THE MAGAZINES.

THE Nineteenth Century opens with an appreciation of King Edward VIL by the Bishop of Ripon. Dr. Boyd Carpenter notes that the eulogiums on the late King caused much

emotion but no surprise. This, he maintains, is the most remarkable fact of all connected with the King's death. " The mourning and appreciative words which summed up the value of the reign described the late King's influence and power in a way which would have seemed extravagant and impossible in 1901." The national loss has stirred our emotions, but, as the Bishop of Ripon justly urges, " the value of these feelings of loyal sorrow will only be secured if sentiment is translated into action, and the nation which has experienced a common grief is henceforth animated by some higher principle of life, and resolutely sets itself to revive those ancient virtues which won for us our freedom at home and reverence for the British flag everywhere abroad." In conclusion, he insists that the best tribute we can pay to our dead King is to turn all endeavours more to the making of noble character than to the passing of new laws.—Mr. J. A. R. Marriott prefaces his interesting paper on " The Crown and the Constitution " with Bagehot's formidable catalogue of the legal powers of the Crown. Towards the end he quotes the saying of a recent writer that the political influence of the Sovereign had greatly dwindled during Queen Victoria's reign. But, as he goes on to point out, our conception of the " political " sphere has considerably broadened in the last thirty years. "The actual centre of political gravity is shifting ; the domestic politics of Great Britain, with her European relations, are shrinking into truer perspective ; and as a result a new sphere of influence and activity has opened out before the occupant of the throne." In the course of his historical survey Mr. Marriott notes that while the dividing- line between the old system and the new is by most authorities placed at 1688, the accession not of Dutch William but of Havoverian George marks the real point of departure :—

"If a constitutional King is, according to the aphorism of M. Thiers, one who reigns but does not rule,' the first constitu- tional King of England was George the First. Like so many of the most momentous constitutional changes in England, this was largely the result of an accident, or rather of several con- current accidents. George the First had no English ; Sir Robert Walpole had no German. Cabinet Councils, under these circum- stances, were apt to be tiresome for the monarch. The monarch consequently dropped out of them, and never got back. Nothing did so much as this abstention of the Sovereign from the sittings of th3 Cabinet to complete the evolution of the Cabinet system ; to establish the final responsibility of the ministers, and the irresponsibility of the Crown. That irresponsibility could not be complete so long as the Sovereign took any personal and formal part in the deliberations of the Cabinet. From the time of

George the First onwards the Sovereign has taken none. Of all the devices, therefore, for securing the subordination of the Executive to the Legislature, the Cabinet system was the most effective."

--A special interest attaches to Sir Harry Johnston's paper on " The Negro and Religion," because twenty-three years ago he wrote an article in the Nineteenth Century adversely criticising the methods of British missionaries. He now admits that the Christian teaching of nearly all missions has since that day undergone a remarkable development,— that it is more concentrated on the essentials of religion, and supplemented by attention to the industrial side of the convert's life. For the rest, Sir Harry Johnston com- mits himself to the following significant statements. The negro as a world-worker is of much greater im- portance than the yellow man. In Africa the negro will follow the religion of the white man in spite of the attractions of Mohammedanism, as appealing more effectively to his temperament and his ambition. But the chief value of Christianity as a force, in Sir Harry Johnston's opinion, seems to be as a counter-agent to pitiless natural laws. Materialists hanker after the establishment of the white man as the ruthless taskmaster. But Sir Harry Johnston meets them on their own ground :-

"I have, in the course of my travels, met many an Englishman, German, White American, Arab, or Portuguese who regretted bitterly the influence of Exeter Hall, which alone stood between him and the dream of Africa regenerated with a more than Egyptian severity by the White taskmaster. And the same has been the plaint again and again in the West Indies, under divers flags ; and in South America. Yet, in parenthesis, I may remark that there is scarcely any part of America, tropical or sub-tropical, which can point to an output of vegetable or mineral products in the days when slavery was in full swing that was equal propor- tionately to the output derived from the same regions to-day under a system of freedom and of individual labour. Barbados, for example, at the commencement of the nineteenth century, when her slavery system reached its apogee of strength, had about half the commerce in imports and exports that she has to-day. But for the influence of Christianity there would have broken out, over and over again, a sharp racial war between Negroes and Negroids on the one band and Whites on the other, in various parts of America. But for the influence and the preparatory work of the Christian missionary societies in Africa, but few of the modern European Protectorates or Colonies could have been founded or maintained."

