane of duty, and obligation to our fellows. Our shipping supremacy, will be seriously, threatened' unless we insist upon Germany surrendering to no ton for, ton for every ship she has unlawfully, destroyed. We are one in: the opinion that the Labour question will have to be dealt with. If. Trade Unions are to impose restrictions, upon labour, if we-are to have a continuance of strikes and the " ca' canny" policy, we cannot hope for a prosperous future. It has been urged that we can secure our own prosperity and that of our Dominions by boy- cotting enemy goods. This would be difficult. We can only win in an industrial war by asserting our supremacy in the quality and cost of the goods we make. Quality and net quantity has been the distinguishing feature of our manufactures, and has won for us our preeminent position. As the world becomes more prosperous. and luxurious the demand for quality will' become more imperative. We cannot have improved wieldy without increasing the intelligence of our workers, hence the necessity for a more thorough education of our people.
The many industrial problems before its cannot be successfully dealt with except by a Government. which is superior to party. The anxiety of all recent Governments, both Liberal and Con- servative, has been to secure " votes," and so long as this is the ease wise and beneficent legislation on industrial questions is out of the question. Fortunately, the millions of men now at the front will on their return demand a readjustment of the con- ditions which have existed between Capital and Labour. They will ask for better conditions of life and living, better homes, brighter surroundings; and a wider and happier outlook for their children. All this will mean more money in the shape of wages and better labour conditions. Are these possible P I think they are, and they would confer a peat advantage upon the nation. No wise master will begrudge high wages so long as he obtains an equivalent in work. The higher the wage the more work the man will do and the more he will spend. Our aim in the future must be to encourage a fair day's work for a fair day's pay. This cannot be done by any system of coercion; certainly not by Trade Union rules end restrictions; but only by giving the labourer an incentive to work, by giving him an interest in the quality and quantity of the goods he turns out. We must pay him a living wage, and in addition a share of the profits.. It will be said: This has been tried, and as often as not it has failed- to
' secure its object. This has, too frequently. been. due to the, employer in- slack times. reducing wages..t.hus destroying the con.- fidence-of the werker,,an,d not infrequently breaking, up his home..
We have a great national- asset—" individuality," the power of initiative, of thinking and working by_ ourselves. It ie this "individuality " that is winning for us the great battles upon the Somme. Our men advance to attack in open order, every-man prepared to fight for himself, to meet the Germans, who have-to- . advance in. dense formation, too often goaded on by pistol and bayonet. So far this great national gift of individualism has been largely lost to us in our industrial- life. Our captains of labour have made excellent use of it and. have built up great fortunes, but. our working men have been more or less serfs— paid scant wages, with no interest in life or in their work.. No wonder that they have been an easy prey to the false economic doctrines of the Trade Unions and willing converts to the " ca'' canny " policy I
The solution of this great industrial` problem how to get the best out of our workpeople appears to me to depend upon our ability to awaken and make use of the individualism latent in them, and this is only possible, I think, under a system of co, operation by which a workman participates In the work of his own hands.
This would involve Government supervision, for a working, man, having agreed with his master upon his percentage of profit. or his bonus upon production, would require: to be assured that: he was receiving what he had bargained for. But: this super-. vision would not be required for long, for kindly relations between, master and man would quickly take the place of the present mistrust and suspicion. I know instances in which these happy conditions have followed closely upon a period of strikes and " ca" canny," which made profitable working an impossibility—the, change. having- been brought about by profit-sharing or a bonus: upon production. One large manufacturer told' me, so pleasant had his relations; with: his workpeople become in consequence of his paying a bonus upon production, that he voluntarily reduced: the working hours by one per day without reducing the wages, and his people had responded by giving him a slightly larger output of better quality.
There is nothing in all this of Communism or Socialism, nothing. to disturb the Trade Union leader. He would still have to see that his people received a fair wage and worked under proper conditions; but he would cease to prescribe rules restricting labour. On the contrary, his interest would be to see that his people gave a fair day's work for a fair day's pay, and in their increased prosperity. the Trade Unions would participate.
I know the Government have agreed that after the war we should return to Trade Union rule. But the men who will come back with wider horizons, with healthier and more robust views of life, will not be content to be bound. hand and foot by Trade; Unionrestrictions. They will be anxious to give of their best in: the workshop, as they have so nobly done on the field of battle, and- it will be up to if we are- wise, to see that their service& are adequately rewarded.—I am, Sir, &c.,
Poewooei
formerly President of the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce.
Brernharough
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