THE MAGAZINES.

WITH "The Industrial Factor in the War," by Dr. Arthur Shadwell, which is rightly given the place of honour in

the new Nineteenth Century, we deal in another column. For the story of Great Britain's unpreparedness and the efforts to remedy it we must refer our readers to Dr. Shadwell's article. He does not minimize the gravity of the situation, but he does not write in an alarmist vein. " We must have patience and peg away." He is hopeful of the results of the recent action of the Government. But the fulfilment of the promise will take time :—

"We shall, in fact, be doing this winter what we ought to have done, and the enemy did, last winter. Meantime it is his hour and he knows it full well. Russia is organising industrially as we are ; Italy, which has taken time for preparation, is doing BO ; Franco is increasing her efforts ; and all ari working in co- operation. Before long the industrial balance, which alone has given the enemy the advantage, will turn. Everything depends therefore on the next critical months. The enemy's plan is obvious. It is to put the Russian armies out of action altogether and then turn all his strength to the West for a supreme and final effort

before the Allies are strong enough in monitions. Germany is keeping up appearances wonderfully, but I am sure it is being done with rapidly increasing difficulty and that behind the appearance of strength organic weakness is developing. Germany, however, is still bidding for victory and the issue hangs poised with a dreadful niceness in the balance."

—Sir Francis Piggott has a long article in continuation of that on " The Neutral Merchant : Three American Notes and the Answers," in the April number. It is in great measure a defence of our Order in Council against the protests of the United States, and its main contention is set forth in the following sentences : "The theory of the United States' appears to be that the conduct of war is to be governed by the interests of commerce, even if they touch those of the belligerents. The truer theory is, I believe, that commerce, in so far as it touches the interests of the belligerents, is entirely subordinated to the exigencies of war." He demurs to the view that the reference to retaliation can be construed into an admission of the illegality of the measures decreed by the Order in Council. " The utmost that can be said of it is that it admits they are exceptional. . . . That the measures are exceptional may be freely admitted, and to that extent they may be called reprisals, but exceptional measures, even or reprisal, are not necessarily illegal measures."—Mr. A. Yusuf Ali writes on German missionaries in India. While admitting the action taken against enemy traders in India to have been both vigorous and timely, he cannot acquit the Government of India of undue leniency towards the German missionaries, The grounds on which he bases his plea for a prompt and complete sweep of enemy aliens in India, missionary or otherwise, are as follows :- " (1) The German Missionary propaganda in India is active and widespread.

(2) Its chief influence is exerted on the lowest classes, whose ignorance and remoteness from educated opinion makes them easy victims to any political suggestions hostile to our Empire. (8) There are unlimited opportunities for the hostile exorcise of such influence through education, preaching, medical services, and industrial establishments or agricultural colonies, and very limited means for the detection of any abuse of such influence.

(4) The policy of trust has actually been proved to have been a failure, as German missionaries have more than once broken their parole, and some have been discovered to be officers in the German Landsturm.

(5) The difficulties in the way of wholesale internment are real, but are not insuperable."

He quotes the testimony of the Rev. Dr. William Miller, C.I.E., head of the Madras Christian College, who reluctantly but unmistakably supports this view. As Mr. Yusuf All puts it, " the facts should be faced as soon as possible for our own security, for the tranquillity of India, and for saving the German missionaries themselves from false temptations and opportunities which they would not be Germans if they did not utilize."—M. Raymond Colleye de Weerdt dis- cusses " L'avenir de la Belgique Latina," with special reference to the effect of the war on the Walloon and Flemish elements. He does not disguise the extent and depth of the cleavage, or the Germanophil tendencies of the Flemish movement before the war. But he is inclined to believe that it is now dead and done with. Most of the " flaraingants Germanophiles," he thinks, have repented of their heresy. As for the, impenitent remnant, " the fatherland of these traitors is in Berlin." Germany's conciliatory attitude to the Flemish of late proves that, in the event of the annexation of Belgium, she would treat the French party as she treated Alsace. Lorraine. Hence his conclusion that the Belgium of to• morrow must be Latin or nothing.--Canon Hannay's paper on "Ireland and the War " is marked by his usual detachment. His survey of the successive phases of Irish public opinion is candid rather than complimentary, but he speaks more hopefully of the recruiting returns of late "It may be fairly said now that Ireland is doing, if not brilliantly, at all events fairly ; and that Irishmen of every class except one are taking their part in the struggle." That exception is the farmer class, and he attributes their lethargy to the working of a law with which we are all familiar in private life. "The sense of duty is strongest in those who receive fewest benefits, and tends to grow weaker where men learn to look to others for what they want. Dry-nursing by the State is as bad for a class as petting by an over-fond mother is for a child." It is not a case of either politics or religion. "The farmers are not pro-Germans. They are not even anti-English. The appeals of the extreme Nationalists,

the intellectual' revolutionaries, leave them cold. They are simply unwilling to disturb themselves and quite determined that the State shall not disturb them." For the rest, he notes that, in spite of the fair success of Irish recruiting, the general tone of Nationalist opinion is very far from enthusiastio for the cause of the Allies, and that even now religious feeling is pulling two ways. " The anti-English party in Ireland is making the most it can of the Pope's timidly expressed preference for the cause of Germany."