Sir Harry Johnston concludes a deeply interesting paper by asserting that as long as the ideal of Christianity in its human relations is maintained by white men in Africa, there is not much danger of the advance of Islam :— "But if, in South Africa and elsewhere, the observant Negro sees that though Christianity is preached by its official exponents it is not in any way whatever practised by the laymen of European race, he may in his despair turn for his guidance to the Muham- madans in a spirit of deliberate revolt against the injustices of European civilisation. And the Muhammadanism he would then affect would not be the polite and cultured Deism of the Cape Malaya (which bears much the same relationship to modern Christianity as the faith and practice of the Jews), but the Muhammadanism of the Jihad, the revolt of the man of colour against the some- times unbearable tyranny of his wonderful White brother."

—Among the miscellaneous articles of interest is one on "An Unsolved Mystery of Waterloo," by Mr. George Strachey, in which the evidence as to what Cambronne really said is marshalled, and, though no definite conclusion is arrived at, the unconvincing nature of the version fathered by Hugo is well brought out.

In the National Review the editor discusses at length the prospects of an amicable settlement of the present controversy over the Lords. He cordially approves of the spirit in which the Observer advocates a Conference between the two parties, but points out that to make this negotiation effective there must necessarily be responsible negotiators:-

" All Unionists, all non-politicians, who are far more numerous than politicians acknowledge, and many men who habitually vote Liberal, would joyfully welcome a revival of the precedent of 1884, when upon the initiative of the Crown the two Parties were induced to settle acute differences amid general approval. But the position is totally different to-day because, although Lord Lansdowne and Mr. Balfour effectively represent the Unionist Party, there is no one to effectively represent the Coalition except irresponsible determined wreckers of the Constitution. Were the circumstances favourable, we should be all for a Round Table Conference. But as it is we must avoid being deceived by pleas for compromise by Liberal Imperialist Ministers who for all practical purposes represent no one except themselves, and at the outside command a Parliamentary following of four or five."

—The anonymous writer of "Thoughts after Empire Day " maintains that far too much deference is now shown by our

statesmen and publicists to the susceptibilities of the Dominions. " The Dominions desire our good opinion, but they do not seek to be eternally patted on the back." On the other hand, he points out that the Dominions, while desiring frank treatment and disliking effusive praise, are prone to resent any criticisms which may be made to their seeming dis- advantage,--e.g., those on the discouragement by Australian employers of married couples with children, which were really started in Australia and supported by Australian journals. Australians, as he notes, do not hesitate to express themselves with the utmost freedom upon the condition of England. Hence his conclusion : " We do not resent their criticism so long as it is fair, but we have an equal right to offer our views upon their condition and aims." The writer pays a warm tribute to the efficiency of the Australian papers, but exercises the right of candid criticism by noting the intensely local preoccupations of the people themselves, and their refusal so far to make anything like adequate sacrifices

