WHY NOT A COOLIDGE DOCTRINE A MERICA as a nation moves
slowly. To prove this one has only to watch her super-cautious progress in the matter of peace and international co- operation. But, though the pace is slow, it is sure. the happy, action of the Senate. in. giving by au over- whelming majority its assent—with reservations, no doubt, but reservations not meant to wreck—to the statute creating the World Court of International Justice, and the cordial acceptance by the President of the invitation issued by Geneva to take part in the new Dis- armament Conference show that America is not only moving, but moving steadily, in the right direction. Although this is greatly to the good, we cannot disguise from ourselves the fact that there are still great difficulties to be overcome before America pulls her weight in the boat as at heart, we are sure, she earnestly desires to do.
What is preventing this greatly-to-be-desired result ? 'What is it that hampers the full development of the true internationalism, impedes the cause of peace and vetoes the building up of a sound system for regulating the relations between States ? What is it that prevents it being universally agreed that the ultimo ratio shall be, not the Sword of War, but the Scales of Justice ? The answer .is : Misunderstanding. With the exception of the British Empire,- the nations have failed to understand America's attitude, or rather have made up their minds that she is actively hostile to the cause represented by the League of Nations. Some of them even go so, far as to think -that America's failure to join the League and her reluctance (as- it is imagined to be) to show sympathy with the elimination of war as a means of settling disputes are due to some dark and sinister though undisclosed motive. Inflamed by summaries of the florid orations of irresponsible politicians they hold that America, is aiming at universal dominion. She means, it is thought, first to flood the world with her motor-cars, her beef, her corn, and her steel and then to assume a virtual dictatorship by physical force over the pacified, disarmed and helpless nations of Europe and Asia I • This picture of the American menace is so fantastic and so unreal that it is difficult to take • it seriously. Yet it must so be taken if it is to be removed.. Otherwise the fact that the vast majority of the American people think their own good and peaceful intentions so obvious that it , is unnecessary to insist upon them publicly may have a disastrous effect upon the best interests of mankind, The need of the moment is to find the means of making the European Powers realize that America has good, not bad, intentions. The next need is to convince them that all that is wanted from America by way of assistance to the cause of peace can be quite well obtained from her without demanding that she shall join the League and bind herself by its Covenant America will not do that. , Too great and too unhappy was the prejudice created .fly Mr. Wilson's . headstrong and egotistical 'efforts to drive a sensitive horse through a narrow gate by the methods of . hurry and coercion. There are, in fact, two panics to allay—America's panic that she is still in danger of being " rushed " into the League against her will, and Europe's panic that America is determined to play a cynical part and to foster ,a new type of. Imperialism under the pretence of isolation. In our opinion, the way to clear up the misunderstand- ings is for the President to do what under the Constitution he has a perfect right to do, and what personally and temperamentally he is well fitted to do—that is to tell Washington and the world (speaking urbi et orbi at once, in the cool and clear accents of which he is a master) what doctrine of international action has been adopted by his Government. It would be, of course, a doctrine in which the vast majority of Americans might be relied upon to put their trust.
It will be said, perhaps, that we are crying for the moon, and that it is absurd to expect such a declaration. The President, it will be objected, could not commit his country, even if the benefits to mankind would be as far-reaching as we have supposed. Those who argue.thus are strangely oblivious of the history of the United States. An exact and overwhelmingly successful prece- dent exists for what we desire.
The greatest thing in American politics, next to the actual provisions of the Constitution, is the Monroe Doctrine. That memorable statement, as the word " doctrine" shows, is not a promise of particular action, but the laying down of a principle. The Monroe Doctrine, the world is told, guides America's international relations.. Yet, in. spite of its abstract and negative character, and the fact that no European Power ever officially accepted or endorsed it, the Doctrine is now regarded universally, if grudgingly, as a law that cannot be challenged.
In America herself the Monroe Doctrine is looked upon as of supreme importance. That which in form was the mere obiter dictum, of the White House ; that which the Senate never sanctioned ; that which the State Depart. ment at its first promulgation did not force upon the attention of Foreign Powers ; that which was originally suggested by an alien statesman, though. one of kindred race—has become part of the foundation of the Union. The insistence on the Monroe Doctrine for nearly one hundred years has enabled the rest of the world to know exactly what can and what cannot be done in matters that concern America.
And now for our specific suggestion. It is that Presi- dent Coolidge—presumably in a special Message to Congress—might openly inform the Powers what is America's attitude towards the eternal problem of " the last resort." It is not for us to put words into his mouth. To do so would not only be an impertinence ; it would be to attempt something which Mr. Coolidge would do better than any other statesman.
We will only say that the Coolidge Doctrine which we desire would in the first place make it clear that America stands apart from the League not because she is unsym- pathetic to its aims, but because she thinks that in the special circumstances she is better outside. What the building of the League wants most, and what America knows best how to supply, is not a new chapel, but a buttress. But buttresses never enter the building. They do their essential work from outside. Therefore the Coolidge Doctrine might lay down a fact which is clear to all Americans, but which is unknown to the Continent of Europe. It is that wherever there is a breaker of the Peace—one who refuses to recognize the sanctity of.a Treaty contract between Powers ; wherever there is a man, or a party, or a nation contemplating the settlement of disputes by physical force instead of by judicial arbitrament, there America sees an enemy to mankind. On the other hand, wherever she finds a follower of Peace, a fulfiller of pledges and Treaties, a nation anxious to reduce armaments and, to rely upon right not might, there she recognizes a friend and fellow- worker.
It President Coolidge should find it possible to do this— and only he can judge of time and method—he would do as-great an act as that. of President Monroe..
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