The National .Review publishes a paper by Mr. F. T. Chang, "A. Chinese View of the War," remarkable alike for the author's mastery of our language and intimate knowledge of our literature—he has Dickens and Dr. Johnson at his fingers' ends—as well as for his sagacity and detachment. There are some notable sayings in his paper—e.g., " Freedom of

speech will never enable you to win in this war "; and it is curious to find him pitching upon the Hymn of Hate—which, by the way, is now asserted to be an old explosion of

Saxon animosity against Prussia adapted to new conditions —and the dismissal of Bismarck as the best signs of Germany's ultimate failure. As regards his own country, he gives three reasons why the attitude of the Chinese cannot be anti- British :— " First, Chinese and British interests are very much interwoven in the Far East, for practically our entire foreign trade is either conducted through British trading houses or at least carried on in British possessions—a British disaster would bring ruin upon many Chinese homes. Secondly, the acts committed by the Germans on their march on Peking after the Boxer Rising are not yet forgotten. Thirdly, as China cannot still afford to go to war with any nation, it would be in her interest to see inter- national law respected, because that might still give her some sort of protection against unfair dealings in her international relations."

The most curious passage in the article, however, is that on the influence of music on the soldier:— "Music not only makes the soldier, but, as our Chinese history tells us, has played a great part in military success. We have the story how a terrible depression was created in the army of the enemy by means of the musical kite. In the mind's eye of the average Englishman, perhaps every unknown Chinaman is a 'Mr. Dick ' ; but kite-flying was once the means of achieving a victory which would not otherwise have been won. For at one time, when two opposing armies were engaged in something like the modern trench warfare, and. no progress on either side could be made after a long-drawn battle, the general of one of the armies invented .the kite of which I spoke. On the top of the kite was fastened a musical instrument, which, when flown to a great height, made a powerful, persistent, and monotonous noise, like an organ, through the notion of the wind. A number of kites thus armed were flown over at night to the side of the enemy. The monotonous noise, thus produced and undetected, had its desired effect; it created a terrible depression among the enemy forces, which became demoralized, and so it prepared the way for a successful attack."

—Mr. Basil Peto, writing on the cotton question, argues for a drastic revision of our pre-war diplomacy in favour of a policy of exercising to the utmost the power we possess to prevent supplies of all sorts reaching the enemy, and Mr. H. Cuthbert Hall finds the true method of organizing the nation for war in substituting dictators for committees.—A naval correspondent urges the Board of Admiralty to remedy the scandal of naval pensions and allowances, laments the con- tinned predominance of civilian control at the Admiralty, and appeals to the country to honour the memory of Sir Christopher

Cradock as a national hero who was sacrificed by the late Board of Admiralty.—A8 for the editorial portions of the number they are summed up in the following passage :— " We may trust the Navy. We may trust the Army. We may trust our own people whenever they are given a chance. We may trust our Allies, great and small, but we shall ruin everything if we place unlimited trust in the Politicians."

The number also contains a large coloured map of Italy and the Balkan States, and a record of the war services of Peers and their sons.

In the Contemporary Mr. Charles Hobhouse, M.P., reviews our capacity and resources for the maintenance of the war from the financial standpoint. Though he finds ground for satisfaction in the rates of Exchange in New York on London, Paris, and Berlin—which show that America has come to the conclusion that British credit has depre- ciated nearly 5 points, French credit about 10i points, and .German credit nearly 17 points—he does not minimize the

difficulty and embarrassment of the situation. An interesting feature in his paper is his comparison of the war expenditure and taxation of the Napoleonic and Crimean Wars with those of the present war. From the available data he indicates what sacrifices financial heroism ought to insist on to-day:—

"As the taxpayer of 1815, when involved in expenditure to the extent of one-sixth of his income, felt an obligation to pay nearly one-twelfth of the annual cost of the war himself, whale leaving the remainder of the burden to posterity, so perhaps in strictness it might be claimed that the taxpayer of 1915, involved to the extent of one-third of his income, should be required to pay two- sixths, at least £400,000,000, being one-sixth of our annual income, out of taxes, leaving the balance to succeeding genera,. tions."