for defence. Finally, the writer maintains that- we. can learn

ranch from each other :—

" We can admire and praise all that they have done in founding new nations, but we can also take heart of grace for ourselves. No Englishman ought to return from the Dominions with any unworthy notions of the comparative decadence of England. There will be no decadence hero if Englishmen remain true to themselves and to their great Imperial destiny. We may • be cramped and overcrowded, slow to change and sometimes led astray by false gods, but nowhere throughout the Dominions does the bright vision of world-wide Empire shine more clearly than in this little island whence rose the Britains beyond the seas. We are not perturbed by local and petty jealousies. London is not envious of Manchester, and Birmingham does not pour out the vials of its wrath upon Leeds. Our Press is not free from the taint of the counting-house, but it has not forgotten its ideals or failed to accept its responsibilities. The cult of Mammon, which is the special curse of Canada, has never yet seized England wholly in its grip. Our people, even the poorest among them, are accustomed to a breadth of view, a sense of Imperial greatness, to which the Dominions are still:partially strange. The English- man, far more than his brethren overseas, is still the man of all others who roves the world with eager, questioning, unfeeling eyes. The stock of the Mother Country has not deteriorated, the breed of modern Englishmen need not fear comparisons, the island race has not lost its vigour and its manliness."

—Dr. William Barry discusses the Constitutional crisis under the heading " Rousseau or Burke P " with his accus- tomed eloquence and wealth of literary and historical illustration. He denies that Burke was hostile to democracy. But while he was no enemy of the people, he held that demo- cracy was a part, but ought never to be the whole, of the English Constitution. Pure democracy, contends Dr. Barry, will ever be pure tyranny, and he vigorously protests against

a policy which tends to increase the brutality of brute force "by superseding deliberation, second thoughts, deeper influ- ences, the wholesome power of precedenta."—Mrs. Lloyd-

Jones, an English lady married to a Canadian farmer, discusses farming for English public-school boys in the light of her own experience, which is not altogether favourable to the proposed experiment. To be a successful farmer you ought to be bred to it from the cradle. Besides the

average man or boy from home is annoyingly slow : "They think they know everything, and always stand and argue some other way is better, and will not do as they are told." —We may also note Mr. Austin Dobson's pleasant paper on George, the first Lord Lyttelton, as a man of letters, and Mr. Harold Russell's ingenious, discourse . on "The Natural History of Fleas."

The Contenvporary publishes an extremely outspoken but sympathetic paper on " King Edward VII. in Paris," by Mr.

Laurence Jerrold. His point is this : that in 1903 " not a single man in _ the street, and few politicians except M. Delcasse, wanted the Entente Cardiac" More than that, "there is no doubt whatever that we—that is to say, Edward VII. representingus—forced it upon France at the time, and that she had not dreamt of asking it." King Edward, then, " cheerfully coming unbidden; an English King who was a boulevardier, to offer English friendship to France, which had not asked for it, and coming because, thinking it would be a good thing for both peoples, he thought he was Parisian enough to bring the thing off even against the Parisian will, struck Parisian imagination strongly enough." Mr. Jerrold further maintains that whenever King Edward came to Paris he not only always did the right thing, but he always did the real thing that mattered. "He always saw the right people in Paris, and many people who mutually called each other the wrong people The Faubourg St. Germain often learnt through him what was really going on in France." He was, in fine, "a great deal more Parisian than any President of the Republic has ever been," and "Parisians are not in the least gushing when they talk of their national loss."—The Contemporary has never lent support to the view that M. de Witte is an extinct volcano. In this number a correspondent publishes portions of M. de Witte's secret Report on Finnish affairs in 1901, in which the then Russian Finance Minister adversely criticises General Kuropatkin's scheme for obliterating the dis- tinctions between Finnish and Russian troops. The paper is interesting, bUt in view of M. de Witte's subsequent opportunism, it cannot be regarded as an infallible indica- tion of his present opinions.—Mr. J. E. G. de Mont- morency discusses the new significance of Kingship and Liberty brought about by the reigns of our last two Sovereigns. In Milton's time, as he reminds us, the two conceptions were in violent antagonism. We are now in sight of "a higher unity between Liberty that has no touch of licence and Kingship that has no touch of tyranny."

Sir Edwin Pears's article on developments in Turkey since the revolution of 1908 is inspired by a reasoned optimism.

