THE ROSSENDALE ELECTION. T HE result of the Rossendale election is
a severe blow hoped, that it would have been educated by that states- Some of the Gladstonians, we see, elated with their man, would have studied his speeches, have thought Lancashire victory, are talking of forcing the Government his thoughts, and have become at the end of five years to declare the date for the General Election. The Govern- more Unionist than ever. The delusion so common in went will not declare it, nor has the minority, for all Liberal constituencies, that Home-rule is a question of its threats, any power of compulsion. Its leader is second-rate importance, ought to have been impossible to a statesman who knows quite well that the power Lord Hartington's constituents ; and if it had been of the Executive is already too much reduced, and impossible, so would have been the election of any Glad- who will never assist in breaking its strongest and stonian whatever. It was not so, however. With no most necessary constitutional weapon. The House of Cavendish to persuade them, the electors of Rossendale Commons with the power of dissolving itself, would went back to traditionary use and wont. Mr. Maden, practically be beyond responsibility to the people for with great judgment, and great want either of principle or any specific act, and would therefore, whenever it took of insight into politics—we incline to believe the latter the bit in its teeth, be the most unmanageable of tyrannies. explanation—represented the grant of Irish Home-rule as Mr. Gladstone wants a long term in which to carry his a mere extension of the principle of local self-government, measures, just as much as Lord Salisbury does, and is the no more important than the grant to a new city of last man in the world to set the example of cutting the municipal powers ; and the majority, reassured on that reins by which he holds his team. Nor are we at all ready subject, returned to their ancient party and the worship to believe in the eager desire of Members, even in the sixth of Mr. Gladstone. It is quite possible that many more year of Parliament, to hurry on a contest which involves working districts may follow their example, prefer- for each one of themselves excessive effort, heavy expendi- ring Liberalism with mild Home-rule, to Unionism and ture, and a chance of humiliation. They love their its refusal of Home-rule ; and if they do, the Unionist electors deeply, of course ; but they love them most when Government will either be defeated, or left with so small a they themselves have been chosen and are safe as majority that the daily work of managing Parliament will their electors' representatives. Besides, how is the dis- be reduced almost to an impossibility. Home-rule could solution to be forced ? Obstruction in the sixth year of be prevented if the Unionists had a majority even of a Parliament is rather a dangerous game to play, for the twenty, but only at the cost of paralysing the engine which Government might dissolve upon the very plea that it was supplies momentum to the great forces of the State. That impeded in its work by a factious effort to produce in- is the fact, and we see no more use in denying it or ex- tolerable delays. "Discussing the Estimates," as is plaining it away, than in writing smooth prophecies about threatened, only makes the Session long, seeing that they the influenza, or arguments that a falling barometer is no must be passed in the end, even if the work is done in one indication of any coming storm. night; and as to delaying supplies, no party in its Nevertheless, there are many reasons why Unionists senses would take the responsibility. The measures should hope on. One, and the first, is that it is their duty to of Government may, of course, be resisted by the keep hoping, because a fight without hope, though often a dilatory drip of debate ; but as they will all be popular, fine thing, scarcely ever ends in immediate success. There resistance to them will only help, and help greatly, must be some energy shown at the great Election, or we to alienate large fractions of the constituency. We are beaten before it is begun ; and though fear sometimes do not even affect to doubt that there will be a dissolution develops energy, it much more frequently makes it half- this year, for the reasons which preclude its postponement hearted and paralytic. The second reason is, that whether to '93 are wholly irresistible. No politician will risk the Mr. Gladstone unfolds his plan or not, the Irish Home- chance of a dissolution by statute, which may fall at the rulers must before the Election make it clear that they do moment of all others most disastrous for himself; nor will not mean their Parliament to be a Municipal Council, any statesman create a situation in which he may be left that they intend to have a Ministry as absolute over for six weeks without the possibility of summoning a legal patronage, expenditure, and the work of government Parliament. And there is another reason yet, not so throughout Ireland, as the British Ministry is; and they may often mentioned, but which ought never to be forgotten. make this so clear, that the British elector will see it as The most dangerous of all possible precedents would be plainly as he seemed to see it in 1886, when he rejected Mr. Gladstone's plan by a majority exceeding one-seventh by a single week, and if it sits for its full legal term, of the entire House of Commons,—that is, if the vote had been taken as in a Continental plebiscite, exceeding one strongly impelled, perhaps compelled, to take that un- million. And the third reason is, that we know no more after the Rossendale election about the circumstances which will precede and surround the General Election, than we knew before it. The stream of history follows its own course without much regard either for democracies or Kings, and Ireland has been far nearer to independent responsible Government. They will be ready enough, we self-government than she will be even if Mr. Gladstone may be sure, to advise the Queen to dissolve; for suspense worries them quite as much as the rest of the community, and should realise his fervent hopes and, as we think, mistaken calculations. Nothing seemed so impossible in 1797 as that the Irish Parliament should be abolished ; and