As regards the recent loan, his one serious criticism is the enormous total depreciation certain to be caused thereby to securities held by British investors. We cannot count on substantial contributions from foreign investors, even from America, the only market that remains free and open, and the sources to which we must look for assistance are the past or present savings of our own people. The value of the con- tributions from Savings Bank depositors "lies not so much in its amount as in the creation of a general personal interest in the national cause." A. more serious and disturbing element is the contraction of exports :- "We have to finance not only the difference between published imports and exports, but also the unpublished Government imports; so it is imperative that we should at once adopt such a scale of economy as will enable us to make provision in every respect of the funds required for the war, Whether we curtail expenditure by means of moral suasion, by taxation, or by a forced loan becomes merely a matter of political convenience or possi- bility, but it is of the first importance that we should be penurious with public as well as with private money, The Government 'cats set the example of economy to the people by more strictly regu- lating expenditure, and the general publio must respond by depriving themselves of many things which have come to be regarded by the well-to-do classes as amongst the necessary commonplaces of a comfortable home."

—Mr. Percy Alden, M.P., writes on "Labour Unrest and the War," with special reference to the Munitions of War Act. Mr. Alden strongly supports the working man in his antagonism to compulsion, and holds that the demand for increased wages has been due to a very real increase in the coat of living. Mr. Alden's carefully balanced attitude is perhaps beat illustrated in his comment on the new Act " There may have been some better expedient than that devised by Mr. Lloyd George, but it was not to hand in the emergency. The only alternative was to utilize the existing industrial system and make such modifications as would enable the whole work of production to be speeded up. It is this ' speeding up' which trade unions in the past have resented and fought with the utmost bitterness. We cannot altogether blame them, for we have seen in the United States and to a large extent in this country that an increased output obtained by such moans has often meant the dislocation and sometimes the degradation of a trade. The only way to kill the pernicious practice of 'ca' canny' is to make it worth the while of the men to give of their very best and to work at their fullest speed. In the general view the Munitions of War Act will make it possible for the worker to respond with the utmost goodwill, whatever regulations may be relaxed as a result of the Act. The whole nation will be behind the workman in the re-establishment of the status quo when the war is over. The trade unions will then revive their old rules and abolish the departures from accepted practice. Any failure to restore these conditions which organized labour has been willing to sacrifice would be equivalent to a betrayal on the part of the Government of the men whose assistance is indispensable in the conduct and successful issue of the war."

As for the Clyde engineers' strike, he urges that the Amalgamated Society of Engineers cannot itself as a whole be blamed for what occurred, since the strike was as much

against the Union as against the employer. And he adds: " It is just a little significant that those who have been taking

a lead in several of these disputes are the disciples of Syndicalism within the Union." If, as Mr. Alden would have us believe, the great majority of British working men are neither unpatriotic nor slackers, we are driven to the con- clusion that they too often follow the lead of a small minority of recalcitrant and revolutionary extremists.—Professor L. T. Hobhouse, in a finely written dialogue entitled "The

Soul of Civilization," describes the process which ultimately reconciled him to the war, which he has come to recognize not so much as a fight between one country and another as a struggle for the elements of a free and human civiliza- tion :—

" There had grown up in Europe a giant power, which, with all the science and material culture of the West, rejected its newer ideals and lived by a light of its own. Had we been infinitely wiser and better than wo are we might have wrestled with it successfully on a higher plane. Bid Germany bronglit the question suddenly to an issue of life and death. It is a calamity, but a calamity that has befallen us from without, not the cor- ruption from within of which nations perish. The loss of young life is overwhelming, and the destruction of so many of its best must impoverish Europe for thirty years. The surplus of wealth that we needed for social reorganization is mopped up. Political parties are in confusion' and it may quite well be that reactionary principles will gain a temporary ascendant. But under all this the essential truth remains. Civilisation—our free Western civilisation—has saved its soul, and shall live," —We may also note the eloquent appeal of the Princess Bariatinsky, a Russian lady, on behalf of Poland, whose terrible ordeal has unhappily been aggravated since she wrote; M. Camille David's grim recital of the sack of Dinant with all its attendant horrors ; and Mr. C. E. A. Bedwell's plea for the appointment of " Chancellor's Guardians" throughout the country to look after the fatherless and advise the widows—in short, " to supply some of the advantages which the children might have received from a father living and acting as a good and wise parent."

In the Fortnightly Sir Henry Newbolt, writing upon "The War and the Nations," reviews the ideals for which we are fighting to-day, especially from the point of view of the smaller nationalities. By means of quotations from political theorists and of examples from history, he emphasises the contrast between our aspirations and those of our enemies:— "Germany and Austria [he says] stand alone in the day of decision, principal and subordinate in a shameless attack upon the liberties of Europe ; the cause of England and her Allies is approved by all the most independent and enlightened opinion of the world, and supported enthusiastically by the armed force of all her daughter States and dependencies, without distinction of race, colour, or creed. When the time comes for the neutral countries of Europe to give their verdict, we confidently believe that it will be unanimously in our favour, for with us stands or falls the hope of free existence and national culture for the smaller nations of the world."