There have been exaggerated hopes, mistakes, and even worse. (Sir Edwin Pears in particular censures the Government for their laxity in not punishing the real offenders in the Armenian massacres of April, 1909.) The troubles of the new regime are, in his opinion, often due to a return to the arbitrary methods of the old. But he notes improvement in the Army, and hails the organisation of the gendarmerie as an_immense advantage. With regard to the Navy, we cannot help thinking that Sir Edwin Pears is a little premature in stating that British shipbuilders have already received orders to construct two battleships and one armoured cruiser. Other notable points of progress are the education of women. " There is now being held at the great American College for Girls at Scutari a weekly class of about eighty Turkish women, who are studying preventive medicine, the sanitary arrangement of the household, the management of children, and similar subjects of primary importance to the sex." The Turkish High School for Boys, known as the Lyceum of Galata Semi., burned down a few years ago, has been rebuilt and is doing good work. The Law Courts are as unsatisfactory as ever, but, with all deductions, " the Govern- ment is the best Government which Turkey has ever had. Its faults are those of inexperience, which time will cure." The Fortnightly Review, which is not a very interesting number, contains several papers dealing with the late and the present King, but none of them can be said to be of command- ing interest.—Mr, S. M. Mitre makes the suggestion that in

a reformed House of Lords a certain number of the Members —perhaps six—should be chosen from, the ruling Chiefs of

India. He says that the mass of the Indian population is pro- foundly influenced by the heads of the ruling houses, and that through them might be exercised a reconciling influence. He points out that in the great native States sedition has not taken root, and advises us to make use of the popularity which the

native rulers enjoy.. Whether it would be wise to bring over ruling Indian Princes to England, taking them away from

their natural sphere of action, even for a time, is a question which would have to be considered, and which Mr. Mitre scarcely enters upon. He thinks that inclusion in the House of Lords would be greatly appreciated by the Indian Princes.—Mrs. Tweedie writes a sympathetic paper of recollections of the late Sir William Orchardson, and tells us how bravely he struggled against pain, which disabled his left arm, working on to the end of his life. We have here pictured a personality of singular charm, as well as the record of a great artist.

Blackwood publishes an article, which we take to be the first of a series, entitled " New Wars for Old." The writer, Colonel h Court Repington, seeks to demonstrate that in future naval wars narrow seas like the Channel, or even the North Sea, will become untenable by battleships and large cruisers on account of submarines and torpedo-boats. He says:--

"It is time for us to recognise that the North Sea, in time of war, will very soon be, if it is not now, no place for a sea-going fleet. Swarms of destroyers and submarines, and every year more of the latter, will infest this sea, and the existence of every. great

ship venturing into the area controlled by these pests, which are almost unassailable by naval means, will be most precarious."

This tmassailability of the submarine is the strong point of the writer's argument ; also that in the naval actions between the Russians and the Japanese the submarine did not take part. From its absence the writer of the paper maintains that these actions furnish no precedents for hostilities in the North Sea.—Colonel Elliot has been questioning the honesty of Sir Walter Scott and of James Hogg in respect to one of the Border ballads, "Auld Maitland." Mr. Andrew Lang brings his expert knowledge in tracing forgeries to bear, and appears to prove successfully that the ballad is genuine. If it is a forgery, Hogg must have taken the most enormous and ridiculous trouble to plant his imposture. Mr. Lang points out that he must have made an elaborate plot, including the teaching of some of the verses to a servant-girl, so that they might reach colleators. Mr. Lang- shows thalt Hogg in no other instance can be accused of dealing unfairly with ballads, and that there is not only no proof, butno probability, that he was anything but honest in the present case. Colonel Elliot's assumption is that Hogg tried to take in Scott but failed, and that the latter then purposely took in the public by printing the ballad. According to Mr. Lang, this is unwarrantable, ascertainable facts pointing to the contrary assumption.