yet it disap- peered in 1801. No dreamer of dreams would have pro- phesied, when Mr. Gladstone rose in 1885 to expound his plan, that he and his party would be driven from power for six years, and would at the end of that long period only 'ME UNITED STATES AND CHILI. hope to be just where they were before his speech,—with this PRESIDENT HARRISON'S threatening policy seems difference, that they have lost most of the able men to whom to have had the desired effect, and there is now they had looked with hope. Who would have believed early little doubt that Chili has acceded to the full demands in 1890 that the Uncrowned King, just rehabilitated in of the United States. It has been hinted by some of our British opinion by the result of the Times inquiry, would newspapers that America has not behaved to Chili with TOPICS OF THE DAY. before the end of the year be not only a discrowned but a detested man, with two-thirds of his followers flying at his throat, and the Irish Catholic Church holding him up to the loathing and yderision of his people ? The end is not yet b a on wa, even as ards , an alouh so to the hopes of Unionists, and a very bad omen may l n cang tell what thereg futureelections will bring,d orth hasg any . for the General Election. The constituency consists of right to expect that it will bring good, history at least working men, now everywhere the most important electors, gives us this much guidance, that England was never the majority is too decisive to be explained away by any so near permanent safety from invasion as she was faddist vote, and the Unionists had as good a candidate after the Armada had set sail. The history of a in Sir Thomas Brooks as they are at all likely to obtain. nation is but the record of the aggregate of its It is true that the district has always been Liberal, and qualities ; and though Irish qualities are many, and only revolted in 1886 because a great statesman closely con- often finer than the qualities of the English, they are netted with it asked its electors to follow him ; but then, not the qualities out of which strong States are built. it was hoped, and one would have thought reasonably Else why is not Ireland to-day as much a State as Sweden ? hoped, that it would have been educated by that states- Some of the Gladstonians, we see, elated with their man, would have studied his speeches, have thought Lancashire victory, are talking of forcing the Government his thoughts, and have become at the end of five years to declare the date for the General Election. The Govern- more Unionist than ever. The delusion so common in went will not declare it, nor has the minority, for all Liberal constituencies, that Home-rule is a question of its threats, any power of compulsion. Its leader is second-rate importance, ought to have been impossible to a statesman who knows quite well that the power Lord Hartington's constituents ; and if it had been of the Executive is already too much reduced, and impossible, so would have been the election of any Glad- who will never assist in breaking its strongest and stonian whatever. It was not so, however. With no most necessary constitutional weapon. The House of Cavendish to persuade them, the electors of Rossendale Commons with the power of dissolving itself, would went back to traditionary use and wont. Mr. Maden, practically be beyond responsibility to the people for with great judgment, and great want either of principle or any specific act, and would therefore, whenever it took of insight into politics—we incline to believe the latter the bit in its teeth, be the most unmanageable of tyrannies. explanation—represented the grant of Irish Home-rule as Mr. Gladstone wants a long term in which to carry his a mere extension of the principle of local self-government, measures, just as much as Lord Salisbury does, and is the no more important than the grant to a new city of last man in the world to set the example of cutting the municipal powers ; and the majority, reassured on that reins by which he holds his team. Nor are we at all ready subject, returned to their ancient party and the worship to believe in the eager desire of Members, even in the sixth of Mr. Gladstone. It is quite possible that many more year of Parliament, to hurry on a contest which involves working districts may follow their example, prefer- for each one of themselves excessive effort, heavy expendi- ring Liberalism with mild Home-rule, to Unionism and ture, and a chance of humiliation. They love their its refusal of Home-rule ; and if they do, the Unionist electors deeply, of course ; but they love them most when Government will either be defeated, or left with so small a they themselves have been chosen and are safe as majority that the daily work of managing Parliament will their electors' representatives. Besides, how is the dis- be reduced almost to an impossibility. Home-rule could solution to be forced ? Obstruction in the sixth year of be prevented if the Unionists had a majority even of a Parliament is rather a dangerous game to play, for the twenty, but only at the cost of paralysing the engine which Government might dissolve upon the very plea that it was supplies momentum to the great forces of the State. That impeded in its work by a factious effort to produce in- is the fact, and we see no more use in denying it or ex- tolerable delays. "Discussing the Estimates," as is plaining it away, than in writing smooth prophecies about threatened, only makes the Session long, seeing that they the influenza, or arguments that a falling barometer is no must be passed in the end, even if the work is done in one indication of any coming storm. night; and as to delaying supplies, no party in its for Parliament to lengthen its own legal life even it might, in any one of a hundred contingencies, be constitutional course. The Election cannot be postponed beyond the year without risks and inconveniences it would be most unwise to run ; but within the year the moment to choose must depend, as it always has done, upon the if there is one thing on earth more wearisome than another, it is a Session devoted to speeches of which nine-tenths are intended to please an audience not before the Speaker, and to conciliate an Opposition not within the House.
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