—Mr. W. H. Mallock compares the cost of the present war with that of the great war a hundred years ago. Hs begins by quoting evidence to show that the Napoleonic War " was, before its conclusion, costing the country about one-third of its manufacturing output and about. one-fifth of its total income." He estimates, on the other hand, that the present war is costing the country about half its income—which might seem to show that conditions have changed for the worse. Mr. Mallock points out, however, that the average income per head of the population has increased greatly in the last hundred years. In the period before the battle of Waterloo a normal average income of about £22 was reduced to £17 lOs The corresponding figures for the present war would show a reduction from e50 to 228 :— " But the case may be put in a yet more illuminating way. About the year 1880 statisticians were generally agreed that the then income of the country was about £1,300,000,000, the average private income per head being 433, the normal savings £5, and the average actually spent on the daily wants of life being 428. In other words, if the entire cost of the present war were paid for out of income, the country would be left, so far as its expenditure on necessaries and luxuries were concerned, in exactly the position which it occupied in a time of peace, shortly after the death of the late Lord Beaconsfield."

—Mr. 3. A. R. Marriott adds his voice to the many others that have been warning the nation of the necessity for individual thrift. Nothing else, he urges, can avert financial- disaster; and every accession to the ranks of our Allies, how ever welcome on military grounds, will increase our difficulties in this direction.—In an article upon "Recruiting and Organization for War" Sir L. G. Cliiozza Money declares that "it is the plain duty of the Government to close its advertising account, and to call to arms the men whom it needs."—We may also draw our readers' attention to a discussion by Signor Cippico upon "Italy and the Adriatic,' and to a study of " The Macedonian Problem " by Mr. Kenneth Ledward, " The Junior Sub." continues in Blackwood's to give some interesting pictures of his experiences with "The First Hundred Thousand" in France. Here, for instance, is his classification of the different sorts of bombs which play such an important part in trench warfare :— I' So far as we have mastered the mysteries of the craft, there appear to be four types of bomb in store for us—or rather, for Brother Bosch°. They are :—(1) The hair-brush ; (2) the cricket- ball ; (3) the policeman's truncheon ; (4) the jam-tin. The hair- brush is very like the ordinary hair-brush, except that the bristles are replaced by a solid block of high-explosive. The policeman's truncheon has gay streamers of tape tied to its tail, to ensure that it falls to the ground nose downwards. Both these bombs explode on impact, and it is unadvisable to knock them against anything —say the back of the trench—when throwing them. The cricket- hall works by a time-fuse. Its manipulation is simplicity itself. The removal of a certain pin releases a spring which lights an internal fuse, timed to explode the bomb in five seconds. You take the bomb in your right hand, remove the pin, and cast the thing madly from you. The jam-tin variety appeals more particularly to the sportsman as the element of chance enters largely into its successful use. It is timed to explode about ten seconds after the lighting of the fuse. It is therefore unwise to throw it too soon, as there will be ample time for your opponent to pick it up and throw it back, On the other hand, it is unwise to hold on too long, as the fuse is uncertain in its action, and is given to short cuts."

The present instalment also includes an exciting account of trench-digging by night just behind the firin g-line.—Matter of a somewhat similar character is provided in " The Adventures of a Despatch Rider," who writes in the most light-hearted way of the dangers and difficulties encountered by the motor- cyclist in Flanders during the winter months. The descrip- tions of his perilous progresses along greasy 2=14 roads, blocked with transport lorries, with motor ambulances, with artillery, with troops of every kind, are extraordinarily vivid; and he tolls us many entertaining anecdotes of life behind the trenches. More serious is the section in which he describes his return to England on leave, and the psychological effect upon him of the contrast between London and Flanders :— " At first wo thought that no one at home cared about the war —then we realised it was impossible for anybody to care about the war who had not seen war. People might be intensely interested in the course of operations. They might burn for their country's success, and flame out against those who threatened her. They might suffer torments of anxiety for a brother in danger, or the tortures of grief for a brother who had died. The Fact of war, the terror and the shame, the bestiality and the awful horror, the pity and the disgust—they could never know war. So we thought them careless.

—Of the remaining articles we may mention a narrative by Miss Ella Graham of a war-time journey from Malden to England by the Trans-Siberian railway, and another by " W. J. C.," of an ante-bellum voyage through the Bgean and the Dardanelles.