" Emma," by " C. II. B.," is a description of the difficulties encountered by small households in America in obtaining trustworthy servants. It is, however, a good deal more than this, and the end is a graceful idyll, the old English maid-servant marrying the American farmer. The study is written with charm and humour.—Sir Robert Anderson does not make political revelations this month, but confines himself to ordinary police stories. At the end of the paper

he makes a cryptic statement in which he alludes to his "promised apologia."

The English Review contains a striking article upon the relations between France and England by M. Paul Bourget.

After the war of 1871 France was left in the intolerable position of having (through the cession of Alsace-Lorraine) a permanent breach in her frontier. " La logique d'une telle situation etait la guerre." But 1871 gave France another heritage—democracy—which repugne it la guerre, par definition." From the dilemma in which she found herself placed by these contradictory tendencies France was ulti- mately rescued by King Edward :—

"En se rapprochant des cabinets de Paris b, is foie-et de St Petersbourg, ce grand prince a defait ce que IL de Bismarck avait fait. La France mutilee put regarder son ancianne frontit)re en se disant Elle est ouverte, mars it en. couterait si char qu'avant de la franchir on hesitera: Elle avait besoin de sentir qu'il y a pourtent one Europe. Elle n'oubliera jamais le roi qui lui a donne cette sensation lk."

—Of the literary articles, we may mention especially one by Mr. Arnold Bennett on " Night and Morning in Florence,"

with its pleasantly satirical contrasts between the perspectives of the Strozzi Palace and the conversations in the pension drawing-room.--Mr. Frank Harris has a second essay upon

"The Women of Shakespeare," and Mr. George Moore the scenario of a play.

The United Service Magazine for• June opens with an article by Lord Midleton entitled "King Edward VII. and the Army which will be of interest to all soldiers...—For the general reader the meet notable article in this number is the very

thoughtful paper entitled "Possibilities of Discipline by Education," by E. Fulford. We quote from it the most important passage :—

" At the present time, in the Army, we stand on the verge of a new concept of discipline. The non-commissioned officers are unable to speak to their subordinates with the same authority they did forty years ago. On the field-day or manoeuvres, we see theprivate soldier or junior non-commissioned officer diligently studying a map of the country, and perhaps giving an appreciation of the situation to hie nearest neighbour in more or less forcible terms. He objects to being launched at a position the enemy has vacated, or to be marched- and countermarched because the- com- mander has failed to penetrate the situation. He has begun to think and learn, and= A little knowledge is a dangerous thing.' He is no longer a machine, but a thinking, and often extremely quick thinking, and intelligent man. The word discipline' is derived from the French-Latin disciplina,' meaning 'instruction,' `learning,' and is the same word as disciple,' a learner, or follower. Scientifically considered, discipline may be expressed The teaching by which the instructor instils into the individual that which is requisite for professional freedom and efficiency.' This applies not only to soldiering, but = Maradick to every calling in which expert knowledge is required. [62.]

Our present 'military discipline' is a long way from freedom.. The type of officer who goes into a barrack-room and finds faults with his subordinates is too often considered a sound disciplin- arian. He may correct faults, but does he teach the men more of the science of discipline ? Is it certain that those men will not repeat the mistake when the officer's back is turned away P Soldiers of the future will wish to look up to their officers as leaders and teachers, not as masters, and officers should be ready and willing to change with the advancing times. As yet we are only on a fringe of change; but once started, the stone moves rapidly, and then let us beware lest we are found sadly out of date. Forty years ago the officers in a battalion numbered between forty and fifty. To-day the figure is between twenty- five and thirty, yet the fighting efficiency is not impaired. It would have scandalised our fathers had such diminutions been suggested."

The writer ends by the declaration that the machine man exists no longer, and that the machine army is out of date. "A machine will stop if dust blows in, and the remedy is to • have a mechanism which is simple and scientific, readily repaired, and suitable to the atmosphere of the age."